Popular imaginary and cultural constructions of the Nonya in Peranakan Chinese culture of the Straits Settlements

Introduction

The Peranakan Chinese (or Baba-Nonya) are considered descendants of the overseas Chinese, particularly those who settled in the Southeast Asian region (Tan, 1988). Peranakan is a Malay word whose root word is anak, which means child; therefore, Peranakan means locally born. The term refers to a community which formed out of mixed ethnic ancestry, predominantly with the Chinese, Europeans, Indians, and Arabs who intermarried with local women. Hanapi Dollah (1986), Tan Yao Sua (2011), and Pue Giok Hun (2012), in their work, deal with acculturation and assimilation of the Peranakan culture (in Kelantan and Terengganu); however, this is not the focus of this article. This article focuses only on the Peranakan Chinese culture of the Straits Settlements, namely Malacca, Penang, and Singapore. There are many Peranakan communities across Southeast Asia, and Pue (2016) charts nine Peranakan communities in Malaysia. Out of all the Peranakan communities in Malaysia, the Peranakan Chinese of the Straits Settlements have been the most documented, and this article focuses on this region. Many Peranakan Chinese of the Straits Settlements became wealthy with British colonization, as they took full advantage of the commercial opportunities that were available during this time. And, according to Ronald G Knapp, 1870s to 1920s is considered “The Peranakan Golden Age, which was a time of political prominence, economic ascendancy, and materially elegant lifestyles…” (2012: 11). We believe that these cultural constructions of the Nonya ¹ were engendered during this period.

The Peranakan Chinese inherited the Chinese patrilineal culture, and therefore, upholds traditions of patriarchy. Yet, John R Clammer (1980), whose work is one of the earliest anthropological studies on the Straits Chinese Peranakan society notes that they contradicted the normal patrilineal and patrilocal pattern of Chinese kinship relationships. Adat Perpatih ² and Adat Temenggung are binary oppositional customs found in Malaysia: where the former is based on “principles of matrilateral inheritance of property”; and the latter, “patrilateral Islamic law which came to the Peninsular in the thirteenth century” (Bank, 1983: 52), whose bilateral kinship patterns are similar to the Peranakan Chinese. Clammer not only points out the possible assimilation of matrifocal or cognatic aspects of Malay culture, particularly as a result of proximity to the matrilineal Minangkabau (who occupy the north-eastern part of the State of Malacca); but he also admits that this is speculative and that “there is no specific historical or sociological evidence that this is so” (1980: 36). More importantly, Clammer explains and points out the Chinese practice of Chin Choe, which are Hokkien uxorilocal marriages; although this is not commonly practiced (except in the Straits Settlements), the very existence of the term in Hokkien acknowledges the recognition of this practice in Chinese culture (24).

Historically as well, Babas used to travel for trade and were dictated to by the monsoons; their local wives, therefore, were left behind to mind their businesses and homes. Such cultural bearings would have significantly shaped the Nonya. But, more imperatively, the Nonyas ³ adopted Chinese ancestral worship, ⁴ upholding patriliny which is central to Peranakan culture. The establishment and maintenance of the rumah abu ⁵ with prominent Peranakan families was an evident manifestation of this, in which the eldest son traditionally inherited and maintained; and with the affluence that they enjoyed during the Peranakan Golden Age, the Nonyas developed their own unique domestic culture. Studies on Chinese women have focused on women struggling within the long tradition of Chinese patriarchy under the subjugation of their male counterparts (Jaschok and Miers, 1994). But no significant studies have been done on the Nonyas. As well, the domestic Peranakan culture is a unique diasporic permutation, as it is a hybrid Chinese sub-culture. Zuo Jiping’s (2009) “Rethinking Family Patriarchy and Women’s Position in Presocialist China” argues that, despite Chinese patriarchy, patterns of male dominance are incomplete, inconsistent, and even countervailing through his research where he interviewed 73 individuals. But the Peranakan domestic culture is unique and different from mainland Chinese culture, as the Nonyas are either equal to or more domineering than the Babas.

Walby (1990) has shown that the concept of patriarchy is important to a feminist understanding of society and theorizes six patriarchal structures (paid employment, household production, culture, sexuality, violence, and state) which restrain women and perpetuate male domination. She also highlights two distinguishing forms of patriarchy, namely the private and public. This study will focus on the structures of household production (domestic Peranakan culture) and culture (the socialization of Nonyas), to explore the popular imaginary and cultural constructions of the Nonya. It will also discuss the private form of patriarchy through Peranakan Chinese patriliny, showing that Nonyas were not so much oppressed by men but, rather, by women, and yet were also privileged and valued. The Babas clearly occupied the masculine gendered public sphere or public patriarchy (Yoong, 2015), actively shaping the Straits Settlements, as the Babas were compradors who greatly assisted the British. ⁶ Daphne Ang discussed and reiterated the clearly demarcated gendered space of the public with the Babas and private with the Nonyas. ⁷ Khoo Joo Ee (1996) maps out the public sphere of the Babas in her description of “Men’s Social Lives.” Aside from politics and commerce, the Babas created and participated in social clubs and associations indulging in sports and even hunting (mimicking the British), and later the cabarets; whereas the Nonyas were confined to the private space of the home indulging in cherki, ⁸ sewing, embroidery, and cooking. Nonyas, as Yoong (2015), Ang (2013), and Khoo (1996) have observed, were indeed cloistered in the gendered feminine domestic realm where they observed private patriarchy (Chinese patriliny); yet, they also ruled the roost. Contrary to popular perception, the influences and contributions of women in the Peranakan culture are more significant than previously described.

Despite the lack of scholarly focus on female empowerment in the Peranakan culture, there is much discussion of the Nonya and her significance particularly in the arts, fashion, and culinary aspects. The main objective here is to explore the significance of the Nonya in the context of Peranakan Chinese culture and their negotiation and challenge to Chinese patriarchy. The question asked is how Nonyas negotiated and wielded power within the entrenched patriarchal system. In trying to theorize some typical images of the Nonyas, particularly through the constructions of gendered identities and the “powerful” Nonyas that were prevalent in the pre-war period, a mixed method was employed to look at the cultural constructions of these women documented in the arts and cultural representations, particularly through the existing literature and portrayal of Nonyas in popular culture. This article identifies three constructions of the Nonya: garang/lihai, poonsu, and toh tiap repeatedly seen through the female characters (Nonyas) that spanned several generations in the television serial, The Little Nonya. These descriptions are from Baba Malay, a patois that is spoken in the southern Peranakan communities of Malaya (Malacca and Singapore), which is interestingly Malay, but with Hokkien ⁹ loan words and often Malay constructed in Hokkien syntax. Garang is a Malay word that means feisty and fierce, and li hai is a Hokkien word that means shrewd, crafty, and manipulative; when used in Baba Malay, malice is implied with li hai, but in Chinese, it does not necessarily have a negative connotation. Poon su is also a Hokkien word that means resourceful. And toh tiap is another Hokkien word that means being bullied or victimized. With these identified constructions of the Nonya, we interviewed nine Nonyas—exploring the significance of these gendered constructions in Peranakan Chinese culture of the Straits Settlements within its specific history and development. The interviews were conducted from October 2016 to February 2017. These nine Nonyas come from Peranakan families in the Straits Settlements (Malacca, Penang, and Singapore) whereby both their parents were Peranakan; however, most of them currently reside in metropolitan Kuala Lumpur and Singapore. Their ages range from 30 to 90 years, and the respondents have been numbered consecutively from the youngest to the oldest accordingly. We have, at times, used local words in this article, to capture the essence of the culture and its expression, as often there are no equivalent translations of these words in the English language that capture the subtle nuances.

Gender construction and popular culture: The significance of The Little Nonya

Gender is socially constructed and has always been associated with one’s biological constitution (Butler, 2006). Therefore, the notion of gender is constructed and reinforced, not only through the process of socialization but also manifested in art, culture, and history (Walby’s structure of culture). It is important to distinguish sex and gender in order to facilitate the discussion of inequality within patriarchal societies. In other words, examining gender roles in any specific form reveals the power structure of a culture. Borrowing from Katie Milestone and Anneke Meyer’s (2012) work, Gender and Popular Culture, our purpose here is to explore and expound the cultural meanings and constructions of the Nonya by identifying gendered patterns, identities, and discourses. Popular culture often enforces hegemonic patriarchal ideology and the construction of gendered identities; and in this article, we will particularly be focusing on female identities in the three constructions of the Nonya.

The Little Nonya, as its title suggests, is really a “women’s series” focusing on, not so “little” Nonyas; thus the domestic culture (household production) of the Peranakan Chinese. The serial very clearly shows the private space Nonyas occupied and the public space of the Babas; but both forms of private (patrilineal system) and public patriarchy are at play. And, although the Babas are nominal in the serial, their function propels the larger narratives of the Nonyas (as love interests, marriage prospects, and scandals). It was only during the Second World War, and thereafter, that we see Nonyas emerging from the private spaces of the home to sell kueh (cakes) for survival, later engaging in larger businesses, and eventually in studying abroad and entering the corporate world. Therefore, the serial shows that Nonyas were able to navigate both private and public spheres. The serial is an empowering account of “little” but poon su and capable Nonyas who rise above their unfortunate, and often toh tiap circumstances to become matriarchs seen predominantly in the characters played by Jenette Aw: Juxiang, who was deaf and mute; and Yueniang. Both of these characters played by Aw, embody the toh tiap, poon su, as well as the garang Nonya, who bravely fought their circumstances for survival, who were victimized by the garang and li hai principal wife, seen in the characters of Lin Guihua/Tachi ¹⁰ (Lin Meijiao) and Tua Koh ¹¹ (Guan Xuemei). The other female characters, to a lesser extent, would manifest parts or combinations of the garang/li hai, poon su, and toh tiap Nonya. The serial ends with Yueniang’s granddaughter, Angela (Felicia Chin), who returns to Malacca to discover her roots. The Little Nonya, therefore, is a tale of empowered Nonyas (and not Babas) who found a window out of Chinese patriarchy.

This 34-episode Mandarin-language TV serial was produced by MediaCorp TV Channel 8 in Singapore and released in 2008. Its 2-hour finale attracted 1,672,000 viewers. It is the station’s highest rated series in 15 years and was also aired in Malaysia, Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Vietnam, the Philippines, Hong Kong, Shanghai, China, France, and US Direct TV (Duruz and Khoo, 2015). In 2009, three actors of the serial were nominated by the Star Awards (Singapore) for the best actor and actress awards with Joanne Peh, winning the best actress award. It also won the most popular newcomer, best director, best screenplay, best set design, best theme song, and best drama serial awards. The serial was a resounding success in Singapore, Malaysia, and Southeast Asia. Although many in the Peranakan community are critical of the serial, it undoubtedly brought much attention and publicity to the Peranakan culture and certainly has become part of the popular culture of Singapore and Malaysia. When Peranakan culture is evoked, often The Little Nonya will come to many minds, as Respondent 6 attests:

So for The Little Nonya, I have a lot to thank because I don’t have to go around explaining to taxi drivers anymore. In the same taxi situation, I explained I’m from Melaka and they would say, “Oh, macam itu [like the] Nonya… Cerita banyak bagus [great story]…” These are KL and Penang people.

Before concluding this section, it is necessary to briefly discuss the stage productions that have focused on Peranakan culture. However, it is not the intent of this article to study these stage productions; although these productions have also indelibly shaped the popular imagination of the Nonya. The Gunong Sayang Association (GSA) in Singapore has been producing wayang Peranakan (plays) annually since 1984 with Pileh Menantu written by Felix Chia. GT Lye, a female impersonator, has been playing many of the roles of the Nonya matriarch in these plays. There is quite a large body of plays that have been produced and performed in Baba Malay ¹⁴ by GSA through the years and, therefore, we believe studies on them should be other, separate, projects. Nevertheless, the three constructions of the Nonya that we have identified in The Little Nonya are also prevalent in wayang Peranakan. And concerning the plays, we cannot forget Stella Kon’s award-winning Emily of Emerald Hill, written and performed in English (Kon, 1989). This one-woman show (appearing in 1982) has been frequently (almost annually) performed in Singapore and Malaysia; with international performances in Scotland, France, Australia, India, and China. It has also been translated to Japanese, Chinese, Hindi, Kannada, Icelandic, and French. The larger-than-life protagonist, Nonya Emily Gan, embodies all of the three Nonya constructions that we have identified; beginning with Emily telling how she was married off at the tender age of 14, surviving under her Neo (mother-in-law) until she became a controlling matriarch herself.

Nonyas in literature and Peranakan culture—privileged and valued

While the public domain was dominated by the Baba, the home was more often than not run and ruled by a strong-willed Nyonya who had been trained to cope with a great variety of household and social tasks. She was managing director par excellence and the supreme boss of the palatial Baba Nyonya residence. Upon marriage, the demure young Nyonya, still a child, found herself thrust into a responsible position which increased in difficulty as she embraced motherhood. Added to the family duties were social obligations befitting her status in society. By the time she became a mother-in-law and grandmother, she would have acquired some confidence in social matters. When she rose to the position of matriarch in charge of running an extended family under one roof, the Nyonya would have emerged as an assertive, sometimes even bossy, woman. The mature Nyonya ladies who gaze confidently from old portraits have a commanding air, and also convey an impression of sound common sense. The matriarchs assumed precedence over their sons upon the death of their own husbands. While wielding their authority, Nyonya mothers doted upon their sons, and the result was that many a mature Baba, though he had status and was respected in the outside world, often continued to submit to an uncompromising mother at home. (Khoo, 1996: 123)

Thus, it was no surprise that, during our interviews, many questioned whether Peranakan Chinese culture is patriarchal or matriarchal. Nevertheless, it follows the Chinese patriarchal form. Traditional Peranakan genealogical records follow the Chinese patrilineal system and inheritances were also usually passed down according to this system. Therefore, tracing ethnic and historical information of the Nonyas (particularly before the 20th century) is often a difficult task. Nonyas commonly assumed their husband’s name, such as Mrs. Lee Choon Guan (whom we will return to at the end of this section) making it difficult to trace the background of the Nonya. Peter Lee’s fascinating chapter, “Slave Girls and Heiresses: Mothers of all Peranakans” attests to this, and he was able to unearth a few historical records of significant Nonyas. He argues that the identities of the indigenous mothers of Peranakan communities were of “slave women of heterogeneous origins” (Lee, 2014b: 80). They came from Bali, Sulawesi, Papua, Thailand, Burma, and coastal India. Lee collected a few interesting accounts and one of the earliest and most empowering was a Balinese wife of the Chinese Kapitan Gan Jee. After his death in 1648, his widow, Madame Ba Lee (Hokkien transliteration of Bali) was appointed kapitan for several years. She was the first and only female kapitan in Batavia’s history. In this chapter, Lee also constructed what the Nonya world might have been like. It was probable that the Nonya enjoyed more independence than her sisters in other cultures and other parts of the world. Many of the merchants in the Nanyang ¹⁷ traveled frequently and their travels were dictated by the monsoons, which meant that they were probably away for as long as six months of the year; they were, therefore, frequently absent and some even returned permanently to their wives and homes in China. Their wives in the Nanyang, therefore, had to be, of necessity, independent. Apart from this and although Peranakan Chinese culture is patrilineal, whereby the son(s) or grandson(s) would traditionally inherit the family estate, it was not uncommon from Lee’s accounts that Nonya widows and daughters often became heiresses inheriting exorbitant wealth as well (Lee, 2014b). This added to the mobility and independence of the Nonya.

In the 20th century, one of the earliest writings of a Nonya is Lee Choo Neo’s article, “The Chinese Girl in Singapore,” ¹⁸ which appeared in The Queen, the Lady’s Newspaper on 27 September 1913 (Lee, 2014a). Lee was the first female Queen’s scholar and the first female physician in the Straits Settlements. Her achievements and Chang’s memoir attest to the fact that Nonyas in Southeast Asia were probably the first privileged females to have access to Western education. ¹⁹ Lee’s article verifies the cloistered life of the Nonya, which she finds intolerably monotonous. She describes a carefree existence in childhood until age 13 or 14, whereby girls were trained to cook and sew. Most girls during that time were provided “adequate education”—some might argue that it was minimal as the thinking during that time was that too much education was unnecessary and might impede the Nonya’s domestic duties. Marriages then were “match made” and Lee poignantly entitled a section, “The Unknown Bridegroom,” whereby most brides were not consulted and would only meet her husband for the first time on their wedding day. Neither does she paint an optimistic view of married life when she wrote:

The life of the newly-made wife would be rendered far happier if there were no mother-in-law, who makes her lead a wretched existence by behaving tyrannically in the house. This tyranny and unjust treatment of the daughter-in-law is a special privilege of the mother-in-law, who exercises it without compunction or mercy. The poor wife becomes the drudge of the household and must be ready to wait on her mother-in-law at all hours. Of course there are exceptions, but these are few indeed. (Lee, 2014a: 313)

We would like to also highlight Clammer’s footnote on concubines and further expand this discussion. While principal wives were Nonyas and would kahwin sam kai, ²¹ secondary wives or concubines do not usually go through such ceremonies and were usually non-Nonyas. Peranakan families would usually not allow their daughters to be secondary wives; however, there were exceptions during the dire years of the Second World War. In certain special cases, called ganti tikair, ²² a sister may take the place of her deceased sister as a wife to her Baba brother-in-law, so that she will look after her actual nephews and nieces—the reasoning behind this is that (even as a step-mother) she will likely not ill-treat her sister’s children; and even in such cases, the Nonya is usually still the principal wife (in the absence of her sister). Many concubines, however, were Cantonese actresses and singers recruited from the entertainment world or servant girls (cha-bor-kan); and the former was preferred for obvious reasons (Clammer, 1980). ²³ According to Chia (2015), concubinage was a silent and mutual marital agreement between the Nonyas and Babas. It was an exchange for the Nonya’s total authority in the household. Chia supports Clammer that there were few Nonya concubines—which was an unthinkable and offensive idea to Peranakan families, further establishing the privileged and valued position of the Nonya. Therefore, it was not uncommon for Nonyas to bully (toh tiap) the non-Nonya concubines and often their children as well. ²⁴ As mentioned earlier, before the advent of Cantonese actresses and singers, many concubines were at one time, cha-bor-kan; hence, becoming a concubine (gundek) was often the cha-bor-kan’s only means of upward mobility. Unlike Chinese culture where female infanticide was practiced or they would sell their daughters if they were destitute as daughters were considered liabilities (such daughters often became cha-bor-kan); Peranakan families’ social status allowed them to value their daughters; although sons were considered more important than daughters. During the traditional Peranakan wedding, duit tetek ²⁵ is usually given to the bride’s mother, but often this is returned or only a small token amount is taken and the rest returned because many Peranakan families do not believe or practice the “selling” of their daughters. Respondent 5 related that when she married, her mom insisted on certain things, stressing the fact that “gua tak juair anak [my daughter is not for sale]!” Quite often Nonyas also wanted their daughters close to them, which also explains matrilocal marriages, whereby Peranakan families were wealthy enough to kheok or priara kia sai, “rear” sons-in-law and prevent the bullying of their daughter (Chia, 2015).

To end this section, we thought it would be appropriate to look at the privileged life of socialite, Mrs. Lee Choon Guan (better known as the Diamond Queen in Singapore as her diamond collection rivalled that of the Sultana of Johor). She has been described as “the Grand Old Lady of Singapore and her parties were legendary. She was the leading light of Singapore society for more than five decades” (Davis, 2015: 29). What was interesting about Mrs. Lee was that her presence was not confined to the domestic private space but she lived in the public sphere, which was often, especially during her time, dominated by men. She, therefore, quite easily and comfortably glided in and out of private and public patriarchy. Her grandson, Herbie Lim, distinctly remembers the grand parties where Mrs. Lee quite often out-drank and out-danced many younger than she. He also remembers the Peranakan rituals of sembayang abu or ancestral worship at Mandalay Villa where they resided. According to him, grandma was the indomitable, “undisputed matriarch.” Her life and achievements are documented in the recently published book, Chinese Women’s Association: 100 Fabulous Years, as she was the founding president:

She was a woman who achieved many firsts. She was one of the first Straits Chinese women to be educated in English, and also the first Chinese woman to drive a car in Singapore; no ordinary car but a sleek Daimler. She was the first Chinese lady to be awarded the Member of the British Empire in 1918. (Davis, 2015: 25)

Clammer (1980) also points out that Nonyas are often well-educated, especially if they came from wealthy families, she “was thus likely to be as well-educated as her husband; and if her husband was a singkheh she might very well be better educated” (40). The Babas foresightedly realized the importance of western education; and apart from contributing much to the schools that were already established then (which were predominantly for boys), they also helped set up schools for girls. ²⁶ The Nonyas were, therefore, the first girls in the Straits Settlements (and probably Southeast Asia) to receive western education, stepping out of their previously cloistered lives in the 20th century. And many have been further educated in the West, enjoying illustrious careers across the globe. We would like to conclude with a response from Respondent 7, whose grandmother insisted that her daughters must be educated and she related her mother’s and her friend’s educational opportunities:

She [mom] had opportunities. She was educated, spoke very good English, quotes from Shakespeare. She was educated till Form Five. Because of the war, she couldn’t pursue her education… She was working as the secretary to Girl Guides Association, to Lady Henry Gurney. Her generation born in 1923, she already had opportunities…

Nonyas interviewed: being seronoh (propriety)

The idea of the garang/lihai Nonya—is this something you can relate to in the series and real life?

I’d say there’s truth to it. I see it in myself, I guess…

Is that cultural?

I think my Mom was the domineering one over my Dad in general with matters in the household. I grew up in that kind of a household. To think why my Dad would have chosen a woman who takes the need in those areas, it could be something he was used to in his household. (Respondent 2)

According to Farish Noor (2014), a political scientist and historian of Southeast Asia, Peranakan cultures emerged out of the colonial (Portuguese, Dutch, and British) context. ²⁹ And Kwa Chong Guan writes that “the Straits-born Chinese rose to positions of influence and power within the Chinese community because they were compradors and collaborators of the British” (Kwa, 2010: 50). Colonialism, therefore, provided opportunities for the Peranakans to amass substantial wealth. Lokasundari Vijaya Sankar, David Neo, and Antoon De Rycker (2016), in Chinese Culture and Customs in Peranakan Funerals in Malaysia and Singapore, argue that status and wealth were very much part of the Peranakan social identity. Respondent 6 gave a glimpse of the indulgent lifestyle of some Peranakans when she related:

My aunt told me, somebody’s father was a strange man who inherited so much money. He owned huge lots at Bukit China and Air Leleh [in Melaka]. He wined and dined every night, had drinking and gambling sessions, threw huge parties, dressed colonial style—squandered his entire fortune. He did it because he enjoyed life, and to him, what good is it to enjoy alone? So he invited all his friends. Everyone knew he threw very lavish parties, best food, liquor. In his later years, he lived like a normal person…

Wealth, thus, is very much part of the culture. And often, the wealth shapes the garang and li hai Nonya causing them to scheme and fight for the family estate, jewelry or to look out for their children’s interests. Respondent 9 told us of her Koh Sair ³¹ who bolot ³² the family wealth and at a family reunion some 50 years later, she and her cousin were asking each other what happened to the family wealth, which neither of them saw any of. Respondent 6 gave an animated description of her garang maternal grandmother who fought for her husband’s share of his inheritance, and through the war years having to raise seven children, was resourceful (poon su) enough to sell chendol ³³ to survive. The respondent’s mother inherited the garang trait:

My mother was the youngest and fiercest… She got my grandmother’s garang.

This code of being seronoh exacts certain behavior, often leading to Nonyas being impatient; particularly in the kitchen where Nonya cooking is laborious. Therefore, when something is not done a certain way, kitchen helpers are badly reproached—and for many generations, this was how Nonyas learned—from being reproached. Respondent 6 related how she “was chased out of the kitchen by mom because of cutting chicken or garlic badly, I cried and vowed not to walk into the kitchen anymore.” ³⁶ After she got married, she refused to enter the kitchen for six months, until she felt guilty for not helping her mother-in-law, who was gentle and shielded her from her husband’s and father-in-law’s potential negative remarks. Respondent 6 also alluded, in an earlier quote, to the fact that she thinks toh tiap (bullying) behavior stems from the code of being seronoh. Respondent 8 provides a rather interesting perspective on toh tiap behavior with:

History repeats itself. Women—we are our worst enemies. I believe women are bullying each other. The Babas left home to the women to run. As far as my family is concerned, the Babas were breadwinners, they don’t care what you do—if you want to play cherki, you play lah… These marriages were match made, so women’s role is to reproduce—to have and look after children, to bring up sons. If you talk about love as what we have now where there is care and mutual respect, I don’t believe that was something that was featured in their lives. The woman is there to be the mother, to make sure the surname goes down. At the end of the day, the men left all to women at home, it’s the women who are their worst enemies. The mothers-in-law will do exactly the same thing to their daughters-in-law. They suffered because their mother-in-law gave them hell. They are doing the same. So, I believe it has to stop with me. But I had a good, beautiful mother-in-law. In life, many times, it’s the women who are their worst enemies. You can see the women who are creating hell. Two sisters [in the series] who are cheating… always the women. The men couldn’t care less.

The manipulation of Nonyas can be inherently seen in the many of the examples cited, but Respondent 8’s response below, verifies the veracity of what was portrayed in The Little Nonya:

As to what I know, many things seem unrealistic for this generation—how could these types of abuses happen? Actually, I know worse had happened. My great grandfather had a China and a local born wife. There was jealousy in the house between the two women. The local wife tried to poison the China wife. She was hemorrhaging—I don’t know why? Great grandfather thought the second wife tried to poison the first wife. Great grandfather moved out of the house and left the local wife and children behind. Moved out! He suspected… He was still loyal to the China wife and eldest son [my grandfather] from her… This local wife with two daughters and a son, she was vying for property…

Quite often, it is difficult to separate the three—garang/li hai, poon su, and toh tiap—as they overlap; and often combinations of two or all of these traits/characteristics will work together in certain situations. Respondent 1 distinguished garang from li hai and shared manipulative but clever advice that she received from her grandmother:

Feisty is different from manipulation. I do see how my grandma knows how to emotionally manipulate/blackmail people. When I was young, she told me when you get married—it’s important for you when you have a husband, whatever you tell your husband, make sure your husband believes it is his idea. Then he will do what you want.

Conclusion

We have explored the cultural meanings of the Nonya through gendered patterns which have not been studied before. The social and cultural constructions of the Nonya seen in the gendered identities of the garang/li hai, poon su, and toh tiap Nonya come out of the specific historical context of the Straits Settlements during the Peranakan Golden Age, when colonialism, wealth, and education shaped the matrifocal Peranakan culture. Where privileged and valued Nonyas were trained and also expected to be managing directors par excellence of the Peranakan household. Post-war Nonyas began to maneuver around public patriarchy—especially seen in Mrs. Lee Choon Guan and the many Nonyas who were forced, of necessity, to survive and provide for their families. Ironically, as we have seen through this paper, the Nonyas were oppressed more by women than men, who upheld hegemonic patriarchal ideology. Trapped in this conundrum, these empowered and powerful Nonyas also provided a way out of Chinese patriarchy as seen in The Little Nonya where Yueniang fights unfortunate odds to survive—but she not only survives, she saves her rumah abu (ancestral home) and the family’s prestige—symbolic tenets and tropes of Chinese patriarchy, to bequeath it to her granddaughter, Angela. The Nonyas tenaciously fight household production and the cultural structures of patriarchy and often prevail. Woefully with the Second World War and modernity, much of Peranakan wealth and culture have been ruptured; and hence, as we enter the millennium, the reality of these social constructions of the Nonya are eroding but we believe they are still very much part of the Nonya imaginary, as evidenced through the interviews.

There is a paucity of research on Peranakan cultures, and as Pue (2016) has shown, just in Malaysia, there are nine Peranakan communities; so far, the Peranakan Chinese of the Straits Settlements are the most documented, followed by Javanese Peranakan Chinese in Indonesia. But there are also many more such communities scattered throughout Southeast Asia; and many, like the Chetti Melaka community are endangered cultures. The adaptability and multicultural aspects of Peranakan cultures are fascinating; but more importantly, the matrifocal aspects the Peranakan Chinese culture of the Straits Settlements are truly unique. This study contributes to the understanding of different forms of patriarchal structures and exploitation of women through the interesting perspectives of Nonyas themselves. In other words, the women’s voices are heard and the three gendered constructions summarize the complex power manifestation between women and particularly within private patriarchy.