Working to travel and long-term career dilemmas: Experiences of Western lifestyle migrants in Malaysia

Introduction

The notion of the ‘global career’ has become an increasingly prominent theme in contemporary academic literature relating to the processes of transnationalism (Thomas et al., 2005). This shifting focus may largely be attributed to the changing nature of global competition, a diversification of migrant demands and expectations, and the emergence of new actors from a widening spectrum of demographic backgrounds (Baruch, 2006; Hannam et al., 2006; Thomas et al., 2005). However, despite changing trends, Thomas et al. (2005: 345) observed that migrant research originating in business and human resource literature had been dominated by ‘management-orientated’ studies that had regularly paid specific attention to senior professionals or ‘transnational elites’ (see Beaverstock et al., 2004; Cappellen and Janssens, 2005; Maurer and Li, 2006; Okpara and Kabongo, 2011; Osman-Gani and Rockstuhl, 2009; Pow, 2011; Selmer, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c; Shay and Tracey, 2009). In terms of research scope, these studies have remained fixated with the problems associated with adaptability and integration, or the various acculturation techniques which are applied during foreign work placements (Cappellen and Janssens, 2005; Osman-Gani and Rockstuhl, 2009). This approach has perhaps been further compounded by a lack of geographical focus in the Southeast Asian context. Although studies exploring the performances of expatriates in China (Maurer and Li, 2006; Selmer, 1999b, 1999c; Willis and Yeoh, 2002), Hong Kong (Selmer, 1999a; Selmer et al., 2002) and Singapore (Beaverstock, 2002; Thang et al., 2002) are evident, Malaysia, like many other countries in the Southeast Asian region, has remained largely absent from scholarly attention.

In human geography and migration studies literature, research has emerged to observe the demands of a broader spectrum of migrants that includes those who exhibit a ‘middling transnationalism’ status (Smith, 2005). Here, social actors who are employed in skilled or early-career professional positions, or reveal ‘middling social and economic’ statuses in their countries of origin (Smith, 2005: 17), are analysed in further detail. At this stage, it is perhaps important that we reify our use of the term ‘lifestyle migrants’ over ‘transnationals’ or ‘expatriates’ to identify the participants of this research. It is evident from a variety of literature sources that migrant, expatriate and transnational terminologies have often blurred and lack conceptualisation. Gatti (2009), when discussing the differences between expatriates and migrants, suggests that the former will typically be considered educated people who are motivated either by professional reasons or experiential demands. The latter, however, posits Gatti (2009), are those perceived to be on the move to avoid ‘tough’ lives and poor working conditions in their countries of origin. In contrast, O’Reilly and Benson (2009: 1) argue that migrants should be broken down into various subgroups that identify ‘labour migrants’ and ‘lifestyle migrants’, for example, differently. This notion is borne from the observation that earlier studies have frequently attempted to develop broad categories, including those in search of better lifestyles holistically with retirees or second-home owners (O’Reilly and Benson, 2009). In this context, O’Reilly and Benson (2009) argue that while labour migrants are predominantly in search of better economic conditions, lifestyle migrants will demand ‘self-realization projects’ that promise the notion of the ‘good life’ (p. 1). Thus, O’Reilly and Benson (2009) define lifestyle migration as

the spatial mobility of relatively affluent individuals of all ages, moving either part-time or full-time to places that are meaningful because, for various reasons, they offer the potential of a better quality of life. (p. 2)

Armed with the benefit of reflection after the completion of our interviews, we have selected to use the term ‘lifestyle migrants’ because our respondents’ views and socio-economic statuses clearly mirrored those that have been identified in similar studies. Our respondents as well discussed desires to ‘escape’, to ‘experience a new way of live’, and additionally sought to leave behind the hectic or stressful lives they associated with home. However, we posit that while these factors were crucial in the formation of decisions to find employment in Malaysia, the career implications of these moves require further examination. We add that a further reason behind our decision to use lifestyle migrants as our de facto term is constructed on the basis that the interviewees in this study chose to work in Malaysia. Indeed, our respondents had ‘self-initiated’ their foreign placements by searching for jobs in Malaysia (or typically within Southeast Asia) through job websites, recruitment consultants or via contacts they had made within industry networks. This is an important factor in the formation of our decision to avoid the term ‘expatriate’, particularly as conventional expatriates have been predominantly identified as professionals who are assigned to locations around the globe without choice.

Conventional Western migrant motivations

Doherty et al. (2011) have argued that a more nuanced understanding of the intricate components of international assignments remains absent. They add that further research, concerning both company-backed and ‘self-initiated’ migrants, should be developed to address particular knowledge gaps. Conventional perspectives of international assignments have largely been constructed on the basis that the majority are directed and supported by multinational companies (Collings et al., 2011). However, Thomas et al., (2005) noted that the phenomenon of self-initiated migration had been largely absent from academic literature – despite the observation that many may now find employment in foreign countries without company support or direction. Thus, understanding the motivations of self-initiated lifestyle migrants is perhaps a crucial one, as their desires are individually driven and perhaps different to those influenced and sponsored by their employers (Doherty et al., 2011). It may also be argued that while sponsored migrants may be given little flexibility or control with regard to where they are assigned, self-initiated migrants, on the contrary, are potentially empowered with a range of choices that permit alternative demands to be fulfilled.

International assignments are said to benefit both the sponsor and the individual, and in constantly evolving and ever-changing global systems, it has been asserted that they are of significant value to many careers and professions (Roberts et al., 1998). From the individual’s perspective, foreign assignments may permit new managerial skills or ‘career capital’ to be developed (Doherty, 2008; Doherty et al., 2011; Terjesen, 2005). Indeed, the opportunities for career enhancement are frequently identified as key motivational factors for migrants to accept international placements in human resource or management-orientated literature (Collings et al., 2011; Doherty et al., 2011; Peltokorpi and Froese, 2011; Roberts et al., 1998; Selmer et al., 2002; Stahl et al., 2002; Thomas et al., 2005; Tung, 1998). Tung (1998) argued that the majority of Western migrants accepted international assignments because they believe that rapid career advancement could be achieved, either within the internal structure of the sponsoring company or in the broader perspective of their respective field. It has also been suggested that foreign assignments offer unique opportunities to acquire skills which cannot be obtained in their home environments through exposure to new working practices (Stahl et al., 2002). Moreover, they may also empower the employee with the ability to deal with new environmental changes that enable stronger resumes to be constructed (Stahl et al., 2002).

On the basis of this literature, then, it could be posited that migrants’ willingness to embrace geographical mobility will lead to greater and more fluid career mobility in the long-term. However, short-term benefits may also be acquired when migrants undertake positions abroad. Foreign assignments are said to include ‘privileged positions’ (Collings et al., 2011: 361), and many may additionally benefit by earning substantial salaries that exceed those of home (Collings et al., 2011; Doherty et al., 2011; Inkson and Arthur, 2001; Selmer et al., 2002). However, as Selmer et al. (2002) noted, foreign assignments can alternatively be observed as opportunities to experience life abroad, or even to learn a new language (Conradson and Latham, 2007; Myers and Pringle, 2005; Peltokorpi and Froese, 2009; Suutari and Brewster, 1998; Tharenou and Caulfield, 2010). Thus, career progression should not necessarily be considered the central motivation when one observes migrant decisions to work abroad. In concurrence with a growing body of human geography and migration studies literature, we argue that alternative demands may also play considerable roles when expatriates select new international assignments, and it is with this view in mind that we continue our discussion.

Alternative Western migrant motivations

As previously discussed, many studies observing migrants’ motivations to undertake foreign assignments are concerned with career progression or development demands. However, alternative examples have emerged in recent literature, suggesting that additional motivations should be given greater consideration. These motivations include a range of experiential demands which may be of benefit both to their overall career and their personal development. Indeed, the challenges involved with acquiring a new job may also be equally associated with a desire to undertake the challenges of living in a different country (Collings et al., 2011). As Doherty et al. (2011) argue, the need for new cultural experiences is often of substantial importance, particularly from the perspective of lifestyle migrants. Moreover, it has been suggested that some migrants may eventually morph into ‘expat junkies’ (Collings et al., 2011: 364). In this scenario, it is argued that migrants may identify themselves as being more suited to working and living abroad, and consequently move from one international location to another as they develop transnational careers.

Through this article, we argue that further theorisation is required to examine the interdependencies between experiential demands and migration, particularly when lifestyle migrants are observed. Indeed, it has been argued that global international migration has now experienced a ‘paradigmatic shift’ from one of relative permanency to temporal, short-term stays in an ever expanding range of locations (Allon et al., 2008: 74). Bianchi (2000) noted that the conventional understanding of travel, migration, tourism and work patterns had essentially blurred and that to some extent, the boundaries between work and travel had additionally dissolved. Allon et al. (2008) add that when one observes contemporary global mobilities, ‘new intersections between international travel, migration and tourism’ have emerged (p. 76). Conradson and Latham’s (2007) research on the motivations of London-based migrants from Australia and New Zealand, perhaps, exemplifies these intersections to some degree. Here, it was observed that migration fostered new forms of travel and tourism to take place and that a range of alternative possibilities were afforded to these migrants – many of which superseded those associated with career development. These possibilities included career experimentation, as well as opportunities to travel and gain experiences of personal value and meaning in foreign spaces. In addition, Conradson and Latham (2007: 235) suggested that several professionals interviewed in their study would rather ‘maintain’ careers, as opposed to actively progress them.

From a different perspective, research exploring backpackers has acknowledged that many will work abroad to fund the continuation of journeys and new experiences (Cooper et al., 2004; Loker-Murphy and Pearce, 1995; Murphy, 2001; O’Reilly, 2006; Sørensen, 2003; Uriely et al., 2002; Uriely and Reichel, 2000). Although the travel aspects of their journeys are often discussed in far greater detail than their employment experiences, the duality of these journeys is nonetheless identified. While it may be contested that these tourists are not conventional migrants, they still spend significant proportions of their journey in foreign employment, and once again, one can observe how migration, travel and tourism patterns evidently overlap.

The development of working holiday visas has enabled many young backpackers to work in order to fund extended holidays, as they find employment in fruit farms, bars or cafes, so that they can move on to new destinations (Cooper et al., 2004; O’Reilly, 2006; Uriely et al., 2002). Cohen’s (2011: 2) reconceptualisation of ‘lifestyle travellers’ notes that the process associated with globalisation has led to new ways in which we understand identities and relationships to place. Indeed, Cohen (2011: 12) observed that many backpackers worked to travel, and that work was not ‘a central activity of social identification’, but instead a vehicle that permitted ‘an identity expressed through lifestyle consumption’ to be formed. Similarly, we suggest that foreign assignments may be used by Western lifestyle migrants to create or shape travel identities that exceed career or working identities. Of course, these travel performances may differ considerably if they are compared to migrants in the conventional sense, yet, we argue that similarities between the two exist. Naturally, we do not ascertain that Western lifestyle migrants find employment in low-level positions for short periods of time so that they can ‘move on’. Instead, we argue that they may acquire mid- or senior-level positions in different parts of the world in order to permit alternative travel practices to take place. Although backpackers will typically find seasonal or casual short-term positions in three or four different destinations, the Western lifestyle migrant will almost certainly be bound to one employer in a long-term position. However, despite these fixed geographical settings, we posit that many migrants will still be able to use their locations as hubs or platforms that permit them to travel to other nearby destinations during weekends or periods of holiday leave.

Transnationalism in the Malaysian context

As the twenty-first century enters its second decade, Malaysia has continued to develop as an important economic centre in Southeast Asia. The aesthetic changes to Kuala Lumpur’s urban skyline, coupled with rapidly transforming road and rail infrastructures, are salient examples of the processes of globalisation which have now irreversibly transformed Malaysia (Bunnell et al., 2002). During this phase of growth, Malaysia has encountered considerable demographic shifts, and Kuala Lumpur’s emergence as a nodal point for regional business and commerce has invariably led to the arrival of many transnational migrants (Hugo, 2005, 2011).

According to the Malaysian census of 2010, 2.32 million (8.2% of the total population) non-Malaysian citizens now reside in the country. The majority of Malaysia’s transnational migrants have arrived from regional Southeast Asian neighbours such as Indonesia, the Philippines or Myanmar. Significant numbers have also emerged from Bangladesh and Nepal, but as with most Southeast Asian migrants, they are predominantly unskilled (Ahmad, 2003; Athukorala, 2006; Hugo, 2005). However, Malaysia has also seen the emergence of considerable numbers of skilled transnational migrants from Western Europe, North America and Australasia in recent years. Like many other countries in the Southeast Asian region, these flows of professional or management-level transnationals remain intrinsic to further development and sustained economic growth, as they represent a global labour force which is highly specific in terms of knowledge, skills and networks (Beaverstock, 2002). However, these flows do not just concern the transnational elite that has been previously identified in numerous Western migrant studies, but a range of ‘middling’ transnationals who are employed in skilled or early-career professional positions. Moreover, based on the observations of this study, it was evident that many had arrived with predetermined motivations that ventured beyond career development requirements. These demands included desires to obtain lifestyles and opportunities for travel that had been imagined and developed back in their homelands. Before we discuss these themes in detail, we begin by providing an overview of the methodology that was employed during this research.

Methodology

This study utilised a qualitative research design that incorporated semi-structured interviews to distinguish the experiential demands of 22 Western migrants residing in Kuala Lumpur. A qualitative research methodology is frequently used to try to make sense of personal stories and the ways in which they intersect (Jennings, 2010). This approach focuses on obtaining a deep understanding of the topic from the interviewee’s perspective and seeks rich information from relatively few cases rather than more limited information collected from larger numbers (Veal, 2011). Indeed, as argued by Patton (1990), qualitative enquiry is of value for ‘revealing respondents’ depth of emotion, the ways they have organised the world, their thoughts about what is happening, their experiences, and their basic perceptions’ (p. 24). The majority of in-depth interviews were conducted in person and digitally recorded; however, others were interviewed via email if their jobs required them to spend regular periods of time outside of Malaysia.

All interviews were conducted between November 2010 and May 2011. It was established before each interview that the subject had found employment in Malaysia via their own means (i.e. confirming their status as self-initiated lifestyle migrants), while demographic and work-related variables were self-reported by the participants. These variables included gender, nationality, employment sector and the number of years of residence in Malaysia (see Table 1). Approximate age ranges were also assigned by the authors. In total, the lifestyle migrants interviewed throughout this study represented one of the seven different nationalities: British; French, Australian, Dutch, Danish, American or Canadian. While the majority of the 22 participants were male (77%), this was indeed reflective of the demographic profile of Western migrants in Malaysia.

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Table 1.

Profiles of interviewed Western lifestyle migrants in Malaysia.

Respondent no.	Gender	Age range	Nationality	Employment sector	Length of residence in Malaysia
1	Female	25–39	British	Media	3 years
2	Male	25–39	Dutch	Sales	1 year
3	Male	40–54	British	Finance	17 years
4	Male	25–39	Australian	Education	1 year
5	Male	25–39	British	Engineering	3 years
6	Female	40–54	British	Media	6 years
7	Male	40–54	Canadian	Education	5 years
8	Male	25–39	French	Hospitality	6 years
9	Female	25–39	American	Education	1 year
10	Male	55+	British	Manufacturing	3 years
11	Female	25–39	British	Education	4 years
12	Male	55+	Danish	Sales	3 years
13	Male	55+	British	Education	3 years
14	Female	25–39	Dutch	Media	1 year
15	Male	25–39	Australian	Education	2 years
16	Male	25–39	British	Education	2 years
17	Male	40–54	British	Engineering	4 years
18	Male	25–39	Danish	Sales	10 years
19	Male	40–54	Australian	Education	16 years
20	Male	40–54	British	Engineering	1 year
21	Male	25–39	French	IT	2 years
22	Male	25–39	British	Leisure	4 years

IT: information technology.

The interviews were designed to prompt the participants to identify the key motivations that influenced their decisions to find work in Malaysia. The authors used an interview strategy that was designed to facilitate open dialogue as opposed to a rigid set of questions. The participants were selected by the researchers based on the personal network recruitment method (Browne, 2005). Both authors of this article (G.B. and S.R.) had resided in Malaysia for more than 2 years, which allowed a degree of reflexivity in terms of the research process. This long-term immersion additionally permitted a greater understanding and clearer interpretation of the opinions and critical viewpoints offered by the interviewees.

After the completion of the interviews, an initial analysis of the transcripts was conducted by the researchers to familiarise themselves with the empirical material. A more in-depth analysis of the data then followed, in which both researchers scrutinised the materials before it was divided into meaningful units and categories (Jennings, 2010). In the later phases of the analysis, inductive codes were developed and emergent themes were identified. Themes and codes were described, classified and interpreted according to the existing literature on the topic (Creswell, 2007). In the interests of confidentiality, all interviewees were assigned respondent numbers. The significant outcomes of this article will now be discussed in detail.

Findings

This study yields a number of important findings concerning lifestyle migrants’ travel and experiential demands and the career dilemmas that may arise from the pursuit of these demands. It was observed that a range of non-work-related experiences were often deemed to be essential to Western lifestyle migrants in Malaysia and that these would often supersede the importance of career development or financial gain. Indeed, several interviewees had accepted minor salary cuts to undertake positions in Malaysia, but this was argued to be worthwhile due to the opportunities to travel and experience new cultures (see Doherty et al., 2011). These motivations were consistent with Western migrants who had previously undertaken a number of foreign assignments in other parts of the world and, to some extent, concurred with Collings et al.’s (2011) notion of the emergence of ‘expatriate junkies’.

For many ‘middling’ Western migrants in Malaysia, the processes of moving, travelling and experiencing, from one country to the next, were asserted as being more important than the attainment of promotions or positions which yielded greater power – but only in the short to medium term. It was suggested that promotions were attainable if they were willing to settle long-term, but experiential demands often influenced migrants to overlook these opportunities. Consequently, it was observed that the majority of lifestyle migrants in Malaysia did not necessarily identify their placements as significant catalysts for future career development, and consistent with the findings of Conradson and Latham (2007), it was noted that many migrants’ careers were ‘maintained’ rather than developed. However, the maintenance of careers was observed to be a dangerous long-term strategy for younger interviewees in this study (particularly those aged 25 years–39 years). Indeed, while many travel and experiential demands were imperative in the present, it was argued by some that these lifestyle choices could not be maintained indefinitely. Thus, lifestyle migrants in this context believed that their aspirations were only temporary in nature and that in future, they would need to rejoin more conventional career paths. Our key findings will now be discussed and critically analysed in greater detail using a series of direct quotes from several important interviewees.

Western lifestyle migrants’ experiential demands

The importance of career progression was frequently identified as a secondary factor when lifestyle migrants discussed their motivations to work in Malaysia. Although several interviewees stated that they earned higher salaries than in their countries of origin, this was rarely cited as important. Indeed, it was noted that some had accepted marginally lower salaries and had instead constructed their priorities around attaining other, more personal, objectives when choosing to relocate. It was argued that new experiential opportunities were a significant driving force behind their decisions to migrate, and it was clear that Malaysia acted as a platform for a range of these experiences to be attained. These experiences involved desires to travel and, to a lesser extent, exposure to foreign or ‘different’ cultures.

A number of interviewees revealed narratives of how they had travelled to a number of foreign destinations throughout their current assignments and had devised ‘checklists’ (R7, Canadian, education sector) of places they wanted to visit before their contracts were set to expire. Kuala Lumpur’s geographical position enabled lifestyle migrants to use their new home location as an important hub for domestic travel or to destinations in the greater Southeast Asian region. Although many suggested that they would take short trips to popular Malaysian destinations such as the Cameron Highlands or Taman Negara National Park, the rapid ascent of budget airlines in the region had clearly facilitated more flexible and cheaper international travel opportunities. As a consequence, weekends or 3- to 4-day sojourns to destinations such as Thailand, Indonesia, Vietnam or Cambodia were all cited as realistic possibilities and as salient ways of fulfilling prerequisite demands.

Although few lifestyle migrants argued that work-centred experiences were unimportant, many sought experiences that were clearly non-work related. R1, a British interviewee employed in the media sector, suggested that she and her husband ‘worked in order to travel’, and believed that Malaysia afforded them a range of new travel opportunities that would be otherwise inaccessible from home. During their 3 years in Malaysia, they had visited a number of destinations including Singapore, Thailand, Cambodia and Indonesia, and revealed that more were planned for the following year (Vietnam and possibly Sri Lanka). While most of these visits were fleeting in duration (typically no longer than 4–5 days each) due to limited periods of annual leave, they were still identified as highly important experiences that justified their decision to relocate. Similarly, R4, an Australian lecturer, argued that the main incentive for obtaining employment in Malaysia concerned the travel opportunities it enabled him and his family to undertake. R4 would frequently wait for special deals with budget airline Air Asia and had visited five Asian countries (and numerous domestic destinations) during the first year of his contract. He suggested that Kuala Lumpur acted as an excellent hub to visit other places, and that life back in Sydney would not be able to afford him the same opportunities without considerable extra financial costs:

So far we’ve been to Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, Singapore and Sri Lanka … It’s great if you book really early as the entire family can go for next to nothing. We’re lucky here in KL I guess … you don’t get these opportunities to visit foreign countries so cheaply back home (R4, Australian, education sector)

R4’s views were echoed by a number of other interviewees. R7, a Canadian secondary school teacher, revealed that Malaysia was one of several foreign placements he had undertaken throughout his career and also discussed the importance of being able to travel when deciding where to work next. On each occasion, the opportunity to travel from and within his country of employment was seen as an intrinsic motivation behind his decision. R7 had previously worked in the United States and Guatemala and used both opportunities to extensively explore both North and Central America. Although he was now in his third 2-year contract in Malaysia, one of his main motivations to stay, he argued, was that he was yet to visit a number of other regional destinations. R7 had visited 11 different countries during a 5-year stay in Kuala Lumpur and had travelled extensively within the country and its neighbouring island territories.

Many expatriates in this study shared a similar ethos and had forged extensive ‘travel careers’ that were facilitated through work assignments in Malaysia and elsewhere. Indeed, the majority of interviewees in this study (59%) had worked in other foreign countries prior to arriving in Malaysia and, like R7, had used these placements to travel. For example, R8 (French, hospitality sector) had worked in the United Kingdom, Turkey and Indonesia before Malaysia; R16 (British, education sector) had been employed in the United States and Australia; and R17 (British, engineering sector) had previously undertaken foreign assignments in Canada and Australia. All three argued that the travel opportunities these previous positions had afforded them were intrinsic criteria when they had searched for work abroad.

Despite these observations, the majority of lifestyle migrants who revealed prior work experience abroad had done so because they had been assigned by former employers. Most conceded that they had little or no choice regarding where they were deployed, but added that these experiences had changed their attitudes towards the importance of career development and their lifestyle demands. For R10 (British, manufacturing sector), company-sponsored foreign assignments had altered his mindset with regard to the non-work-related benefits he experienced. He believed that previous employment in India had opened his eyes to new cultural and travel experiences, and as a consequence, R10 actively sought to find his next foreign assignment by his own means, in a place he ‘wanted to explore’. Similarly, R18, (Danish, sales sector) recollected how he had originally been ‘forced’ to work abroad by his then employer but had gradually begun to embrace the experiences that it afforded him. Moreover, R18 added that he had travelled to many remote parts of Southeast Asia and suggested that many of the destinations he had visited would have been difficult to reach if he had been a conventional tourist. By ‘conventional tourist’, R18 meant those who only visited Southeast Asia on short-term holidays. Instead, R18, and indeed others like him, argued that the timeframes of their foreign assignments enabled them to see places that were ‘not too mainstream’ (R12, Danish, sales sector). Here, remoter parts of Malaysia, lesser-known Indonesian islands, Myanmar and significant regions of The Philippines were all cited as being locations that other tourists did not go to as they were ‘more fussed about KL and Langkawi or Thailand and Bali’ (R6, British, media sector).

For other lifestyle migrants, the exposure to new cultures was cited as the most significant motivational factor. R14, a Dutch journalist who had recently arrived in Kuala Lumpur with her family, acknowledged that working in Malaysia provided a number of benefits such as the opportunity to develop an international portfolio and a more relaxed working environment. However, these were largely discussed as secondary motivations as the opportunity to experience Malaysia’s ‘different culture’ – and the challenges associated with it – was deemed to be highly important:

There are many good things about working here … meeting interesting, fun people from all over the world, being ‘the different one’ for a change, and of course, all the beautiful places just around the corner, waiting for a holiday … (R14, Dutch, media sector)

Perhaps the most interesting aspect of R14’s initial response to her motivations was that although she suggested that there were ‘many good things about working here’, she listed a range of personal, non-work-related motivations first, which included cultural exposure and the feeling of being ‘the different one’. Indeed, any positive work-related motivations such as career development, the acquisition of new skills or even a better salary were all absent from her initial response. Life in Malaysia presented both R14 and her family with opportunities to learn a new language (only her husband had not enrolled on a Malay language course) and to experience cuisine that ‘wasn’t all the usual stuff, like all the Western food we eat in the Netherlands’. The Malaysian lifestyle was also identified as one that was ‘safer for children’, ‘less materialistic’ and ultimately a ‘friendlier and more welcoming’ society. R18, identified earlier in this section, also suggested that the ‘Asian way of life’ was an intrinsic factor behind his decision to move to Malaysia after completing an earlier working assignment in Indonesia. Here, R18 posited that the Malaysian lifestyle – particularly the one he had experienced beyond the urban reaches of Kuala Lumpur – offered a ‘slower’ and ‘purer’ existence that included few stresses, healthier cuisine and a safer environment. The ways of life of R14 and R18 echoed the observations of O’Reilly and Benson (2009) on lifestyle migrants’ pursuit of the ‘good life’. In our study, a range of similar motivations were found that included the search for ‘authentic’ and ‘meaningful’ lives that transcended consumerism and the ‘competitive lives’ (R18) they believed to exist in their countries of origin.

The views of R14, and indeed several others observed in this section, are salient examples of lifestyle migrants exhorting the values of personal experience over career development. However, dilemmas were also found to emerge in numerous interviews. In these scenarios, the long-term validity of maintaining ‘travel careers’ at the expense of working ones was clearly a concern. Although R7 suggested that his salary was comfortable and that he had developed good working relationships with many of his colleagues, he believed that the opportunity to achieve promotion was unlikely and that he did not particularly enjoy working for the school which employed him. The following statement illustrates R7’s predicament and the rationale he had employed to justify his stay:

Yeah, I sometimes ask myself ‘what I’m doing here?’ You have those bad days at work here and I often come home frustrated … But then I just think about all of the opportunities and the good things about living here … When I eventually go home I’ll never have the opportunity to see many of the places again. It’s just too far away from Canada … I’m never going to just fly from Toronto to Vietnam or Sri Lanka … so I have to do it while I’m here … even if it’s not always that great! (R7, Canadian, secondary school teacher)

R7’s story represented an interesting paradox, but additionally signifies the importance of personal experiences over job satisfaction and career progression in the short to medium term. Although R7 admitted that he believed his current contract in Malaysia would be his last, the opportunities to experience and travel were deemed worthy enough even if his career was only being ‘maintained’ as Conradson and Latham (2007) termed it. However, other migrants in this study had begun to question whether their lifestyles were the correct choice and discussed the potential ‘dangers’ that could emerge in the future. We now continue by observing some of these dilemmas in further detail.

Lifestyle migrants’ long-term career dilemmas

While the majority of lifestyle migrants in this study were clearly comfortable with their decisions to temporarily put careers on hold for experiential opportunities, others raised a number of concerns regarding their lifestyle choices in the long-term. Indeed, for some interviewees, foreign assignments like those encountered in Malaysia ‘could come at a price’ (R2, Dutch, sales sector). It was observed that a compromise was accepted by many, as their experiential and lifestyle demands were acknowledged as being inhibiting or even detrimental to overall career progression. Several interviewees suggested that they had still developed their careers by undertaking foreign assignments, but others conceded that overall career progression could be hindered by their propensity to move on just as they had settled into workplaces. Other interviewees noted that by working for local companies that lacked ‘international kudos’ (R12, Danish, sales sector), future career progression could be difficult as their experiences would not have ‘the same value’ as those in Western countries. As a consequence, several lifestyle migrants believed that they could ‘fall behind’ their contemporaries back home (R13, British, education sector) as new skills or competencies could not be acquired in Malaysia.

These concerns tended to affect the younger interviewees of this study (i.e. those aged in their late 20s or early 30s), who revealed that travelling from one foreign assignment to another could eventually lead to unfulfilled careers or severely reduce opportunities to settle down. The majority of interviewees who were content to use foreign assignments as opportunities to travel indefinitely were typically found to be in their late 40s or 50s. Here, older interviewees disclosed that their children had left home and had developed careers of their own. As a consequence, older lifestyle migrants suggested that they could now use foreign assignments ‘to do what I want to do’ (R6, British, media sector) or ‘to gain experiences without worrying about the kids’ (R18, Danish, sales sector). Moreover, these migrants were content to maintain careers because few saw the value in attempting to develop them further, particularly if retirement was not too far off (i.e. within the next 5 years). The views of R18 emphasise these points to some degree:

I suppose I’m at the end [of my career] anyway now … I don’t really mind if I’m ever promoted again … before I was very ambitious … but I’m happy with my decision to come. We have a good life here and we travel more now than we ever did in Denmark.

Although starting families and developing careers ‘seriously’ remained on the periphery of many younger migrants’ thoughts, they nonetheless still emerged in several conversations. Both R9 (American, education sector) and R21 (French, information technology (IT) sector) suggested that although they had selected Malaysia as an opportunity to attain experiential demands, they acknowledged that their lifestyle choices had ‘lifespans’ that would determine when careers and families would eventually take precedence over personal demands. R9 had taken a 1-year teaching position at a local college and had identified several opportunities to travel, rather than gain money or experience. Moreover, R9 also added that much of the experience she had gained in Malaysia was ‘pretty useless’ as she had found herself covering subjects that she would probably never teach back home. Although it was argued that Malaysia afforded excellent travel and experiential opportunities, the long-term concerns of R9 and R21 reveal that lifestyle migration included certain drawbacks:

Sure, it’s a great way to travel and experience the world but this isn’t sustainable … one day I think I’ll need to just choose a place and settle down … this isn’t really the way I see the future. (R9)

I think I’ve got another in me [international assignment] but I recently got married and I think as good as living in Malaysia is, it can’t go on forever … I think my career needs stability too … as well as my future family. (R21)

Thus, lifestyle migrants at particular stages of their lives or careers may eventually have to swap experiential demands for more practical ones. Older interviewees argued that they were now empowered with the liberty of not having to worry about children being displaced, but younger interviewees rarely revealed a similar sense of freedom. Moreover, many older lifestyle migrants suggested that they were in stronger financial positions that permitted them to live on lower salaries or accept positions that yielded fewer long-term prospects. In contrast, although younger interviewees noted that foreign assignments were excellent opportunities to attain experiential demands, they were not deemed to be ‘sustainable’ as R9 suggested, because they could harm their long-term opportunities to develop careers or affect their decisions to raise families.

Conclusions

This study revealed that while career development for Western lifestyle migrants is of importance, in the context of Malaysia, it was rarely identified as the primary motivational factor. Indeed, this research identifies that in the short-term, the importance of where international assignments may be undertaken is perhaps of equal, if not greater, relevance than career development. Opportunities to travel and the exploration of new cultures were frequent examples of experiential demands lifestyle migrants required. Due to its geographical proximity to a range of popular domestic and international tourist destinations, Kuala Lumpur acted as an important platform for travel and also as a place that was ‘foreign’ and ‘different’ to the cultures Western migrants had migrated from. Thus, for many, Malaysia represented an opportunity to attain lifestyles that could not be achieved back home, and consequently, career-orientated demands such as higher salaries or greater positions of power were readily overlooked. However, for younger migrants or those with children, long-term career or family demands fostered particular dilemmas. Indeed, although foreign assignments were deemed to be excellent opportunities to obtain particular experiential demands, few believed that they could maintain these lifestyles due to the fear of harming long-term career prospects or affecting family lives.

To conclude, the call for further research on ‘middling’ lifestyle migrants is supported by this article, and we argue that several themes should be explored in greater detail. Future studies could provide further investigation into the travel mobilities and experiential demands of these migrants or how their ‘non-conventional’ tourist experiences are constructed and consumed. Although this article is largely exploratory in nature, we believe that it should enable alternative studies to draw and build upon our observations. Indeed, we acknowledge that this study is perhaps biased towards lifestyle migrants employed in the education sector, and the experiences of migrants from other sectors would enable comparisons to be drawn between their motivations in Malaysia and elsewhere. Moreover, further research concerning female lifestyle migrants is required in the context of Southeast Asia, as growing numbers of female expatriates continue to emerge.