Abstract
Although there is a growing body of literature which focuses on museums’ role in supporting children’s literacy, there is also a need for studies to show ways in which museums can support refugee families’ literacy practices. In light of this gap, this qualitative study explores the role of a children’s museum in the literacy practices of a recent refugee Afghan-American family. Data consisted of interviews with the parents and children, conducted using Skype, over a period of two months. A media capture functionality method was used to receive photos from the family using a smartphone. In addition, the family sent audio-recorded interactions during activities that took place at the children’s museum. The recordings were sent through Whatsapp, a smartphone application that lets users’ text, send images, audio record and make calls for free. The findings demonstrated that the children’s museum played an important role in the Manzoor family’s literacy practices. The exhibits at the museum offered the family a site of multi-modalities, where images, sounds and words together contributed to meaning-making. Moreover, the museum provided the family with important resources, such as books and pamphlets on registering for schools. Lastly, the children’s museum provided a supportive environment for the Manzoor family to learn English and meaningfully engage with print literacy.
‘Baba, mosh tayaree yo. Raza, mosh nagwahroo che nawakt tha soo,' [Baba, we are ready. Let’s go, we don’t want to be late.] (15 October 2015) Naghma says (all names are pseudonyms), as Farzana grabs her little handbag and waits by the door of their apartment for Shaista and Abdullah to join them. It is another exciting Friday afternoon for the Manzoor family, as they take public transportation to the children’s museum in a northeastern city in the United States. The family has been making visits to the museum almost every Friday, ever since Farzana brought home a notice from school, three years ago, when she was in grade one, indicating the special one-dollar admission per visitor from 5:00 to 9:00 p.m. on Fridays.
Purpose and background
The purpose of this article is to report on a study that explored how a children’s museum as a ‘third space’ (Bhahba, 1994) provided English language support and contributed to the print literacy of an Afghan-American refugee family. The following research question guided the study: In what ways can a children’s museum support the English language development and print literacy development of a recent Afghan refugee family? I first present the framework that informs my work with the Afghan refugee family. I then review related literature that explores the literacy practices of refugee families in the US, followed by a review of some of the literature that examines the role of museums in supporting the literacy development of children and students. Next, I present the method and findings before concluding with a discussion, including some implications for educators and policymakers.
The number of refugees from around the world, particularly from nations in conflict, emigrating to Canada and the United States has rapidly increased in recent years. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) places the current number of refugees residing in the US at 267,222, and in Canada at 149,163, as of June 2015 (UNHCR Mid-Year Trends). Some refugee families may face challenges adapting to schools in Western countries. In particular, prior to arriving in a country like Canada or the US, some refugee families have arrived from nations where formal education may have been inaccessible, and some have experienced persecution, war and living with limited resources in refugee camps. Along with the struggle of becoming familiar with a new country, culture and language, refugees are also evaluated based on how quickly they adapt to their new settings, including schools and communities (Portes, 2000; Roy and Roxas, 2011). Those who assimilate faster are judged to be more valuable and productive, compared to those who do not. As Roy and Roxas (2011) state, ‘This framework reinforces deficit notions that lay the groundwork for discriminatory practices in schools for some refugee students and their families’ (p. 523).
Refugees from Afghanistan, a country in Asia, with a population of about 30 million (United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, USCIRF Annual Report, 2015), have experienced more than 30 years of war, and they are a common sight around the world. Only recently, with the conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic, was Afghanistan surpassed as the country constituting the main source of refugees worldwide. However, Afghan refugees continue to be the second largest group of refugees (UNHCR Mid-Year report, 2015). The Afghan population in the US is around 300,000 (Allied Media Corporation, 2014) and in Canada 48,090 (Statistics Canada, 2011). Furthermore, as a result of continuous violence in the country, Afghanistan has one of the lowest print literacy rates in the world (Central Statistics Organization, 2014). Therefore, many Afghan refugees in the USA and Canada may lack traditional literacy skills valued in the West, such as print literacy. Some may incorrectly attribute Afghan children’s struggles and failure in school to deficiencies in the families themselves (e.g. Taylor, 1993). Assumptions may include a lack of value associated with education, parents’ unwillingness to invest in their children’s education, and parents not having high expectations of their children. These assumptions are not helpful in allowing us to understand the problems faced by Afghan children in and out of school.
Since most refugees have come from places with very limited resources and difficult conditions, they often face several obstacles transitioning to their new host country. Refugees and immigrant children may be disadvantaged by school literacy practices, with their heavy emphasis on print literacy that some refugees may not have or may not be familiar with. Museums, particularly children’s museums, can play an important role in terms of engaging children and families in learning and literacy development because although print is also used in children’s museums, it is used concurrently with multimodal and semiotic resources, such as sound, images and video. Museums can also serve as important institutions for communities and play an important role in family literacy. As Amsel and Goodwin (2004) state, ‘… all museums can be a setting in which to read the world by providing an environment to practice family literacy’ (p. 20). Moreover, the museum, as a setting, might be a more welcoming place than a school for refugee parents to learn about the culture of their host country, without feeling pressured by the dominant language (usually English), because it is a setting that can draw a diverse group of people, speaking languages other than English.
Framework
This study is informed by Vygotsky’s (1978) socio-historical theory, subsequently extended by others (e.g. Cole, 1997; Wertsch, 1998). Fundamental to this theory is the notion that learning is both social and individual, and that the family, as well as the community, plays an important role in the process of educating and meaning-making in a child’s world. For example, children first learn to use ‘cultural tools’, such as the language spoken in their community – inter-psychologically – where parents and significant others support and guide children, known in Vygotsky’s theory as the zone of proximal development (ZPD). According to Vygotsky, adults will help to engage children in activities that might be challenging for them to manage on their own. They may pose questions, provide hints and offer other support to help extend the child’s learning beyond what the child may be able to do on their own. However, as children become competent in using these tools intra-psychologically, or independently, then support is withdrawn. Of course, this type of learning is also mediated by culture, as pointed out by Rogoff (2003), who states that ‘to date, the study of human development has been based largely on research and theory coming from middle class communities in Europe and North America’ (p. 4). Gregory et al. (2004) provide one example of broadening this scope in their research undertaken with underrepresented groups in the research community. For example, in their study focused on Bangladeshi families in London, the importance of siblings’ support for each other’s literacy learning is highlighted. Similarly, as will be discussed later, in the present study, it is not only that the children involve each other in their learning, they also scaffold learning in the museum for their parents. Lastly, it is important to acknowledge that the ZPD is only one aspect of Vygotsky’s comprehensive socio-historical theory.
Third space theory (Bhabha, 1994) is also used in this study. Third space theory serves researchers of various disciplines who are interested in the ‘in-between’ space of more than one discourse. Bhabha (1994) refers to the third space as an area ‘for elaborating strategies of selfhood … that initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and contestation, in the act of defining the idea of society itself’ (pp. 1–2). Bhabha mainly envisioned the use of third space theory for political resistance. However, researchers also use third space theory to inquire about continuity between home and school literacies, as I do in this study. For instance, Cook’s (2005) study provides insights into how she tried to bridge the connection between home and school literacies. Cook created a role play area at school, where students could bring in ‘home-type’ literacy activities and practices into the classroom. The goal of the play area was to allow students to take part in ‘unschooled texts’ and, with objects like those found in their homes and communities (brochures, catalogues, stethoscope etc.), to form a connection between ‘schooled’ and ‘unschooled’ texts. Pahl and Kelly’s (2005) study of family literacy classrooms further suggests that third space sites reflect and mediate the practices of both home and school contexts and can offer ‘parents and children discursive opportunities drawing on both domains’ (p. 91).
Lastly, I use the paradigm of literacy as a social practice (Heath, 1983). In this study, I look at literacy as a situated practice that is specific to the needs of a particular community. For example, within this view, literacy is not seen as a set of skills that one has or lacks, but rather as more complex and shaped by political, historical and socio-economic factors (Barton and Hamilton, 1998; Barton et al., 2000; Street, 2001) and therefore it is both malleable and dynamic. Literacy, the meaning and value it holds, and how it is learned and taught, differs from one community to another (Clay, 1993). According to Street (2003), literacy as a social practice, ‘entails the recognition of multiple literacies, varying according to time and space, but also contested in relations of power’ (p. 77). Thus, some literacies may be dominated, and some may be marginalized.
Throughout this study, I use the phrase ‘literacy practices’ rather than ‘literacy skills’ in order to highlight that literacy is more than just reading and writing. Similarly, I acknowledge the oral practice of the Manzoor family as an important part of their literacy practices. As Meek (1992) argues, oral practice must be an important aspect of our understanding of literacy. Thus, although I do not explore the oral practices of the Manzoor family in this paper, I do view oracy as an important aspect of their home literacy. As we will see with the Manzoor family, they may appear illiterate if we restrict our definition of literacy to reading and writing, but with literacy as a social practice, we are not only able to see how the political, social and economic situation of their home country shaped their literacy practices, but also that they engage in literacy practices. The literacy that the Manzoor family may have practised in Afghanistan (and still practise), may be different from some of the literacies practised in the US, but it is still equally valid. For this study, I focus particularly on the ways the children’s museum supported the Manzoor family’s print literacy and English language development. This does not mean that these two literacy practices are more privileged than the other literacy practices the Manzoor family engaged in, such as oral storytelling and Quran memorization. For the purposes of this study, I exclusively focus on the support the children’s museum provided to the Manzoor family with regard to print literacy and English language development. I focus on these areas to show that museums can be an asset to refugee families in supporting these literacy practices, and that educators can benefit from incorporating visits to museums to support children’s literacy, particularly for students who are refugees.
Related literature
Literacy practices in refugee families
Many educators recognize that familial contexts are important sites for literacy learning. For example, in her seminal text, Family Literacy, Taylor (1983) documented the essential role of reading and writing in the middle-class families with whom she worked. Many of the parents were unaware of the extent that literacy practices were a part of their home lives. In another study, conducted with families living in inner cities, Taylor and Dorsey-Gaines (1988), similarly found that literacy was also an important practice in the families’ homes. The families also supported and highly valued literacy, even though they were living in poverty. Despite these studies, much of the research examining the literacy acquisition of minority students has focused on school settings (Li, 2009). Although this body of research has contributed to enhancing our understanding of the literacy practices of minority students, it is also narrow in its focus. In the following paragraphs, I focus on four studies that look at the various ways literacy is negotiated in refugee families’ households.
Perry and Moses’ (2011) study focused on three Sudanese refugee families with young children living in Michigan, US. The study revealed the importance of media in supporting language and literacy at home. Data collection included interviews, participant observation and artefacts and took place over 18 months. Findings showed that the families believed that viewing television helped with learning English for their children and themselves. Television-viewing also influenced many of the children’s learning choices and interactions with books. For example, some of the children chose books at the library that were based on shows they had watched on television. Moreover, a few of the children acquired new vocabulary words from viewing television, such as hurricane and border collie. Lastly, the children also used characters from television shows in their writing at home. The authors recommend that media such as television can be a ‘very powerful source of learning’ (p. 303) and should be used to help refugee children and adults in their host countries.
Siblings also support each other’s learning at home in some refugee families. For example, Lynch’s (2009) study focused on a Somali Bantu refugee family, it found that instead of parents, siblings played a more central role in each other’s literacy and language-learning. Data were collected over one year (2004–2005) and were gathered through work samples, interviews, photographs and artefacts. Findings indicated that siblings used environmental print (such as learning posters) at home as resources to help each other. Siblings’ approaches to scaffolding also took a more directive approach. For instance, siblings corrected errors and provided information when it was required. The siblings also used their native language to support their English development. Overall, Lynch found that literacy learning was both multidirectional and multigenerational and suggested that educators make an effort to become aware of the literacies students engage in outside of school.
Building on research that highlights the literacy practices of storytelling in refugee families, Perry’s (2008) study centred on Sudanese orphaned youth, commonly referred to as the ‘Lost Boys of Sudan’. The study looked at how traditional storytelling was transformed as youth adjusted to living in the US. Participants included three young men, all from Southern Sudan. Data included semi-structured interviews, participant observation and artefact collection. The results indicated that storytelling was an important cultural practice and participants considered themselves storytellers. Perry concluded that: ‘Participants experiences as refugees clearly provided the basis for storytelling in the United States. Often the purpose of these stories was to explain their experiences as refugees’ (p. 338). She also found that participants ‘transformed’ storytelling to meet the needs of their new audiences in the US. For example, oral storytelling from Sudanese culture was transformed into written stories; that is, storytelling was an effective and meaningful practice that engaged them in print literacy. However, Perry cautioned that not all refugees may be eager to share their stories, but storytelling can ‘provide refugees with a meaningful context to engage in literacy and second language learning’ (p. 352). She concluded that ‘storytelling gave them legitimate reasons’ (p. 352) for engaging in reading and writing and improving their English proficiency. Furthermore, transformed storytelling was used to educate others and to maintain youth’s cultural identity.
Roy and Roxas’s (2011) study also explored the use of storytelling in Somali Bantu refugee communities in Texas and Michigan. Data were gathered over the course of one year and involved participant observation in the community and at school. Interviews were also conducted with the families and school staff. The authors found that Somali Bantu families valued education highly, in contrast to the widely held belief by school staff that they did not ascribe any value to it. The families passed on values of education to their children through traditional storytelling. Furthermore, these oral stories provided counter-stories to the views held by their teachers. As, Roy and Roxas affirm, ‘for every deficit theme or majoritarian story woven through the educator interviews, we found a counter-story of the same theme from Somali Bantu families’ (p. 525). The implications suggested by the authors included providing a space for parents to tell their stories, to speak about their experiences and to work collaboratively with teachers in order to overcome some of the barriers and misconceptions educators may have about refugee families.
As these studies indicate, the refugee families highly valued literacy and learning and used various ways to support each other’s learning. In Perry and Moses’s (2011) study, we see that parents even used television viewing as a source for learning English and engaging in literacy. Lynch’s (2009) study, on the other hand, shows that in some refugee families, parents may not be able to provide learning support due to the new language in their host country, and then siblings step in to support each other’s learning. Roy and Roxas’s (2011) and Perry’s (2008) studies show that incorporating the literacies (such as storytelling) practised by families may provide a more meaningful context for participants to engage in new literacies, such as print literacy. Such efforts may help lessen the tensions some refugees experience in terms of having to choose sides between their literacy practices and those valued in the host country. These studies show that storytelling is a practice that is valuable to these refugee families, not only to retain cultural ties but also to ‘speak back’ to discourse that may view them as lacking and deficient. As some of the studies show, this literacy practice could be meaningfully used in host countries to engage refugees in print literacy as well as allow families to share their experiences. Taken together, these studies highlight the pluralistic nature of literacy in some refugee families’ households and, more importantly, show that refugee families highly value literacy for themselves and their children.
The museum’s role in children’s literacy development
There is a growing literature focusing on the role of the museum (i.e. children’s museums and museums in general) in children’s literacy development. In this section, I review studies focusing on the museum’s role in children’s literacy development. Children’s museums have been viewed as places where learning occurs through observation, discovery, experimentation and exploration (Henderson and Atencio, 2007). These characteristics may also help children to engage in literacy through play (Saracho and Spodek, 2006). For example, a child can learn to spell their name using magnetic letters, or a child can partake in a science activity, usually called ‘Kitchen Science’, and reenact the activity at home. Furthermore, museums are also rich in print media (Eakle, 2007); and as Eakle and Dalesio (2008) state, ‘Museums can be particularly rich places to teach and practice new, traditional, and multiple literacies’ (p. 604). As will be seen later, the Manzoor family cites this expansive literacy notion as one of the advantages offered by the children’s museum that they visit.
Hackett’s (2014) study focused on the multimodal practices of young children at a museum in England. The study used ethnographic features and included eight families visiting the museum over one year. Findings showed that the children’s movements, such as walking and running in the museum, is a powerful practice that is both an intentional and communicative practice. Furthermore, the author argues that children’s movement ‘must not be dismissed as the “noise” that happens in between focused learning and engagement in a museum (or any other environment) but as a central aspect’ (Hackett, 2014: 20). Children’s movement, she argues, is part of the children’s learning of place that ‘goes beyond words’ (Hackett, 2014: 20) and is part of their multimodal literacy practices. A museum is one kind of space that offers children opportunities to combine several modes for meaning-making. Hackett proposes that literacy and language cannot be isolated from other modes and, instead, advocates an understanding of the many communicative modes (walking, running, talking etc.) that children engage in.
Similar to Hackett’s (2014) study, Eakle and Dalesio’s (2008) work also explored ways the museum could support the multiple literacies of children at school. Their study focused on how the museum could collaborate with teachers and support literacy learning in the classroom and was carried out as a collaborative study between Eakle (a university professor) and Dalesio (a second-grade teacher). In particular, they explored how the museum could enhance the more expansive understanding of literacy in the classroom and the possibilities offered by museum literacies, such as using multiple modalities (sound, image and video) and creating concise, written labels for artefacts, audio narration for artefacts, and so forth, for learning in and out of school. Dalesio’s students visited several museums throughout the year and also created their own classroom museum with different topics and themes. Data were collected over nine months. Results showed that the classroom museum was used to generate many meaningful activities, including engaging students in authentic personal writing. For example, the classroom museum allowed students to engage in a wide range of texts, such as writing letters to families inviting them to visit the museum and informational texts for exhibit pieces. The classroom museum also provided chances for students to use artefacts, audio and images to convey meaning. For example, one student, whose exhibit was about drums, collected an array of drums, including an African drum, for a hands-on display. Another student, whose exhibit was on Elvis Presley, included audio recordings that were her father’s favourites, compiled from an online site. Overall, the classroom museum played an important role in terms of allowing students to engage in relevant and effective literacy practices, while also enabling them to use several modalities (texts, images, sound) in the classroom.
Lastly, McVicker (2004) examined how a children’s museum in Indiana provided support for fourth and fifth graders who were part of a summer tutoring programme in reading. The study involved two groups: one group participated in a tutoring programme at the museum, while the other group was in a traditional setting, i.e. a classroom. The children were all two grade levels behind in reading, and the majority expressed a dislike for reading. McVicker found that the group that experienced tutoring in the museum made significant improvement on post assessments, and more importantly their attitudes towards reading changed. For example, the participants from the museum group eagerly engaged in reading, including reading museum labels, and showed genuine effort in reading challenging words. The museum artefacts also allowed the students to learn through hands-on learning. For instance, to teach phonemic awareness, the tutors at the museum used artefacts, such as a map, a camera or a flute, to raise awareness of the sounds letters make.
As these studies show, museums can be productive places for children and families to practise literacy. As is now recognized, we use several modes every day to make meaning, and language is one of them. These studies indicate that museums (children’s museums and museums in general) have the potential to allow visitors opportunities to use several modes for meaning-making. For example, many exhibits allow visitors to touch objects as well as hear audio or video narration on those objects; written text is also used to provide factual information on objects (Dudley, 2010). In this study, I explore how a children’s museum can also enhance the language and literacy practices of a recent refugee family.
Method: Participants and context
This study focuses on a recent Afghan-American refugee family, living in a low-income neighbourhood in the northeastern United States, and their literacy experiences at a children's museum. I have known the Manzoor family for several years, as a friend and translator. As the Manzoor family continued to visit the museum, my rapport and relationship with them grew. My position at the museum as an educator and supportive resource person was something that was clearly important for the Manzoor family, both to assist with tasks, like understanding documents and locating the resource centre, and providing emotional support. As a fellow Afghan refugee who spoke the same language (Pashto), Abdullah was overcome with joy the day he first met me at the museum. As he stated, “Sona khoshala sawm pa hagha wraz che wo me ledah pa da muhsem khee. Ma Shaista tha wayal, ‘dagha da Allah mehrabanee da, che khpal Pashtun yay dah kooshnanoo ba muhsem key rakkree.’ [How happy I was when I saw you in the museum. I was telling Shaista, ‘This is Allah's mercy, to give us our own Pashtun in the children’s museum.’] (26 November 2015). It was from here on that I tried to assist the Manzoor family with some of the print materials (e.g. mail, school notices etc.) and English, such as pronouncing certain words and understanding certain English phrases.
There were many Fridays when Abdullah would discuss Farzana’s school progress with me. Our conversations in the museum also included talking to each other about our lives in the US and stories relating to Afghanistan. As will be discussed later in the study, my role in the museum enhanced the Manzoor family’s experience there. I was intrigued by the family’s literacy practices and I wanted to deepen my own understanding of how the museum supported their literacy development and to share these findings with others. Like the families in Taylor’s (1983) influential study, the Manzoors were comfortable sharing this aspect of their life with me. Abdullah and his family were aware of my role as a researcher interested in documenting the family’s literacy and language learning in the museum. All of the members gave consent and we discussed the best way to conduct this study with the family in a way that was comfortable for them. For example, I did not take photos of family members, knowing that the family would not be comfortable with sharing photos of themselves. I also informed Abdullah that if he was uncomfortable with any aspect of this study, to let me know and I would address it immediately. This relationship was also aided by the usual Afghan hospitality shown to others, and my own position as an insider, i.e. a Pashto-speaking Afghan.
I first met the Manzoor family during a Target-Sponsored Friday night at the museum, where admission from five in the afternoon to nine at night is one dollar. My specific role was an exhibit interpreter for the Countdown to Kindergarten Exhibit, i.e., my responsibilities included engaging both parents and children in the activities in the Kindergarten exhibit, as well as explaining the goals/objectives of Kindergarten and providing resources, such as registration guides, or information pertaining to the family resource centres where parents could register and learn more about Kindergarten in their local community. On Friday afternoons, when admission to the museum was a dollar per visitor, the museum staff, including myself, created programmes once per month that were collectively known as ‘School Readiness Night’. The goal of these monthly programmes was to provide children and families with learning activities that would prepare them for school. For example, in the Kindergarten exhibit, children listened to a story being read aloud and then did a follow-up activity that connected with the book being read. In another exhibit, children were invited to cut and create their own bookmarks.
The Manzoors’ current city is one of the largest and most diverse in the state. The city's latest health commission report describing racial demographics shows Caucasians at 47.0%, African Americans at 22.4% and Asians at 8.9%. Languages other than English spoken at home are 36.6%. The Manzoor family lives in what is known in the United States as ‘the projects’, a large affordable housing complex meant to serve low-income families (see Figure 1).
‘The Projects’ Public housing where the Manzoor family lives.
The Manzoor’s apartment is located on a quiet street, with housing projects on both sides; cars are parked on both sides of the street; and at the end of the block, there is a small convenience store, featured in its windows are two posters that advertise low prices on cigarettes (see Figure 2).
The store at the end of the street from the Manzoors' apartment.
The Manzoor family consists of four family members, Abdullah (39), Shaista (32), Farzana (10) and Naghma (6). Abdullah and his family came from Pakistan where they lived for about a year before moving to the US as refugees. Before that, he was a farmer in Afghanistan and worked on land passed down from his father. He grew many kinds of crops, fruit and certain types of grain, e.g. barley. Abdullah attended a Madrasa, a religious school, where he learned and memorized the Quran in Arabic. As he stated, ‘Za yaw awal nomrah wom pa class ke.' [I was one [of] the top students in the class.] (11 October 2015). Memorizing the Quran is a valued practice in the Muslim world, and more than once, prior to my conversation with Abdullah, I would hear Quran recitation playing in the background. He would then mention that he was working on his memorization of the Quran.
Currently, Abdullah works in a convenience store, owned by another Afghan man. When I first asked about his job he stated: Ma der sakt wakt derlo dee pa awal kree pa de che zoma english esh no wo ezdah. Wos hom zoma dera esz nada, tha pohegay che da gahtooh kalgo da para nawah shaba dera shakt tha wee. Da Afghani magazah mashar dera komak wokree aw payadee, mongar lag parashana hom wo. Matee kar rah kree aw haga haslee shan na rawah showal. I had a really hard time finding a job in the beginning because I didn’t speak English at all. I still don’t speak very much at all, you know it’s hard for adults to learn a new language. The Afghan store owner was helpful and understanding, but concerned too. He gave me the job and explained the main things that I [would need] to know. (11 October 2015).
Shaista, Abdullah’s wife, never went to school and is a homemaker. However, Abdullah is helping her read the Quran at home when they have time. He mentioned that she has a hard time reading, especially because the Arabic language contains many complex sounds that are not part of the Pashto language, the native tongue of the Manzoor family.
Abdullah and Shaista have two daughters; they also had a son who passed away shortly after being born. Farzana (10) is in the third grade and Naghma (6) is in Kindergarten. Farzana is a confident speaker, and each time I have called the family, she tries to speak to me in English. Knowing my close relationship with her family, she asked me to ask her dad to take them to the museum more often.
The Manzoor family.
Data collection
Data were collected over a two-month period through Skype interviews and Media Capture Functionality, which was used to receive audio recordings and photos sent via a smartphone. A total of nine interviews were conducted via Skype during the months of October and November 2015, and one Skype meeting in January 2016. Each meeting lasted for about an hour and all nine meetings were with Abdullah, and occasionally with his children, Farzana and Naghma. Interviews were conducted in Pashto, one of the national languages of Afghanistan and were transcribed and translated into English. Data collection also included photos and researcher notes as well as audio recordings from the family’s visits to the children’s museum. The audio recordings, recorded by Abdullah at my request, and four photos: one of the street, one of the store near the Manzoor family apartment and two of the bulletin board in the kindergarten exhibit at the museum, were sent to me through a free application called Whatsapp that lets users send images, audio recordings, texts and make calls. The interviews were used to deepen my understanding of the family’s literacy development, and specifically the role of the children’s museum in the family’s literacy practices. The audio recordings helped me understand the types of interactions that the Manzoor family engaged in at the children’s museum. More importantly, the audio recordings helped enhance my understanding of the support provided to the Manzoor’s literacy practices by the staff and resources at the children’s museum.
Since both the collection process and analysis in qualitative data collection tend to be dynamic as well as recursive (Merriam, 1998), the data analysis in this study was ongoing. Initial analysis of the data involved transcribing the interviews, audio recordings and field notes into a Word Document. From here on, audio recordings, interview transcripts and notes were separated into statements and coded. For example, the statement ‘Dah yaw der sha ketab de, za wayal tol nahsam, mongar Farzana ya lag mahnah ratawak ra, aw der sha keesa malmeegee’ [This is a very good book, I cannot read all of it, but Farzana translated a little, and it seems like a very good book.] was coded ‘Museum- resources- books- family’. Next, I reread all of the data along with the codes and begin to identity common threads related to the research question. I began to identify, by highlighting, any references to the museum, including but not limited to any activity, event or mention of the museum. Furthermore, I reread the data related to the children’s museum and coloured it based on common topics. For example, any reference to the museum as a place of entertainment/fun was coloured yellow, while any mention of the museum’s resources – such as books, pamphlets and registration guides – were coloured brown. From then on, I organized the data related to the museum into main themes. For example, any mention of being able to speak in English at the museum, reading the printed signs in the museum and asking the tour guides questions in the museum were placed under the theme of ‘Museum supports English learning’. Lastly, data from three themes closely related to the research question regarding the children’s museum’s role in print literacy and English language support were used in the findings that follow.
Findings
In this section, I provide a detailed description of three themes related to the children’s museum’s support of the Manzoor family’s print literacy and English language development. The museum’s physical layout and characteristics, such as using images, sounds and words, allowed the Manzoor family to be at a site where they were able to make meaning. The museum also provided the Manzoor family with access to resources, such as children’s books, and booklets, pamphlets and bulletin boards regarding schooling in their city. Finally, the children’s museum also functioned as a welcoming space for the family to acquire English fluency, such as through the read-aloud storybook programmes. Several exhibits also allowed the family to learn new words and speak in English. For instance, in the KidStage exhibit, songs are sung with a particular focus on rhymes and repetition.
English is becoming an important language for the Manzoor family, who are realizing that life is hard in America without fluency in English. Although Pashto is mostly spoken at home, Abdullah and Shaista are aware that English is becoming a powerful force in their home, especially because they are now very eager to learn it from their children as well. Of course, they are worried about the role of Pashto diminishing in their children’s lives, but they stressed the importance of having their children engage in Pashto orally. As Abdullah stated, ‘Pashto kabaree deree zaroree de … nor da khat aw da ketab wayal kre za dona sergardana na yam, pa de che pa Afghanistan ke hom de da naswal ezdakawal, da jang da lasa’ [Speaking in Pashto is very important…I am not worried about reading and writing [in Pashto] because I know even in Afghanistan they could not get this, because of the war.] (15 October 2015). Abdullah further clarified that even if they had lived in Afghanistan, his children would not be able to learn to read and write in Pashto because the schools were far from his village and the current situation in Afghanistan prevented him from allowing his children to attend school. It is important to note here that the parents, Abdullah and Shaista, are not able to read or write in both languages, i.e. their mother tongue, Pashto, and English, the language of their host country. However, Abdullah is able to read Arabic with limited comprehension, required for reading the Quran.
‘Every Picture Has a Word’: A site of multi-modalities
The museum’s physical environment was an aspect that clearly appealed to the Manzoor family. Maxwell and Evans (2002) state, ‘The social context of the museum experience can also shape the visit and influence what is learned’ (p. 3). Similarly, they also observe that, ‘The physical attributes of a museum may enhance the opportunity for learning or detract from the learning experience’ (p. 3). For a family like the Manzoors, for whom reading, writing and speaking in English were new literacy practices, the museum’s physical environment, particularly the use of images, words and sounds that were used throughout the various exhibits, allowed them to comprehend some of the messages that the museum was conveying and to expand their English vocabulary. Physical environment here relates to the overall environment of the museum; this includes the walls, rooms and floors. For example, there is even print on the floor, informing parents and children how to play a game using coloured tiles. Similarly, there is print and objects in the bathrooms. For example, in one of the bathrooms, pages of the book Everybody Poops (Gomi, 1993) appear on the walls; and similarly, in another bathroom, toothpaste covers from around the world are displayed, along with their local print and images.
As Abdullah stated, ‘Har za da toree dee, aw har akhas, laree toree, da ya ahsanaka vee’ [Every place [exhibit] is full of words, and every picture has a word, this makes it easy.] (15 October 2015). Abdullah was referring to the words in the exhibits; for example, in the Arthur and Friends exhibit, different parts of the display are labelled with words in large print followed by an image or illustration of what it is. Inside the Arthur exhibit, one will find signs such as ‘Elwood City Library’, ‘Lakewood School’, ‘Auditorium’ and ‘Bus stop’. Moreover, each exhibit has a sign that introduces the exhibit as well as what one might find in it. Abdullah noted that Farzana usually helps him as he reads the introductions to each of the exhibits. Abdullah stated, ‘Za da toree wa deh ta wowayam, aw da gwash newalee wee, monger da ba sabra da, no za masee da tore nom wowayam aw da ya pa Pashto rata wowayee’ [I read the words to her, and she listens, but she is impatient sometimes, so I just ask her what a word means and she tells me in Pashto.] (22 October 2015).
Another exhibit that the family really enjoyed was the Japanese house. The Japanese house is an actual house, over 100 years old, given to the museum as a gift from Kyoto. Because Fridays are usually busy as a result of the one-dollar admission price, visitors in the Japanese house are given brief tours every 20 minutes. When I asked Abdullah why the family enjoys this exhibit, he elaborated, ‘Da muhsem ensan, der sha da, da karar mong wa kor tha danana ke, aw da dah rakamoo shanoo kabaree kawee, aw mong swal lah kawalee sho’ [The museum person usually is really good, she will slowly walk us in the home, telling us about the different things that are inside the house and briefly explaining their significance and use, and we can even ask questions at the end.] (8 November 2015). The Manzoor family are able to follow along but are also able to become participants by asking questions of the tour guide who gives them a tour of the house, in English. As Abdullah stated, ‘Dah rah sara rawana wee, gothee neesee da rakam rakam shanotha che kabaree ya kawee, ba hom za ba tolo nah pohegam, mongar yaw lag pohegam’ [She [the tour guide] is there walking with us, pointing to different things while talking about them, I still don’t understand all, but I can understand some.] (8 November 2015). By following the tour, and having the tour guide point to different objects in the house, such as a table, tatami mats and a bed spread out on the floor, Abdullah and Naghma are learning the English names of common objects found inside homes.
In addition to the Japanese house, the KidStage exhibit was also popular with all members of the Manzoor household. Kidstage is a theatre-like exhibit for children. In it, live performances designed for children take place, and the audience (both children and their guardians) participates, making it another interactive activity. When asked about what was appealing about KidStage to the Manzoor family, Abdullah said: Pa da zay ke [kidstage] Farzana aw Naghma mayen de par da showgahnoo, zoma da shazee hom der khusheege, pa de che da mashoman ya der da khosalaee sheh ke. Za wayam che da zomong da para sha dee, che da English yah wowroo, dona sakt na dee che na pa pohego. Ma komak hom pa yaw show sara wokee che narayee rabandee wokra, da enjonyo sara. In this place [KidStage], Farzana and Naghma love the shows and even my wife enjoys it because the kids make it exciting. I think it is good for us too, to hear the English, it is not too hard to understand. I even helped with the show when I was called on, along with the girls. (8 November 2016) Zoma aw da Shaista da repetation pa kar de, pa de che (zmong) da para da wahyal sakt de, aw delta dey da kawee. Awal de yah wahyee, aw bah waneseee wah gwasho tha, aw mong tha wowayee che wawyast aw mong ya hom ba wowayoo. Kash khee dey da nor kawalee dagara kam. Me and Shaista need the repetition in English, because we [are] struggling with the pronunciation and here, they do that. First, they say it, then they point to [their] ear and ask us to say it, and then we say it too. I wish they did more of this. (8 November 2015)
‘Mountain of books’: A place of resources
The children’s museum also provided important resources for the Manzoor family. One of the most popular exhibits that the family visits is known as the ‘mahlemanoo class’ (teacher class) to the Manzoor family, but is named ‘Countdown to Kindergarten’ at the museum. Upon entering the exhibit, visitors find an enormous bookshelf area to the right displaying a variety of books. The book area is one of Farzana’s favourite places within the exhibit. Farzana stated: It's mountain of books, and I can choose one that I can read to Baba, Mor [mother], Naghma. I love Caps for Sale (Slobodkina,1968) and A Chair for [My] Mother (Williams, 1982). First, I read to them and then Naghma, but she can't do the reading, so she uses the pictures. (12 November 2015) Yow plah da deh kwa shege che da yaw rakam ketab mong tha wowa yee, aw zmong sa kwast wokee che na pohego sa key kegee [Sometimes, she likes to read us the same book, and ask us to [pretend] not to know what is [will happen] next.]. (12 November 2015)
The following vignette illustrates Farzana conducting a reading session. Farzana: Sha, za wos da ketab, When Sophie Gets Angry-Really Really Angry (Bang, 1999) da Molly Bang [da] wayeem [Ok I will read this book, When Sophie Gets Angry-Really Really Angry, by Molly Bang.]. Sophie was busy playing when…her sister grabbed Gorilla. Naghma do you know what her sister will do? Naghma: Grab it back. Farzana: Shabas [Good job] “No!” said Sophie. “Yes!” said her mother. “It is her turn now, Sophie.” As her sister grabbed [text uses the word “snatched”] gorilla away…Sophie fell over the truck. Mor walee da zgora swa? [Mor, why did she fall down?] Shaista: noh ko da dee jang por da bezogee wo [Because they were fighting over the bear.] Farzana: Shabas Mor [Good mother] (13 November 2015)
Farzana is not only reading for pleasure, her purpose seems to be more profound. She is also teaching her family members, and she asks comprehension questions, even though she has not progressed much with the story. Similarly, she is very effective in code-switching the language that she uses with her sister and mother. Knowing that her sister can respond in English, Farzana asks her a question in English; however, for Shaista who cannot understand or answer in English, Farzana switches to Pashto. For example, when asking why Sophie fell, Farzana says ‘Mor walee da sgora swa?’ [Mor, why did she fall down?] and Shaista responds in Pashto. Although, Shaista may not understand all of the English words used in the book, she makes use of the illustrations to aid her understanding of the text.
Among the books in the exhibit, there are many that reflect themes of cultural diversity. As Farzana said to me, ‘I found my favourite book’ (15 October 2015) entitled Four Feet, Two Sandals (Williams and Mohammed, 2007), which tells the story of two best friends growing up in an Afghan refugee camp. This was a story that also appealed to Abdullah and Shaista, as it was their first time of seeing a book that depicted their homeland and some aspects of its struggles. Thus, the Kindergarten exhibit helped to engage Farzana and her family in new practices such as storybook reading in English; it also allowed them opportunities to see their own culture and heritage as a resource for learning, such as finding a story about an Afghan refugee family that they could try to read together. Although the print in the book may have been difficult, and new to them, the illustrations in the book seemed familiar and close to their hearts.
The kindergarten exhibit was also a place that helped the Manzoors learn about registration for Kindergarten and where to locate a registration centre. It also offered informational guides and brochures (available in different languages, such as Spanish, Mandarin and Somali). Through conversations with me and other staff members at the Countdown to Kindergarten exhibit, Abdullah obtained the information needed to locate both the resource centre that was in his zone, and to become aware of the required documents he needed to register Naghma, such as a proof of address, her immunization record, birth certificate and photo ID. By visiting the exhibit regularly, Abdullah and Shaista also learned that Kindergarten is not required in their state, but it can provide several advantages. Below, Abdullah talks about the benefits of the resources available to him in the museum pertaining to registering his daughter for Kindergarten: Zoma da khabooro sta sara, aw de balee da mahleem da koonee karwalawee rakra ma tha da shameelahdoo warakee…kanee za ko na pohedam che sanga sok zan shameelawee aw sanga. Ba hom da lazem na dee che da dah class tha warsee, mongar da sha dee che wakthee ya sherokee, ba de che da der shah nah see. My conversation with you and the other staff [who] gave me the registration information…Otherwise I didn’t know anything about having to register and how. Even though she doesn’t have to go to the class [Kindergarten], it is better to start early so that she will not be behind. (12 November 2015) Register (This bulletin board provides information on registering for Kindergarten, registration welcome centres based on zone, and required documents needed to register for Kindergarten). ‘20 Ways to Get Ready for Kindergarten’ bulletin board in the Countdown to Kindergarten Exhibit.
Throughout our conversations, Abdullah expressed his appreciation for the support I was able to provide. For example, as mentioned earlier, I provided support in translating documents that he received from his children’s school and the mail he received. Furthermore, I also helped him understand what was available in the museum, and which exhibits might particularly interest his children. Lastly, my role in the Countdown to Kindergarten was important in order for Abdullah to understand what the purpose of Kindergarten was and how to sign Naghma up for Kindergarten.
Discussion
The findings in this study are congruent with previous studies that have examined how museums can support children’s literacy development and engagement (e.g. Eakle and Dalesio, 2008; McVicker, 2004; Saracho and Spodek, 2006). However, this study has taken a look at how the children’s museum can also meaningfully support language and literacy development, as well as provide a space for refugee families to enact current literacy practices while acquiring new ones. As can be seen, the children’s museum supported the literacy practices of the Manzoor family, allowing them to be in a place where they were able, as Freire (1985) would say, ‘to read both the word, and the world’. Initially, they were going to the museum merely as a source of entertainment, especially for their daughters. However, as the family continued to visit, both Abdullah and Shaista recognized the opportunities for learning that the museum offered. It offered instruction, both for their children (e.g. as they acted and sang on Kidstage, read books to their parents and helped their parents to read, translate or learn new words) and for Abdullah and Shaista (e.g. as they listened to the tour guide in the Japanese house exhibit, asked questions, learned and acted out new phrases in the KidStage exhibit, acquired new information on schooling etc.). Furthermore, having someone that they could talk to in Pashto allowed the Manzoor family to learn about the museum in Pashto. Similarly, providing the Manzoor family assistance with translating and understanding the documents he received in the mail helped to increase the meaningfulness of the Manzoors' experience in the museum.
An important finding of this study is the financial constraints that the Manzoor family faced, which may limit their opportunities to use and visit institutions such as museums. Note that the Manzoor family visited the museum on Fridays when the admission price was only one dollar. The Manzoor family would not have visited the museum if the price remained the same on Friday as it was for the rest of the week; as Abdullah stated, if the museum cost ‘Swarlas dallara, pa shwand bah me nawayee behwolee’ [Fourteen dollars per person, [regular cost] I would never take them.] (8 November 2015). This statement reflects the harsh economic reality of this household and demonstrates the importance of museums (and other public institutions) in terms of creating opportunities for low-income families to participate in, and benefit from, their programmes and resources.
Although Fridays were a treat for the Manzoor family, the one-dollar admission price only became available from 5:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m. This means that for a considerable portion of the year, families would be returning home in the dark. This is problematic, especially for residents in the community where the Manzoors live. They worry about their safety as they make their way back to their homes using public transportation. Furthermore, the Friday schedule does not meet the needs of many children who may be tired in the evening.
The children’s museum that the Manzoor family visits has focused on opening its doors to low-income visitors, not just on Target Fridays, but for visits on any day at a low price. The programme allows families to pay $2.00 per person, for up to four people, as long as they show their Electronic Benefits Transfer (EBT) card. The EBT card is given to help low-income families, like the Manzoors, with food assistance. One of the prominent newspapers in the city documented this change and noted that the number of visitors to the children’s museum increased significantly as a result. This is an especially important accommodation when one in eight residents receive some kind of food assistance in the state where the Manzoor family currently lives.
Implications for educators
Farzana’s field trip with her class first sparked the Manzoor family’s interest in visiting the museum, indicating that educators can play an important role by including museum visits as part of the curriculum: Children’s museums are inquiry-based environments that have connections to classroom practices. The subject areas of the sciences, history, environment and technology identified by Speaker (2001) are part of the school curriculum, and areas in which teachers can offer interactivity, contextual relevance and inquiry for their students. (Spybrook and Walker, 2012: 383)
Implications for policymakers
Although the Manzoors live in a subsidized housing project for low-income residents where many of the residents live below the poverty line, there was no family literacy centre or learning centre available to the families. When Abdullah and his family first came to the US, he was informed that he could take free courses for learning English at the immigration institute located downtown. Downtown was quite far from his neighbourhood and this became problematic once he began working. There were many times during our conversations that he expressed his frustration at the lack of literacy or English language centres available to residents in the projects, many of whom were from other countries and in need of learning English. It is important for policymakers to realize that immigrants and refugees like the Manzoor family have a clear need for ESL instruction. Although the United States does not have a national language, almost any service or task requires that one speaks English.
Furthermore, it is important that policymakers provide more consistent support for families like the Manzoors. This means that beyond the basic necessities, such as shelter and food, it is important to ensure that there is also some kind of ongoing conversation with refugees that addresses their concerns. For example, the Manzoor family had many questions regarding the safety of their neighbourhood but nobody to ask about it. As Abdullah stated, ‘Mong ya heer kro, nah bah yaw telepoon che sanga yast, nah yaw Afghan. Wos no khpal por sar yo’ [We have been forgotten, no call or Afghan. Now we are on our own.] (11 October 2015). In my notes, I had written the following regarding this conversation: Abdullah – referring to the immigration services – in the beginning he mentioned that there was a lot of going back and forth to make sure the kids get the health vaccinations and the many doctor visits, many of which he saw as unnecessary but were still required and he was happy to comply. However, he says after moving to this city and helping him secure this home, there was almost nothing from them [social workers]. He stated that through this lack of engagement they made it explicitly clear that he has to move on his own now, despite the many struggles that he is facing.
More importantly, the museum provided a chance for Abdullah, as it did for the rest of his family, to be with others and to be reminded that although things are difficult, progress is being made (such as seeing Farzana and Naghma take part in the play). Although museums such as the children’s museum described in this study may not be able to address all the challenges refugees face in a new country, they do provide a place of enjoyment and learning for families like the Manzoors who have resettled in the US after escaping from the ongoing war in Afghanistan. It is a place where a child can take part in a play, parents can learn to pronounce and repeat new words, and a family can gain some confidence about negotiating their way through a new culture.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.