Abstract
The ideologies of intensive mothering and risk society place increasing burden on mothers to make critical choices regarding infant feeding that are understood as having irreversible consequences for their children's long-term health and emotional well-being. Although research has examined consequences of these ideologies on mothers’ decisions to breastfeed or formula-feed their infants, little has focused on consumer decisions regarding formulas, baby food and feeding-related items. This article examines symbolic meanings attached to infant food and feeding-related consumer items among first-time mothers in the United States. Results indicate broad categories of baby-oriented consumerism—qualities and characteristics mothers sought for their babies through feeding-related consumer behaviors—and mother-oriented consumerism—qualities and characteristics mothers sought for themselves through consumer behaviors. Baby-oriented consumerism included health, comfort, taste and development, and mother-oriented consumerism included knowledge/control, compliance, convenience, frugality, relationships and self-image.
Keywords
Introduction
Food, feeding and eating are about much more than just nourishing the body. Food production, selection and consumption are social, cultural and political acts that facilitate relationships and shape individual and group identities (Barthes, 1997; Enticott, 2003; Murdoch and Miele, 1999). Consumer decisions related to food and feeding take place within a broader socio-historical and cultural context that shapes available choices and symbolic meanings associated with each.
In contemporary US society, mothers are predominantly responsible for purchasing and preparing food for their families (DeVault, 1991). This responsibility is one component of “intensive mothering” (Hays, 1996), whereby mothers are solely responsible for meeting all of their children's needs. Decisions regarding infant feeding are highly relevant within this context of intensive mothering. In addition, many argue that we currently live in a “risk society” (Beck, 1992), characterized by concerns for food safety, personal vulnerability, and thus, “new strategies of consumption” (Enticott, 2003: 412). The ideology of intensive mothering requires the “good mother” to take measures to minimize potential risks posed to her children by food and feeding-related consumer items.
Although much research has focused on mothers' decisions to breast or formula-feed within the context of intensive mothering and risk society (Avishai, 2007; Lee, 2007, 2008; Murphy, 1999; Stearns, 2009), little research has examined mothers' consumer decisions related to infant feeding. The current study investigates first-time mothers' constructions of the products they buy to facilitate infant feeding. This study asks, within the context of intensive mothering and risk society, how do first-time mothers in the USA construct infant food and feeding-related consumer items? That is, when they make consumer decisions about food and feeding products, what symbolic meanings do mothers attach to products they purchase?
Intensive mothering, risk society and infant feeding
Hays (1996) argues the contemporary era is characterized by “intensive mothering,” an idealized image of motherhood advocated by childrearing “experts” and internalized and enforced by mothers and the general public. In intensive mothering, children's needs are prioritized above mothers', and mothers maintain deep emotional commitments to meeting children's needs at each developmental stage (Hays, 1996; Lee, 2008). A popular explicit version of intensive mothering is the attachment parenting philosophy (Sears and Sears, 1992), which requires physical closeness—facilitated by breastfeeding, baby-wearing, and co-sleeping—said to promote bonding and facilitate immediate mother responsiveness to the baby's cues. The ideology of intensive mothering holds mothers independently responsible for childrearing and accountable for each and every facet of their children's well-being, including protecting their children and families from potential harms caused by industrialization and modernization.
In the USA, this pressure can be poignantly seen in relation to breastfeeding, where mothers are expected to breastfeed in order to minimize potential health risks and achieve the social status of a “good mother.” Infant feeding is inextricably linked to intensive mothering, as breast milk is proclaimed the healthiest substance for all infants, creating a moral imperative for mothers to breastfeed (Jansson, 2009; Murphy, 1999; Wall, 2001). Scholars suggest that expert recommendations and social pressures to breastfeed are about more than just nutrition, reflecting the broader ideology of intensive mothering and corresponding need for mothers to reduce risks to their infants’ health (Knaak, 2010; Lee, 2008). Mothers feel pressure to breastfeed because of health benefits and the cultural association between breastfeeding and good mothering (Avishai, 2007; Knaak, 2010; Marshall et al., 2007; Murphy, 1999, 2000; Ryan et al., 2010; Stearns, 2009). Not breastfeeding—even supplementing or early weaning—is often accompanied by guilt and sense of failure (Avishai, 2007; Knaak, 2010; Lee, 2007, 2008; Murphy, 2000; Ryan et al., 2010).
In Western cultures, infant feeding and intensive mothering take place within the context of “risk” or what Beck (1992) calls “a risk society.” In a risk society, the negative effects of industrialization and modernization are perceived as increasingly causing potential damage to humans, particularly in the realms of health and the natural environment, but extending into politics, the family, and social relations. A society increasingly characterized by risk produces members increasingly preoccupied with safety. Dominant food culture in contemporary Western societies embodies pesticide use, genetically modified and processed foods, declining nutritional variety, diet-related diseases, and food scandals (including “formula scares”), among other perceived threats to personal and environmental well-being (Almas and Lien, 1999). Burden is placed on consumers to respond to cultural knowledge of “risks,” evaluate which knowledge to trust or disregard, and ultimately make informed food safety and consumption choices (Almas and Lien, 1999).
In contemporary “risk society,” mothers are increasingly responsible for following “expert” guidance to minimize risks their children face (Knaak, 2010; Lee, 2008; Murphy, 1999). What a mother feeds her child—particularly the decision between formula and breast milk—is considered a significant part of her responsibility to minimize risk. Formula-feeding is constructed as “risky,” not only to the infant's health but also to the mother–child relationship (Murphy, 2004; Wall, 2001). In popular discourse, formula-feeding is associated with decreased mother–infant bonding, which is not only detrimental for the child but for society as a whole, since poor bonding is associated with criminality and violence (Lee, 2008).
Research shows attempts to minimize risk guide individuals' consumer choices related to food more generally. Many now seek natural, organic foods to avert food safety risks of the industrial world. However, there is a lack of consensus regarding what constitutes “safe” food (Enticott, 2003) and individuals attribute multiple definitions to the term “organic” (Lyons et al., 2001). Enticott notes that “what counts as a ‘safe’ food is now a highly contested arena and open for (re-) construction to all. In facing up to the failure of scientists to provide definitive answers, consumers have developed their own ways of responding to these risks through new strategies of consumption” (Enticott, 2003: 412). One method of reducing “risk” and rejecting mass production of food is through preparation and consumption of “homemade” (Moisio et al., 2004). Preparation of homemade meals not only ensures authenticity, but is used to construct and negotiate the family identity, as the American family is epitomized by the homemade meal.
Previous research illuminates an intricate connection between intensive mothering, risk society and infant-feeding practices yet little research examines the constructions of consumer objects that facilitate infant feeding within this context. For instance, the decision to breast or formula-feed positions mothers within different consumer markets. Infant formula is a multi-billion dollar industry, accounting for $3.5 billion in sales in the USA alone in 2007 (Oliviera et al., 2011). Formula-feeding entails an array of other consumer products, such as bottles, bottle warmers and coolers, and bottle dryers and sterilizers. Breastfeeding mothers make up a separate consumer market for whom a variety of other products and services—including informational resources, gadgets (e.g. breastfeeding pillows and pumps), and services (e.g. lactation consultants and support groups) that are intended to facilitate the breastfeeding process—are marketed (Avishai, 2007). Avishai argues this market targets breastfeeding mothers’ insecurities, with many of their purchases intended to assist in meeting the standards of “good mothering.” However, little research has investigated the symbolic meanings mothers ascribe to these breast and bottle feeding-related consumer products.
Research also shows that the association between feeding, risk society and intensive mothering extends beyond the decision to feed by breast or bottle. Mothers are accountable for the size and perceived health of their babies and are observed taking into account the taste preferences of family members when purchasing food. Whether these factors are considered when selecting between brands of infant formula, baby foods or other feeding-related items has not been thoroughly addressed in the literature. Provided consumption for children creates a more complicated consumer dynamic in which the child is economically and physically dependent on the actions of the mother (Cook, 2008), it is important to understand new mothers’ justifications for employing various consumption strategies that coincide or deviate from the dominant food culture. Taken as a whole, this literature raises the question of how new mothers, situated in the cultural contexts of intensive motherhood and risk society, socially construct infant food and feeding-related consumer items.
In this study we employ a social constructionist theoretical framework, which focuses on meanings participants attribute to social objects and phenomena, and the methods through which these meanings are ascribed (Berger and Luckmann, 1966; Gubrium and Holstein, 1997). Through in-depth interviews with first-time US mothers, the current study illuminates what it is that mothers believe they are consuming, beyond the utilitarian need to feed their baby.
Research method
Demographics of women in sample (n = 14).
Participants were recruited through personal and professional contacts and through face-to-face and virtual mothering groups in the southeastern United States. Members of virtual mothering groups (whether they met the study criteria or not) often re-posted our study information onto other parenting groups on social media sites or messaging boards, which generated more potential participants. At the end of each interview, participants were asked for referrals of additional participants, resulting in a “snowball” sample (Babbie, 1989). This non-probability sample is a limitation to the study. While this was the most appropriate and effective sampling technique for studying a loosely structured group with specific criteria, we ended up with a convenient sample of mothers from a similar geographical region, a predominantly white, middle-class demographic, and quite possibly similar social circles. Although findings cannot be generalized to all new mothers, the qualitative data reveal multiple meanings mothers associate with feeding-related consumer items.
Data consist of in-depth, semi-structured interviews conducted and audio-recorded by the first author in participants’ households. Questions asked participants about products they acquired in preparation for their child, general perceptions of themselves as consumers, and materials they read to prepare for parenthood. Participants were asked whether they breast or formula fed their babies, items they use to facilitate feeding, and what kind of baby food they used or planned to use in the future. This open-ended interview was immediately followed with a more loosely structured data-collection process that centered on participants’ consumer objects. Participants were given a digital camera and asked to photograph items they felt were “essential” and “unessential” in their experiences as mothers. Participants photographed items (first essentials, then unessentials) while the researcher probed for details about how they selected and acquired the item. For our purposes, photographs were used as a data-collection technique to provide a better understanding of what items were essential or nonessential but these photographs were not analyzed separately or included as data here. Each interview lasted 1–2 hours and was also audio-recorded. Audio-recordings were transcribed verbatim, using pseudonyms for each participant.
Given that consumerism by new, first-time mothers is complex and has hardly been investigated sociologically, we approached the data inductively. We used grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006; Glaser and Strauss, 1967) so that the “data form the foundation of our theory and our analysis of these data generates the concepts we construct” (Charmaz, 2006: 2). In this case, we built our theoretical analysis around participants’ child-preparation and childrearing experiences.
Preliminary analysis consisted of reading the transcripts to get a general sense of the data. Initial coding was conducted by the first author. At this stage, broad themes surrounding consumption by first-time mothers were identified, one of which was “infant feeding.” From here, any excerpt that mentioned infant feeding, breastfeeding, formula, baby food, and/or any feeding-related item or practice was copied and pasted into a single document for further analysis. These excerpts were analyzed in more detail by the second author, whereby a list of general themes that emerged from the narratives was compiled. Excerpts were then copied and pasted into the general themes where they could be compared for more nuanced similarities and differences. Focused coding (Charmaz, 2006) was then conducted, in which similarly categorized narrative excerpts were examined more closely for further similarities and differences. Quotations were selected to use as examples that best represent the themes.
Results
Within the broad theme of infant feeding, two major categories emerged: baby-oriented consumerism and mother-oriented consumerism. Baby-oriented consumerism consists of qualities and characteristics mothers sought for their babies in their consumer behaviors related to infant feeding. Mother-oriented consumerism consists of qualities and characteristics mothers sought for themselves in their consumer behaviors related to infant feeding. These two processes reveal the symbolic meanings participants attach to feeding-related consumer items within an interview context.
Baby-oriented consumerism
Throughout the narratives, mothers described their reasons for purchasing particular types of baby formula, baby food and feeding-related items in relation to some goal they were trying to achieve for their babies. Subcategories of baby-oriented consumerism are health, comfort, taste and development.
Consuming health
The most common baby-oriented goal that guided mothers’ choices of baby food and food-related items was health. That is, participants consumed types or brands of food and formula based on the belief that these items directly impact their babies’ health. All study participants indicated that they do or plan to feed their babies organic foods, and health was most often the driving force behind this selection.
When asked why she fed her baby organic food, Emma responded, “So there's no pesticides. And we're not giving him cow's milk or white grains, again just for health.” April explained: I choose it, just because the formula’s the same price. So, why not choose organic if you can? It’s a healthier way. … These are the first foods that he’s getting so I’d rather it be extremely healthy than who knows what’s in it? Because they can’t put organic on it unless it really is organic. So, that’s why I choose to do that because his health is the most important … He’s only been sick once … so, he’s almost a year old and only being sick once? It’s kind of because he’s home a lot with me, but I think it’s also because he eats healthy. I think it has something to do with it.
Participants also described health needs specific to their own babies that guided them toward particular foods, especially formulas. Three participants described food selections resulting from their babies’ negative reactions to dairy and soy. When asked if there was a specific type of formula she used, Adriana explained: He ended up becoming intolerant to milk and soy, so I had to buy the amino acid formula … It’s [product name] which is $45 a can because it’s special. It doesn’t have any milk products or any soy products whatsoever … I tried switching to another formula that’s soy based … but he ended up having such a bad reaction to the soy, he threw up all day. And diarrhea and he got so sick, and I ended up going back to the amino acid and just sticking with that.
[Product name]
A theme related to health was selection of baby foods and formulas participants believed created the greatest comfort in the baby. Similar to the previous theme where mothers were concerned about individualized health issues such as allergies or diarrhea, they were also concerned about certain formulas and bottles causing or exacerbating gas, colic and stomach sensitivities. Brands were sought based on beliefs that they produced different effects.
When asked if there was a particular brand of formula she used, Jamie responded: We tried all of the brands. Because her stomach is very sensitive we’ve done every single brand. [product name], [product name], and we landed on [product name]. [product name], is just something that seems to be working for her. Keeps her very fed, very happy.
These excerpts represent participants’ constructions of baby food and feeding-related consumer objects as producing comfort in their babies' bodies. Thus, when buying certain brands of formula or bottles, they are not just buying food and feeding devices, but are purchasing their babies' comfort.
Consuming taste
Participants also explained infant-feeding selections in relation to taste. They generally wanted their babies to eat food that tastes good and interpreted babies’ signs to indicate a preference for certain foods over others.
A few participants reported using perceptions of their babies’ taste preferences to influence decisions about breastfeeding. For example, Summer described her baby's satisfaction as a reason for transitioning to formula-feeding: He would fall asleep when he was breastfeeding or he would still seem like he was hungry after he fed like thirty minutes. Which normally after thirty minutes they’ll be pretty full as a newborn. But he still wanted more so then I gave him an ounce of formula after and I tried probably for the first month … But with the formula, he was happy with it. So I gave up easily.
Adriana described her baby's preference for breast milk limiting her ability to formula-feed: He is supplemented occasionally. If we are out and there’s just no way to breastfeed him I will give him a little formula, but he’s not very big on the formula. He’ll drink it if he’s extremely hungry. But even then he’ll only take a couple ounces maybe … When he was first born we had problems with his latching, so my nipples got so so so sore that I could barely breastfeed. They wanted to give him a little formula, but even then he wouldn’t really take it. He would scream his little head off because he was hungry but he wouldn’t eat it.
Mothers also described interpretations of their babies' taste preferences impacting which solid foods they introduced. Nora decided to make her own baby food partly as a result of her baby's response to jarred food: [Did you start with jarred food?] I did, and then I saw his reaction to it and he didn’t like it. And then I read somewhere, I read this article about how nicely it’s packaged and advertised for full-time moms and it really doesn’t take a huge amount of time to make your own.
Consuming development
Participants described the transition to sippy cups and solid foods as a significant developmental stage. Eating solids and drinking out of a cup were constructed not only as shifts in what nourished their babies’ bodies, but also significant learning experiences. Summer: Now that he’s older we have these sippy cups which he seems to like better than any other ones. It’s good for him to learn the sippy cup now … So he gets used to a cup, but still is not completely off bottles. Vera: We started doing baby-led weaning … so every week we just feed him a new food and cut it up so he can hold it. He’s working on his pincer grasp. So we have to be able to cut things up into small cubes and he’ll be able to put it in his mouth.
Mother-oriented consumerism
In addition to consuming products to achieve goals for their babies, mothers described their consumer decisions and patterns as mechanisms to achieve particular goals for themselves. Subcategories of mother-oriented consumerism are knowledge/control, compliance, convenience, frugality, relationships and self-image.
Consuming knowledge and control
Several participants said they selected solid foods based on their abilities to know and control the ingredients. Specifically, participants reported feeding organic or homemade foods to maintain knowledge and control over what was entering their babies’ bodies.
Robin explained, “[Is there any reason you wanted to make your own baby food?] Just to control what's in it. It's fresher. It's cheaper. And then I actually know what's in it.” Similarly, when asked why she chose organic food, Nora responded: Just what is out there about pesticides on fruits and veggies, even if it is overblown as some individuals may claim, I don’t care. I’m going to err on the side of caution. I’m just going to feed him organic food. Even if it’s not organic, just something that’s not in the jar. Because jar food, it’s processed, and I don’t know what goes into making it. At least organic, or not, I know the fruit and veggies he’s eating, because I make it.
Consuming compliance
Participants reported selecting certain consumer products in order to comply with instructions provided by infant-feeding “experts.” Participants reported soliciting and following advice on feeding products from healthcare providers, experienced friends and family members, and parenting/feeding books and magazines (among all these sources, friends were relied upon the most for advice).
Participants who fed their babies formula reported determining which brand of formula to provide based on advice from obstetricians and pediatricians. Whereas some reported receiving direct recommendations, other participants interpreted the distribution of particular brands of infant formula by healthcare providers as an endorsement. When asked if there is a specific type of formula she uses, Robin explained, “We did [product name] because that's what the hospital gave us samples of. The doctor's offices that are affiliated with [Hospital] gave [product name] samples.” Similarly, Brigitte explained, “When we went to interview the pediatrician he gave us samples of [product name]. That's what we started her on.”
Participants who breastfed reported receiving advice from healthcare providers on which breastfeeding supplies they should purchase, particularly breast pumps. Leah explained, “The breastfeeding class talked about pumps and different brands of pumps they suggested. [Do you remember which ones?] [Product name] was the one they suggested. [Did you end up getting that one?] I did. I ended up with two of them.”
Participants also reported complying with advice from parenting magazines and books. When explaining why she chose [product name], baby food, Leah said, “It's organic … I think in the American Baby magazine it was actually highly recommended as a food.” Aubrey explained: I have a book that a friend gave me, Super Baby Food, and it talks about – Because I do need some guidance of knowing when certain foods can be introduced. I know I shouldn’t introduce honey before a year, but it’s all going to be natural products. Fruits, vegetables, root vegetables, and whole grains.
Consuming convenience
More than half of participants mentioned convenience impacting feeding-related consumer decisions, particularly the selection of prepared baby foods. Vera explained, “I did not get into the whole idea of making my own purees. I'm not a big fan of being in the kitchen. I'm okay with paying for convenience.” Similarly, Emma stated, “We do buy some baby food, like those packages are easiest.… Anything in a pouch like this. We only buy organic. Mostly I make stuff, but this is for the convenience moments.”
Others defined making their own baby food as convenient. Robin explained, “It's just as easy as you steam a vegetable and throw it in the blender and put it in the ice cube tray. Then you have twelve of whatever, so I have a freezer full of … bags with various things.” Kristen perceived items designed specifically for making baby food as facilitating convenience. She explained, “I had actually not registered for [name of popular baby food-making machine] on purpose because I didn't think it was necessary and we didn't have a lot of cabinet space, but … [it] comes with food storage containers that have dates and stuff on it, so I figured anything that can make it easier.”
Some participants described formula and formula-related items as convenient. When asked which items are necessary, Summer responded: These little formula things. These are handy for on the go … Basically you just scoop in the formula and it’s premeasured … It’s pretty easy, it’s already measured out; you don’t need to fuss with it.
These narratives demonstrate that participants construct certain infant foods and feeding-related items as convenient. Consumer choices in this context are selected with the intention of making their lives easier and more manageable.
Consuming frugality
Saving money was discussed in more than half of the interviews in relation to infant feeding. Participants described several money-saving techniques, including comparing prices at different stores, watching for sales and using coupons. April explained: I’ll only shop at [baby store] when [jars of baby food] are on sale. They’ll give you a box of twelve for ten dollars. So it’s just under a dollar for all of them. But then they’ll do like buy two get five dollars back. Or right now, they have it buy one get one 50% off, so you can get 24 for $15.
Summer similarly explained: Since I’ve become a mom I’ve started using coupons, which I never did before … I think the main reason I started was to save money on diapers and formula—they’re not cheap. A tub of [product name] formula if you go to [store], which I think is the cheapest, is around $21. And that lasts us for maybe a week. Plus you’re feeding him baby food on top of that. So, it’s kind of pricey. They give you a choice in the hospital of [product name] or [product name]. I think we just had more [of the former] samples at home … I only bought, I think, two cartons … because everyone I know—friends and relatives—signed up for [formula maker’s online community], and they send you samples in the mail. Full size samples. So we had cans and cans and cans of it up until a couple weeks ago.
Consuming relationships
Participants also conveyed that breastfeeding, but not formula-feeding, was relevant for fostering relationships. Most participants who discussed feeding as fostering relationships described parenting groups that were available only to breastfeeding mothers. When asked about the parenting group she attended, Robin responded: It started as a breastfeeding group. It would meet for lunch on Tuesdays at the hospital breastfeeding center. Where moms could just give each other advice, have lunch, and then we started to talk to each other on Facebook, because once a week could be a really long time in terms of breastfeeding, so we started a Facebook page. Then a spinoff of that was moms who would get together for playgroups … So now it’s become kind of a parenting group.
Feeding choices are constructed as impacting mothers' relationships with their babies and with other mothers by providing access to breastfeeding-based mothering groups. In this sense, relationships and social networking are available based on consumer decisions not to purchase formula and instead breastfeed. This finding also reveals what could be perceived as a system of rewards and punishments for compliance with the demands of intensive mothering, which strongly advocates breastfeeding: mothers who comply are rewarded with access to social networks that are closed to mothers who do not comply.
Consuming identity
Participants also described feeding-related consumer behaviors contributing to their self-image. In particular, consumption of certain items contributed to a particular vision of themselves as parents. When asked if she purchased or registered for items that supported the attachment parenting philosophy, Jamie replied: Other than the different slings that I have, from breastfeeding, co-sleeping, and when she’s weaned all natural foods and organic baby homemade foods and stuff like that are going to be key and essential. Definitely you know, positive parenting. Really all natural parenting, that kind of thing. I’m constantly reading up on that now. Actually no because my style of parenting is really different from my friends. I’m more towards what they call “crunchy parenting” and my friends are more mainstream, you know? So I go through the attachment parenting thing so I didn’t need a lot of the stuff that they were already using with their babies … Especially with foods and things like that because I just wanted him to be a strictly breastfed baby for as long as I could go. There’s a lot of pressure on women to breastfeed. And if you don’t breastfeed you’re a terrible person. So, that’s one thing that I noticed. Especially from the push back with some of my own family members, just the kind of tone, when I stopped breastfeeding … I did for the first three months. And I would literally break down and get very upset when I couldn’t, because I felt like I was a terrible person, you know, that I couldn’t do it? And not that I couldn’t do it, I could, I just couldn’t produce enough to keep up with him. So, that’s unfortunate for first-time moms.
Discussion and conclusions
Infant-feeding decisions and concurrent consumption choices are situated in a cultural context of risk society (Beck, 1992) and intensive mothering (Hays, 1996). Examination of new mothers’ constructions of infant food and feeding-related consumer items reveals multiple ways in which mothers respond to these perceived risks and the culturally prescribed, idealistic expectations of what it means to be a “good mother.” Findings reveal that mothers are consuming much more than the utilitarian need to feed their babies.
Baby-oriented consumerism generally aimed to reduce risks and promote health, comfort and development. Mothers sought to reduce risks of poor health through feeding choices, particularly minimizing babies' exposure to pesticides and processed foods through the consumption of organic foods and baby formulas. By selecting foods perceived as “healthy,” mothers believed they were creating good health through their consumer choices, and interpreted short-term health outcomes in direct relation to these consumer choices. Although the dominant discourse conveys infant formula as “risky” (Lee, 2008; Murphy, 2004; Wall, 2001), mothers in the study constructed organic formula as “healthy,” and consequently minimizing health risks. Mothers also sought to reduce risks of discomfort to their babies by purchasing certain foods and formulas, and avoiding others.
The ideology of intensive mothering is also apparent throughout mothers' constructions of baby-oriented consumerism. In their measures to promote health and comfort, mothers identified and responded to their babies' individualized needs. Such identification required close monitoring of babies' cues, particularly as mothers tried different brands of formula and observed their babies' responses. Mothers similarly reported attending to their babies' taste preferences, which also required close observation and responsiveness—key components of intensive mothering (Avishai, 2007; Hays, 1996; Lee, 2008). Consumerism is intricately related to this aspect of intensive mothering, as the “good mother” identifies her baby's unique needs and taste preferences and responds to them with consumer products, such as special formulas or particular foods.
Intensive mothering also requires mothers' responsiveness to their babies' changing developmental needs (Hays, 1996; Lee, 2008). Mothers are expected to provide an environment that facilitates development through a series of sequenced stages guided by expert advice (Hays, 1996; Knaak, 2010; Murphy, 1999). The current data indicate that the developmental stages are perceived as both facilitated and reflected by consumer items. That is, a child can only be in a “sippy cup stage” in a society in which sippy cups are available items to purchase. In such a society, the sippy cup is constructed as facilitating the child's transition from bottle to cup while also symbolizing the developmental transition from infant to toddler. The “good mother” identifies her baby's developmental needs and responds by providing “developmentally appropriate” consumer items.
Mother-oriented consumerism was also consistent with the ideology of intensive mothering in a risk society. In the theme of consuming control and knowledge, mothers described a desire to know and control the ingredients entering their babies' bodies so they could minimize exposure to potentially “harmful” substances such as pesticides or foods lacking in nutrients. This is consistent with the goal of reducing risk, and reflects compliance with demands of intensive mothering in which the mother is independently responsible for the baby's intake and health outcomes (Lee, 2007, 2008; Murphy, 1999, 2000). The theme of consuming compliance is based on the ideology that “experts” know best how to minimize risk, and is complicit with demands of intensive mothering which requires solicitation of and adherence to expert advice (Hays, 1996; Knaak, 2010; Murphy, 1999). The fact that doctors and hospital staff (those clearly recognized as authorities) offer free samples of infant formula, which is widely understood as less healthy than breast milk, allows women to construct formula as safe and healthy and to view formula-feeding as consistent with being a good mother.
Although the themes of consuming convenience and frugality may seem to contradict the ideology of intensive mothering in a risk society, as desires to save time and money seemingly place mothers' needs above their babies', we suggest they are consistent. Mothers in the study sought pre-made organic foods for convenience or constructed making their own food as convenient. These behaviors reflect the use of consumer items to facilitate adherence to intensive mothering by minimizing risks of subjecting their babies to potential pesticides in non-organic foods. In the theme of consuming frugality, mothers described methods they used to balance their own need to reduce spending or work within a particular budget with their babies' need to consume organic foods. Rather than compromise the type of food consumed by their babies, mothers reported using coupons, watching for sales, and so on in order to purchase the items they wanted at prices they could afford. These behaviors are consistent with the ideology of intensive mothering in a risk society because mothers are still able to reduce perceived risks associated with food, but in order to stay within their budget they must engage in the extra labor of coupon clipping, price comparing and watching for sales. These price-shopping activities were only taken-up by participants since becoming mothers; thus, they are an important component of intensive mothering.
The final two themes, consuming relationships and self-image, highlight the connection between feeding choices and related consumer behaviors, and social and self-identities identified in previous research (Knaak, 2010; Lee, 2007, 2008; Murphy, 1999; Ryan et al., 2010). The fact that feeding practices and related consumerism—specifically breastfeeding and the corresponding rejection of infant formula—provided or restricted access to certain social networks illustrates the inextricable link between breastfeeding and intensive mothering (Avishai, 2007; Knaak, 2010; Marshall et al., 2007; Murphy, 1999, 2000; Ryan et al., 2010; Stearns, 2009). Mothers who complied with demands of intensive mothering by breastfeeding were granted access to groups of mothers who were similarly complicit, whereas mothers who did not comply were denied access. This finding builds upon previous scholarship in which mothers who formula-feed report feeling judged and ostracized by mothers who breastfeed (Lee, 2007), and highlights the role of peers in “policing” mothers' feeding practices. In the theme of self-image, the same practices were used to facilitate mothers' images of themselves as good mothers, particularly as mothers who adhere to the attachment parenting philosophy. These themes highlight the significance of feeding-related consumerism for defining who mothers are to themselves and their broader communities.
Even in the application of new motherhood, purchasing, preparing, and consuming food are as much symbolic acts as they are utilitarian. The current project illustrates the multiple meanings new mothers attribute to infant-feeding items and illuminates what mothers sought for their babies and selves when making decisions among infant-feeding styles and concurrently, food and feeding-related commodities. The multiple meanings and definitions are consistent with the ideologies of intensive motherhood and risk society. Mothers, expected to meet their babies' needs, are accountable for being informed consumers and taking precautions in response to the multiple risks presumably posed by the dominant food culture.
This study provides important insight into infant-feeding consumerism but is limited by the small, homogenous sample used. In particular, our study focused on consumption by predominantly white, middle-class, first-time mothers living in the southeastern part of the United States. What it means to be a good mother and manage risks certainly differs across race, ethnicity, social class, and culture. A fruitful area for future research would be to examine how women's consumption patterns are shaped by such factors, especially in terms of how women who are not necessarily able or willing to engage in “intensive mothering” resist, comply or negotiate expectations borne by dominant cultural discourses surrounding mothering. Similarly, how women manage risk and construct identities will vary with subsequent children, especially if the first child survives infancy without major illnesses or problems. Such explorations could provide critical insight into how symbolic meanings surrounding consumption are shaped by both individual and cultural factors, and whether and how the experiences of the women interviewed in our study reflect broader cultural processes.