Changing patterns of conspicuous consumption: Media representations of luxury in second homes

Abstract

This article examines the potential of utilising representations of luxury in second homes to chart the changing patterns of conspicuous consumption. It is situated within a New Zealand context and based on the analysis of representations of luxury in second homes in an architecture/lifestyle magazine from 1936 to 2015. A qualitative thematic analysis was carried out on the written and visual text of 305 second home articles. The findings are divided into time periods which relate to distinct socio-cultural, political and economic events and ideologies that have influenced New Zealand society. The analysis reveals a change from ‘quiet luxury’ during the war years to the luxury of imported products, reflecting a fascination with first American and then European style in the mid-century. It also shows a change from a reputed cultural reticence to display one’s wealth to the flagrant conspicuous consumption of luxury goods and services in the 1980s which aligns with the rise of new wealth after the introduction of neoliberalism in the country. Finally, the variance between representations of luxury during recessionary times in the 1970s and 2000s demonstrates a change in attitude towards conspicuous consumption.

Keywords

Conspicuous consumption luxury media second homes New Zealand

Introduction

Through its ability to convey meaning and signal wealth, luxury has long been synonymous with conspicuous consumption (Eckhardt et al., 2015). This article explores the changing patterns of conspicuous consumption through an examination of media representations of luxury in second homes – arguably a form of conspicuous consumption in and of themselves (Brailsford, 2007). It analyses second home articles published in the architecture and lifestyle magazine Home New Zealand from its inception in 1936–2015 and maps these against the broader societal backdrop. In so doing, the article responds to Nunes et al. (2011) call for longitudinal studies utilising luxury consumption to track consumer behaviour, particularly in regards to conspicuous consumption. It also resonates with the work of Eckhardt et al. (2015) who note the rise of inconspicuous consumption and call for empirical research into inconspicuousness across a variety of cultural and consumer contexts. In examining representations of luxury in second homes, this article provides a unique lens through which to identify and chart changing patterns of conspicuous consumption. This is of value to scholars of consumer culture interested in how consumption signs are evolving and points to new understandings and utilisations of luxury at the nexus of housing and leisure consumption. For example, the paradox of how the inconspicuous consumption of luxury may be utilised in a conspicuous form of luxury – the architect-designed second home purpose – built for leisure.

Defining luxury

Throughout the centuries, luxury has variously (and often controversially) been associated with the fall of civil society, greed, sin, guilt, economic growth, foreign/imported goods, capitalism, maintenance of the social hierarchy and reward (Berry, 1994; Brewer, 1998; Plato, 1930; Sekora, 1977; Sombart, 1967; Twitchell, 2002). While luxury is very difficult to define due to its socially constructed nature (Berry, 1994), this section outlines the meaning(s) of luxury utilised in this article. As a starting point, the Oxford English Dictionary defines luxury as

Lasciviousness or lust;

The habitual use of, or indulgence in what is choice or costly, whether food, dress, furniture, or appliances of any kind;

Refined and intense enjoyment;

Means of luxurious enjoyment; sumptuous and exquisite food or surroundings;

In particularized sense: Something which conduces to enjoyment or comfort in addition to what are accounted the necessaries of life. Hence, in recent use, something which is desirable but not indispensable; and

Luxuriousness; abundance of appliances for comfort

This definition recognises the tangible (material) aspects to the definition of luxury, implied through the mention of cost, abundance and physical comfort. Luxury may be present in one’s food, dress, appliances and other surroundings. There are also intangible (immaterial) aspects of luxury such as exclusivity, desire (lust), pleasure and enjoyment. Other markers of luxury include refinement, sumptuousness and exquisiteness. Luxury is therefore constituted of physical, emotive and sensual elements (Berry, 1994).

The Oxford English Dictionary definition also alludes to the problematic and subjective nature of luxury – what may be costly or ‘desirable but not indispensable’ to one person may not be to another. The relationship between luxury and necessity is therefore important in defining luxury and has been the subject of debate for over 2000 years (Berry, 1994; Plato, 1930). Furthermore, and significantly for this article, these subjectivities are acknowledged to be temporally and spatially fluid, and luxury must therefore be defined in relation to the time and society in which it is found (Berry, 1994; Twitchell, 2002).

Luxury and conspicuous consumption

In 1899, Thorstein Veblen made the first observations about motivations for the frenzy of consumption, with the publication of his seminal work The Theory of the Leisure Class (Veblen, 2007 [1899]). His writing, although controversial at the time, has provided the basis for much of the academic literature on luxury consumption over the last hundred years, despite there being very few references to luxury itself in his treatise. Veblen postulated that the main motivation behind consumption (not just the consumption of luxury) was simply to flaunt one’s wealth and invite the invidious comparison of others. He coined the phrase ‘conspicuous consumption’ to describe the phenomenon (Veblen, 2007 [1899]). He observed the belief of the nouveau riche that their extravagant consumption accorded them the same status in society as the old-money families, a process Veblen defined as pecuniary emulation. Therefore, the only way the established moneyed families could distinguish themselves from these inferior newcomers was through showing better taste in their consumption, meaning they had greater levels of cultural and intellectual capital (Veblen, 2007 [1899]).

Since Veblen’s time, the majority of academic work on luxury has centred on consumer motivation and behaviour, with the result that there is now a large body of research concerning luxury consumption (e.g. Kastanakis, 2010; Wiedmann et al., 2009). Much of this research has come from the fields of economics and marketing (e.g. Kemp, 1998; Segal and Podoshen, 2013; Wiedmann et al., 2007). Researchers have carried out quantitative surveys of consumers of luxury products and developed models, identifying consumer preferences for specific luxury brands that have been positioned by marketers as exclusive. These models associate such preferences with the signalling of high social status, thereby confirming, but rarely questioning, various elements of Veblen’s conspicuous consumption theory (e.g. Corneo and Jeanne, 1997; O’Cass and McEwen, 2004; Phau and Prendergast, 2000; Vigneron and Johnson, 2004).

Sociologists and psychologists have also been involved in luxury consumption research. They tend to argue that consumer behaviour is nuanced and extremely complex, and thus cannot be explained by models (Bauer et al., 2011; Mortelmans, 2005). Findings from their largely qualitative studies suggest that the consumption of luxury is a tool in identity creation, self-fulfilment and lifestyle (Bauer et al., 2011; Orr et al., 2008). Membership of a particular social group may be gained or enhanced by the consumption of specific luxury goods and services. Displaying who we are and how we live is one way of achieving a sense of identity and belonging (Bauer et al., 2011; Orr et al., 2008; Thurlow and Jaworski, 2012).

Whereas the luxury literature has long recognised temporal and spatial dimensions to what constitutes luxury, research into conspicuous consumption has largely overlooked such dimensions, at least until recently. The Global Financial Crisis of the late 2000s precipitated changes in the marketing strategies of luxury brands, and there is now empirical support for the notion that consumer behaviour may change during recessionary times (e.g. Nunes et al., 2011). Furthermore, emerging research notes the rise of a new form of luxury consumption – inconspicuous consumption. This indicates a move from ‘loud’ luxury brand signals to more subtle forms of conveying high social and cultural capital; it seems that, for certain groups at least, inconspicuous consumption is becoming the new conspicuous consumption (Eckhardt et al., 2015). The reasons for this shift are complex and little understood, but it is theorised that it may be a response to economic conditions (not wanting to provoke anger in others during trying financial times) or to the gauche consumption by those of the nouveaux riches (Eckhardt et al., 2015; Nunes et al., 2011).

The media is a significant influence on how luxury is perceived, particularly through marketing and advertising (Abram, 2012; Borsay, 1977). However, although there has been much research into how consumers perceive luxury brands (see, for example, Christodoulides et al., 2009; Vigneron and Johnson, 2004), few studies have investigated how the media has represented luxury other than through brands (see, for example, Osgerby, 2005) and even fewer that have charted such representations through time. This article takes a novel approach, in that it steps outside of the luxury brand and examines the potential of utilising media representations of luxury in second homes to chart the changing patterns of conspicuous consumption.

Luxury, consumption and second homes

The housing literature provides some insight into representations of luxury and consumption, although the focus is largely on how primary homes and lifestyles are represented/sold through marketing material. Notions of luxury are implicit rather than explicit in their findings (Cheng, 2001; Collins and Kearns, 2008; Kenna, 2007). With regard to luxury and consumption in the context of second homes, academia has until recently largely remained silent, except to note the historical luxury of second home ownership. Traditionally, the ownership of a second home was the epitome of luxury and placed the owner among the elite (Löfgren, 1999; Wolfe, 1977). However, despite the supposed democratisation of second home ownership since the early 20th century, a number of researchers hold that second homes are still social indicators that convey status and, thus, constitute a form of conspicuous consumption (Halseth, 2004; Paris, 2011).

In New Zealand, where second homes have traditionally been positioned as readily accessible to the majority of the population, ‘fewer than one in ten families [ever owned] the keys to [a second home] … but the right to own [one] was unquestioned’ (Mitchell and Chaplin, 1984: 19). There is limited knowledge of second home owner demographics in New Zealand over the years, but in the early 1900s doctors and lawyers owned second homes at Doctors Point and Baylys Beach (Church, 2007; Male, 2001), while those with second homes on Rangitoto Island were described as ‘not affluent’ (Yoffe, 2000: 33). In the 1940s–1970s, the ranks of second home ownership reportedly included teachers, secretaries and stock agents (Mitchell and Chaplin, 1984). However, in the last two decades there has been concern raised about the inability of New Zealanders to afford a second home and suggestions that the middle class is now largely excluded from ownership (Kearns and Collins, 2006).

Methods

Magazines have long been used to disseminate knowledge of new consumer goods and lifestyles to which readers can aspire (Beetham, 1996; Bourdieu, 1984; Leonard et al., 2004). They have influenced society’s changing notions of fashion, taste, desire and luxury in various areas, including architecture and interior design (Osgerby, 2005; Perkins et al., 2008). Indeed, magazines have been identified as a ‘significant form of visual and textual information about the modern home and its inhabitants’ (Aynsley and Berry, 2005: 1). In New Zealand, Leonard et al. (2004) contend that print media has played a significant role in influencing ideas of taste in the architecture and home-making context, and state that home and lifestyle magazines are an important part of New Zealand culture.

In October 1936, the magazine Building Today was launched by publisher/managing editor Victor L Beckett, in conjunction with the New Zealand Institute of Architects (NZIA) who provided co-editors, and a little financial support for the venture (Shaw and Brookes, 1999). The publication was New Zealand’s first architecture and lifestyle magazine, aimed at those who could afford the services of an architect (or those who aspired to being able to), and it has had a number of name and publication frequency changes over the years (Table 1). The magazine is still in circulation today (as Home New Zealand) with a readership of 107,000 (Bauer Media, 2016), providing an uninterrupted publishing period of 79 years and facilitating an analysis of changing patterns of conspicuous consumption through an analysis of representations of luxury.

Table 1.

Name changes of Building Today magazine since 1936.

Name of magazine	Year	Frequency of publication
Building Today	1936 (October)	Quarterly
Home and Building Today	1937 (July)	Quarterly
Home and Building	1937 (November)	Quarterly
	1948 (April)	Two-monthly
	1951 (April)	Monthly
	1970 (October)	Two-monthly
	1971 (February)	Monthly
	1975 (Issue 6)	Two-monthly
New Zealand Home and Building	1976 (Issue 1)	Two-monthly
New Zealand Home and Entertaining	1999 (February)	Two-monthly
Home New Zealand	2007 (October)	Two-monthly

Every issue of the magazine from 1936 to 2015 was read, and a total of 305 second home articles were identified, comprising over 1600 pages of material. This formed the basis of the empirical material; however, attention was paid to the entire content and feel of the magazine to gain an understanding of the broader context and the nature of luxury throughout the period under examination; editorials, other articles and advertising were all considered valuable sources of contextual material to inform the analysis (Aynsley and Berry, 2005; Spiker, 2003; Stokowski, 2011).

Qualitative approaches are well suited to research that seeks understanding rather than description and are able to capture the complexities of language and nuances of meaning (Creswell, 2013; Jennings, 2012). Here, representations of luxury in the context of second homes were examined using thematic analysis, as an interpretive methodology was considered the most appropriate to address the research objectives (Attride-Stirling, 2001; Braun and Clarke, 2006). The analysis began with the first reading of the magazine – copious notes were taken about each issue, detailing the tone and style of second home articles and the wider magazine content, along with changes in the language used. Where luxury was explicitly mentioned, this was highlighted and coded, along with synonyms perceived to imply luxury and the context in which they were used. Second home articles were thematically analysed with regard to written and visual representations of tangible and intangible luxury; codes were developed and condensed into meaningful overarching themes which were then rigorously checked for coherence and consistency (Attride-Stirling, 2001; Braun and Clarke, 2006).

Findings

Luxury is temporally and culturally specific, and it cannot be dissociated from its wider context. As such, the interpretations of the representations of luxury in second homes here are so grounded in order to recognise, understand and make sense of them. Figure 1 presents these representations and situates them within both the context of the overarching magazine discourse and aspects of the socio-economic context that are emblematic of that period in time in New Zealand, both overall and with specific reference to luxury and second homes. It visually depicts changes in representations, where various tangible and intangible elements of luxury appeared and disappeared from the magazine discourse. For example, views were represented as luxury over the entire period of publication, whereas the luxury of ownership was only discerned from the turn of the 21st century (Figure 1). The findings are presented in time periods that reflect the changes in the way second homes and luxury were represented in the magazine, which, in turn, mirror changes in the broader societal context (Figure 1). Each section in the findings below discusses the salient context of the period, thus locating the analysis of representations of luxury in the second home articles that follows.

Figure 1.

Representations of luxury in second homes situated against Home New Zealand magazine commentary and the broader societal context in New Zealand.

The late 1930s and 1940s: New Zealand at war

Building restrictions imposed by the government during World War II and increasing costs of materials affected the amount and type of work for architects and others involved in the building industry, and this was reflected in the magazine. The language of luxury during this time included such synonyms as comfort, convenience, efficiency, grace of form, charm, refinement and taste. However, during the war years ostentation and ‘overt’ luxury (read: conspicuous consumption) in the home were actively discouraged in the magazine. Notions of ‘making do’ and being thrifty were common, and new columns appeared in the magazine, dedicated to inexpensive decorative ‘how to’ projects to brighten the home. With regard to second homes, from the earliest issues of Building Today, representations of the luxury of the site (particularly the views) and the architectural design provisions of spaciousness and light/warmth were identifiable (Figure 1).

The site of the second home, particularly the view, was frequently described in a way which evoked a sense of exclusivity and luxury:

This cottage is built some 600 feet above sea level … and commands glorious vistas of bush-covered hills and rolling country, culminating in a panoramic view of the harbour and [the northern suburbs of the city] – clearly ample provision should be made for the full enjoyment of these natural beauties. (‘Planning for leisure’, Home and Building Today, July–September, 1937: 31)

Descriptions of the views from the second home were lush and laden with adjectives such as panoramic, extensive, uninterrupted, breath-taking and unsurpassed. This contrasted with the more commonly used factual writing style of the period, and in doing so evoked a sense of luxury. The importance of the view as a resource for consumption (in the past and present) was also noted by Löfgren (1999).

Likewise, spaciousness was represented as luxurious from the very first article:

The main feature of the house is its spacious living-room with large open fireplace and chimney. (‘Planning for leisure’, Home and Building Today, July–September, 1937: 31)

In the 1930s (and before), only those with sufficient wealth could afford to build a spacious second home, while those without had to make do with small and cheaply built second homes (Yoffe, 2000). In 1949, the World War II building restrictions were lifted to allow the construction of second homes again of up to a maximum floor area of 400 sq ft (37.1 m²). At this point, the luxury of spaciousness and its association with comfort was particularly evident in the discourse:

Next – and here is room for the controversy – it was considered advisable to have a large and comfortable living space and to economise on sleeping accommodation. This allows for entertaining and for comfortable relaxation during the greatest heat of the day or in bad weather. (‘A 400-foot holiday cottage’, Home and Building, August–September, 1949: 53)

In the first half of the 20th century, light and warmth were luxuries as many (if not most) New Zealand homes of the time were poorly designed for sun and heat (Brickell, 2003). Light and warmth were thus associated with comfort and being comfortable. Second home articles commonly focused on light and warmth in the form of fireplaces and large living areas with large windows:

The deep bay shown in the photograph forms a sun lounging area and is yet handy to the fireside for winter comfort. (‘A week end cottage’, Home and Building, March–May, 1941: 13)

The first second home article in 1937 showcased a luxury feature in the form of a garage:

The garage, which is a separate building, is designed in a similar style to harmonise with the main structure. (‘Planning for leisure’, Home and Building Today, July–September, 1937: 31)

It could be argued that a garage was a necessity in order to protect the car, being such an expensive asset, but in the 1930s vehicle ownership itself remained something of a luxury, with many New Zealanders unable to afford a car (Pawson, 2012). Therefore, for the average reader of Home and Building Today, a garage signalled that the home owner was also a car owner; this is interpreted here as a subtle form of conspicuous consumption.

Thus, during the 1930s and 1940s conspicuous consumption of tangible luxury items (with the exception of garaging, which could arguably be a necessity) was actively discouraged in light of the conditions induced by World War II. However, this did not preclude conspicuous consumption of more intangible luxury items such as views, space, light and warmth. That the owner could afford not only a second home but also one with these luxuries distinguished them from the majority of other New Zealanders of the time.

The 1950s to mid-1960s: Post-War optimism and consumer choice

Many articles in the early 1950s showcased the latest trends from overseas, along with a preponderance of advertising for imported products, mostly from the United Kingdom and the United States (Figure 1). This is perhaps unsurprising, given New Zealand’s historic ties with the former and its more recent fascination with the latter as a result of contact with US troops during World War II. This was accompanied by a change in advertising rhetoric, reflecting marketing trends in the United States that promoted consumption as a panacea and increasingly linked products to notions of desirability and social worth (Giles, 1993; Shaw and Brookes, 1999). In addition to the focus on ‘big ticket’ appliances such as refrigerators and televisions, there was an increasing emphasis in the magazine on home décor and keeping up with the latest in home-decorating trends. Consumption was actively encouraged, and along with it consumer choices were becoming a marker of socio-economic status, taste and sophistication in New Zealand as they had been in the United States (and the United Kingdom) for some time (Friedman, 2010; Giles, 1993; Sparke, 2010). This was reflected in the language of luxury in the magazine, which was synonymous with distinction, individuality, quality, American styling and latest trends. For example, an advertisement for Norge Refrigerators in 1961 states,

Elegance! A Luxury Look! Smoothly contoured! The American touch! That is what is preferred and asked for in today’s modern kitchen. There’s nothing highlights beauty in your Kitchen like a NORGE Refrigerator – because it is contoured for beauty – smoothly graciously aristocratically. (Home and Building, January, 1961: 23)

By the late 1950s, like the home itself (Shaw and Brookes, 1999) the second home in New Zealand had become a site for conspicuous consumption. Articles were dedicated to the summer lifestyle at the second home:

With the pleasant prospect of holidays ahead, I made a little tour of the City shops to see what was available to add cheer to a bach. I found a positive host of idea-provoking objects … (Hoby, Home and Building, November, 1956: 13)

Some, as in this extract, showcased new consumer goods for the second home, while others provided instruction and advice on how to decorate the second home in a manner reflecting one’s individuality and personality. From the early- to mid-1960s, many of the second homes featured in Home and Building were from overseas, predominantly the United Kingdom, United States and Scandinavia.

The late 1960s and 1970s: New Zealand in recession

From the late 1960s to the early 1980s, New Zealand experienced three periods of economic recession. The first of these was termed the ‘Wool Bust’ (1967–1969) as New Zealand’s wool market collapsed and the associated export income dropped dramatically, causing gross domestic product (GDP) growth to fall and inflation to rise (Reddell and Sleeman, 2008). Following this, the Organisation of Petroleum-Exporting Countries (OPEC)-induced oil crisis in 1973 resulted in two more recessions (1974–77 and 1979–1982) and significantly pushed up the price of importing goods (Chatterjee, 1996; Reddell and Sleeman, 2008). The impacts of these recessions were visible in the content of Home and Building. By the early 1970s, there was little in the way of leisure luxuries – there were no book reviews, cooking or travel columns – and advertising became skewed towards building materials rather than household furnishings and appliances (Figure 1). Representations of luxury in the magazine during the 1970s were muted, with references, instead, to the need for modesty, and products were marketed as practical not expensive. Conspicuous consumption had become anathema.

The number of second home articles in the magazine dropped markedly from the early 1970s. Indeed, the majority of issues in the 1970s contained no second home articles. The recessions may at least in part explain the decline in second home articles, as tighter financial conditions tend to result in a reduction in spending on discretionary purchases such as new vehicles, holidays and second homes (Morris, 2009; Reddell and Sleeman, 2008). Certainly, a number of the editorials during this time (e.g. in June 1968; September and December 1969; June 1977, January and April 1980) discussed a lack of work for architects and noted some had moved overseas in search of employment. Furthermore, Miles Warren (a respected New Zealand architect) stated ‘[Ostentation in] building … is not considered good form. Modest decency is the order of the day’ (NZ Home and Building, 1979 (5): 34), highlighting New Zealanders’ ‘long-held reluctance to show off wealth’ (Moon, 2011: 540). This, too, may have played a part in the editor’s choices about what the readers would (or would not) read during this period.

The early-mid 1980s: Neoliberalism and new wealth

The introduction of neoliberalism by the newly elected Labour government in 1984, and the major restructuring of the public sector that followed, resulted in the accumulation of wealth among a new generation of New Zealanders, who were lauded by the business press for their success (Consedine, 1989; Hazledine and Siegfried, 1997). Furthermore, this new generation ‘deliberately cultivated an aura of opulence’ (Moon, 2011: 539) through their penchant for conspicuous consumption and rebellion against the norms about publicly displaying one’s wealth. These shifting ideals and beliefs about wealth and the display of luxury were reflected in new and distinctive forms of post-modernist architecture (Moon, 2011).

By the mid-1980s, New Zealanders had become increasingly sophisticated consumers, and the second home was a sphere in which individuality could readily be affirmed. The interior decoration of the second home portrayed in the written and visual magazine discourse provided ample evidence of luxury and hedonic consumption. While luxury was present from the early 1950s, it became more prevalent from the mid-1980s as the second home became increasingly commoditised as a site for consumption in New Zealand, just as it had overseas (Gram-Hanssen and Bech-Danielsen, 2004; Paris, 2011). Rather than mass-produced items, the owners of second homes featured in the magazine preferred distinctive furnishings and accessories:

The actual colour of the leather furniture [in the lounge] was achieved by having a batch of leather especially dyed. It is aqua sea green and accurately reflects the colours outside … Pieces of art have been chosen carefully. A Zena Abbott tapestry commissioned especially. Door handles were imported from England and imported taps chosen for their function and because they remind [the owner] of birds. (McCarthy, NZ Home and Building, August–September, 1986: 11, 13)

Mandel (2009) notes the use of expensive art as a signal of wealth and a conspicuous consumption good, and the detailed descriptions in the magazine (not only of the artwork but also of other tangible luxury items) as above appear to illustrate a similar utility value for the second home owners. Many goods and services in the second homes were described as exclusive, high quality, stylish, lavish, fine and unique – the terms luxury and luxurious were also used frequently. Certainly, there was a sense of luxury, exclusivity and social status communicated to the reader through both the written and visual text, and ‘loud’ conspicuous consumption was becoming normalised.

While the view was important in earlier years, as discussed above, this extract notes its even greater significance in the 1980s:

Views and orientation to the land take on a different meaning from those of the traditional bach¹ situation. No longer is there an involvement with the landscape as a means of escape from the suburbs. Rather, contemplation of the land as a picturesque and pretty view takes importance. Proximity and orientation to the open landscape of the sea, for the purpose of viewing it only, becomes a valuable commodity that can be bought and sold. People move into developed land, having different aspirations from early bach builders. The trappings of suburban life are available and are expected, and as new suburbs spring up by the sea, the contemplation of the landscape and the exclusive image that the proximity affords, becomes more important than actual involvement with it. (Durkin, NZ Home and Building, December–January, 1984–1985: 39)

This change was reflected in the second home articles, which increasingly contained comments such as

Their criteria for the design of the house was that … on awakening their first sight should be of the sea. (McCarthy, NZ Home and Building, August–September, 1986: 9)

Through its commoditisation, the view from the second home had become an even more important marker of exclusivity and luxury, signalling the economic capital of the owners. This form of conspicuous consumption was to be further heightened in the coming decades, when glossy colour images of the views became even more prominent, filling double page spreads in the magazine.

The late 1980s and 1990s: A [brief] return to traditional values?

After the share market crash of 1987, the tone of the magazine changed dramatically, with editorials discussing (in hindsight) the loss of integrity and the distasteful decadence shown by the financial business sector, and they decried the building of pretentious houses as status symbols. Upmarket restaurants and extravagance were shunned in favour of unpretentious neighbourhood cafes and a return to ‘traditional’ values. Nevertheless, this ‘values-rhetoric’ had been forgotten by the mid- to late-1990s, and there was again a sense of luxury and sumptuousness to the magazine. This was seen in the evocative use of language (different to that of the 1980s, such as discerning, seductive, gracious, opulent, elegant and decadent) and in the sensual nature of the imagery used in the advertising (rich colours and comfortable soft furnishings). It was a more subtle, feminine representation of luxury than in the mid-1980s, with less ostentation and more refinement, less mirror glass and hard granite edges and more welcoming softness and curves. However, it was still conspicuous consumption, and there was a continuing association with notions of exclusivity, individuality, distinction and good taste.

From the 1990s onwards, the representation of the home as a private haven became common; perhaps unsurprisingly, the idea of the need for privacy also appeared in the second home articles. The magazine discourse constructed a hierarchy of luxury inherent in privacy, related to the level of naturally occurring privacy. Where the site was not naturally private, privacy could be achieved through clever architecture:

The couple prepared a concise brief for [the architect]. Provision of privacy from the road was paramount. This was achieved with a gate and half wall as the entry point to the house. (Bucknell, NZ Home and Building, April–May, 1992: 61)

Second home owners looked for greater privacy and went to greater lengths to secure it, seeking more remote and isolated properties. As with views, privacy had become a valuable commodity to be purchased, and the luxury and exclusivity lay in how much privacy the second home owner could afford. Privacy had become a marker of distinction, an intangible luxury that could be purchased and consumed conspicuously.

The 2000s: Increasing coastal property prices and the Global Financial Crisis

Around the turn of the 21st century, the popular media began to carry regular articles bemoaning increasing coastal property prices. In some places, prices rose over 200% from 1999 to 2004, considerably higher than the 46% national average (Cheyne and Freeman, 2006). At the same time, the archetypal seaside ‘bach’ became a cultural icon and was valorised as symbolic of an authentic but disappearing New Zealand way of life (Kearns and Collins, 2006). Reflecting this wider discourse surrounding rising coastal property prices, a more overt representation of the luxury inherent in second home ownership became evident:

… the real point here is the diminishing availability of that paragon of Kiwi lifestyle; the bach. Increasingly the only way to make lazy summers at the beach possible is to spend the larger part of the year in bleak servitude to corporate capitalism. (Wood, Home NZ, December–January, 2007–2008: 89)

Statements such as this helped to position modern, architect-designed second homes themselves as a form of conspicuous consumption; they represented a substantial outlay on a bespoke secondary dwelling used for the purpose of leisure.

The representations of luxury during the Global Financial Crisis, which began in 2007, were markedly different to those during the recessions of the 1970s, perhaps indicating that societal ideas about luxury and the acceptability of conspicuous consumption had changed. Rather than no second home articles, as in the 1970s, the magazine began to showcase simple, small or modest second homes. The idea of ‘conspicuously consuming’ simplicity may seem counterintuitive, particularly as simplicity was traditionally equated with frugality and an ascetic life of virtue (Jennings, 2007). In the magazine, though, simplicity was discursively constructed as a new form of luxury in two forms. The first was associated with a ‘pared-back lifestyle’ at the second home:

These baches are exercises in reduction, refining the rituals of daily living back to the bare essentials. (Hansen, NZ Home and Entertaining, April–May, 2012: 74)

Work by both Löfgren (1999) and Jørgensen (2015) has likewise discussed second home owners’ quest for simplicity, linking it with living more authentic lives and a less consumptive lifestyle. The second form of discursive construction in the magazine was that of architectural simplicity:

The joy of this holiday home is its no-frills architectural simplicity. (McCall, Home NZ, December–January, 2008–2009: 102)

At first glance, the term ‘simplicity’ appeared to relate to a decoration, structure or design that was plain, unadorned and basic. However, a closer examination of the images associated with these articles suggested that it did not mean inexpensive, nor did it mean a lack of luxury. Rather, simplicity was constructed as synonymous with taste and style: designer lightshades, an upper-end dishwasher and an espresso machine were featured in the photographs associated with an article about one ‘simple’ second home. The financial and cultural capital of the second home owner was, thus, evident in the ideal of simplicity associated with exclusive, high-quality designer products (Leonard et al., 2004).

In addition, in recent years there was a trend towards showcasing small second homes in Home New Zealand, with nearly one-third of second homes (where the floor area was stated) since 2004 having a floor area of 75 m² or less. The second home owners in these articles deliberately chose simplicity over ‘stuff’ and/or to live in a restricted space while on holiday. As with the 1970s magazine response to recessions, these representations of luxury could be viewed in two ways: either as the second home owners’ response to the recession or as the editor’s assessment of what readers would deem an acceptable display of luxury.

This type of simplicity was perceived to be very different to that lived by others who, through circumstance, may have to live a permanently simple lifestyle forsaking modern conveniences through necessity rather than choice. It is argued, here, that to have the freedom to choose to consume simply at the second home (also noted by Löfgren (1999)) is a form of conspicuous consumption, similar to the luxury of licence or ‘positive freedom’ espoused by Llamas (2016) where the ability to exercise choice itself is viewed as a luxury.

Related to simplicity yet subtly distinct from it were notions of modesty and a lack of pretension. They were best illustrated using examples of what they were not, which were frequently encountered in the magazine discourse:

[The architect] was the logical choice for an adventurous Auckland-based couple who wanted something more – or perhaps less – than another beachside McMansion. (Macdonald, Home NZ, April/May, 2012: 98)

Whereas simplicity referred to the lack of architectural adornment or a lifestyle of simple pleasures, modesty and unpretentiousness referred to an unassuming style and a lack of vulgarity – as defined by the writer (Freeman and Cheyne, 2008; Kearns and Collins, 2006). In the magazine, the representations of modesty and a lack of pretension emphasised to the reader the second home owners’ good taste and social-class membership (Bourdieu, 1984). There was an underlying sense of distinction in the discourse, implying that those who built modest second homes were better than those who built ostentatious second homes due to their ability to exercise restraint and exude stylishness – much like the traditional distinction between the bourgeois and the petit bourgeois (Bourdieu, 1984). This resonates with the question of what constitutes an ‘authentic’ second home and who defines it in a particular cultural context (Jørgensen, 2015).

Conclusion

This article has examined the potential of utilising representations of luxury in second homes to chart changing patterns of conspicuous consumption and makes three contributions to the literature. First, the findings emphasise that if we are to use representations of luxury to chart conspicuous consumption through time, we must contextualise luxury itself. Only through immersing ourselves in the historical societal context, can we recognise and understand what constituted ‘luxury’ at that time, as our gaze is filtered through a 21st century lens of what constitutes luxury now. A marked change in representations of luxury was evident after the introduction of neoliberalism in 1984 which precipitated a time of social change in New Zealand. Displays of wealth and conspicuous consumption had reportedly become more acceptable, and this appeared to be reflected in the second home discourse, where representations of luxury in interior design were overt. The findings presented here suggest, however, that conspicuous consumption existed in New Zealand for decades before the neoliberal revolution – it has simply not been recognised. The common rhetoric is that New Zealanders traditionally did not flaunt their wealth, and that it was socially unacceptable to do so (Moon, 2011). Here, we find that while the second home owners of the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s perhaps did not do so in a ‘flashy’ or overt manner by today’s standards, nevertheless, they did consume conspicuously using the tangible and intangible luxuries of the time (such as views, spaciousness, light, warmth, garaging and second home consumer goods) to signal their financial, social and cultural capital.

Second, connecting representations of luxury to historical events and broader contexts helps to explain shifts in conspicuous consumption. Here, the magazine functions as a medium for reflecting society’s values and norms about luxury and conspicuous consumption. For example, by analysing the magazine’s response during periods of recession, we suggest that there has been a change in what New Zealand society views as acceptable representations of luxury and conspicuous consumption. Rather than ignoring second homes altogether during the most recent period of global economic uncertainty as they did in the 1970s recessions, the magazine focused on purportedly simple, small or modest designs. Somewhat paradoxically, these representations of simplicity and modesty demonstrate that ‘simple’ consumption does not necessarily equate to ‘basic’ consumption. In a time of financial uncertainty, one can continue to consume conspicuously (and therefore ‘appropriately’ for the times in which one is living) through the deliberate inclusion of minimal yet tasteful, quality and expensive designer items.

Most significantly, this article makes a contribution through identifying a recent turn to inconspicuous consumption within conspicuous consumption. From the street, modern architect-designed second homes may be indistinguishable from permanent residences in terms of size and amenity, but their ‘closed’ demeanour marks them as second homes; in this way, they are symbols of luxury and conspicuous consumption. Yet from the inside, representations of luxury in the magazine mirror the trend towards subtly marked inconspicuous brands identified by Eckhardt et al. (2015).

While this article has focused on media representations of luxury in second homes, it has wider relevance and applicability. It demonstrates that studying changes in how luxury is represented does, indeed, provide a useful avenue into the changing patterns of conspicuous consumption. This reflects changes in the inner workings and values of a society, beyond studies of branding and consumer behaviour, and as such, the implications of this research are transferrable. Future research could include media representations of luxury in other second home cultures in North America and Europe, with a particular emphasis on Scandinavia, shedding new light on the subtleties of conspicuous consumption within and between societies as called for by Eckhardt et al. (2015). In addition, examining representations of luxury in tourism and leisure would be valuable in charting changes in conspicuous consumption, as (like second home ownership) these two areas are increasingly recognised in the literature as sites of privilege and luxury consumption (Ateljevic and Doorne, 2002; Rojek, 2006).

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Note

Author Biographies

Trudie Walters is a lecturer in the Department of Tourism at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, and serves on the Board of the Australia and New Zealand Association of Leisure Studies. Her academic interest in second homes was precipitated by her time selling real estate in a popular holiday destination, where she observed first-hand the more recent changing nature of second homes in New Zealand.

Neil Carr is a professor and Head of the Department of Tourism at the University of Otago, New Zealand, and editor of Annals of Leisure Research. His research interests encompass a variety of areas including family and children's holiday experiences, the leisure experiences of dogs and other non-human animals, and the position of sex in tourism and leisure.

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