Singaporean adolescents’ perceptions of violence: Implications for practice

Abstract

Culture, religion and ethnicity appear to impact how adolescents view their experiences of interpersonal violence. Despite the fact that these adolescents were third and fourth generation Singaporeans of Chinese, Indian and Malay descent, this qualitative study showed that while they did not condone the violence; their acceptance of it was largely governed by their interpretation of the scriptures, their ability to externalize control and responsibility to an external source like ‘God’ or ‘fate’, and the intergenerational transmission of culture in which they were socialized.

A convenience sampling method was chosen to interview 52 adolescents who had grown up exposed to interpersonal violence. The study’s objective was to determine whether culture, religion and ethnicity influenced their understanding of the perpetration of interpersonal violence. It answered the research question: What meanings do adolescents give to their life experiences in relation to growing up exposed to interpersonal violence?

With increasing globalization and the cultural diversity in our societies, social workers must be ethnically and culturally sensitive to the worldviews of adolescents from differing backgrounds, if they are to engage them successfully. From a policy perspective, gender education which includes issues of equality and respect needs to be consciously developed in the school’s curricula. Early outreach programmes are critical to identify these young victims of abuse before shame and loyalty issues in adolescence set in.

Keywords

Cross-cultural culture domestic violence young people

Studies on children and interpersonal violence (IPV) have largely focused on the impact of exposure to IPV on children (Edelson, 1999; Geffner, Griffin and Lewis III, 2008; Georgsson, Almqvist and Broberg, 2011; McKinney, Sieger, Agliata and Renk, 2006; Postmus and Ortega, 2005). In the last decade, the focus has also included the meanings that children ascribe to their experiences of violence (Buckley, Holt and Whelan 2007; Humphreys, Mullender, Thiara and Skamballis, 2006; Mullender, 2006). Children have their own views and perspectives about IPV and respond to their experiences as ‘unique individuals’ (Mullender, Hague, Imam, Kelly, Malos and Regan, 2002: 206). Their interpretation of the events helps them cope with their situations. They need to be given a chance to talk and invariably want to do so and when they feel safe, they tend to disclose losses they have experienced ‘with great poignancy’ (Mullender et al., 2002: 208). Their voices, therefore, are critical if professionals want to develop programmes that will meet the needs of these children.

However, the voices of children from South-East Asia are scarce in the literature. In addition, the experiences of adolescents have largely been missed, with most studies focusing on children.

This study, therefore, had two objectives. First, we attempted to understand the meanings that adolescents in Singapore give to their experiences of having witnessed and experienced IPV. Second, we wished to discuss the implication for practice with such adolescents. The study addressed the research question: What meanings do adolescents give to their life experiences in relation to growing up exposed to IPV?

Operational definition of exposure to violence

There have been varying definitions for exposure to IPV. For this study, exposure to IPV includes directly witnessing; hearing but not witnessing; observing the outcome as evidenced by the aftermath (this would include physical injuries, being told what had happened, the arrival of police, going to the hospital, or extended family being called in (Edelson, 1999; Jouriles et al., 2001); and, the adolescents’ own experience of violence, to include physical, sexual, and psychological violence and/or wrongful confinement at the hands of adult family members or partners of their mothers (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, 2009).

The context of the research

Singapore is a city-state with a population of 5.1 million. In its 46 years of independence, it has gone from being an under-developed, third-world nation of slums and sojourners (primarily from China and India) to being a first-world country. It has a home ownership rate of 88.8 percent and a resident (Singaporean) population of 3.2 million, comprising ethnic Malays, Chinese, Indians, and Eurasians (Department of Statistics, 2011). Adolescents age 14–19 make up 8 percent of the resident population (Department of Statistics, 2011). The major religions practiced in Singapore include Buddhism, Taoism, Christianity, Islam and Hinduism. The adolescents in this study came from the three major ethnic groups, the Chinese, Malays and Indians, who largely practise Buddhism, Islam and Hinduism respectively.

IPV is an issue of concern in Singapore. In the last 15 years, laws have changed and legislative measures put in place to ensure access to help for all family members exposed to IPV. These include those who use violence, those who experience violence and child witnesses of violence. Although there has been no prevalence study done on IPV in Singapore, an indication of the extent of the problem can be deduced from the applications for Personal Protection Orders (PPOs) at the Family Court. While this may not reflect the actual extent of violence experienced by families, it gives an indication of the current status of reported cases. Figures over the last three years hover at around 3,000 cases (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, 2011). Given that the average Singaporean family has two children, a rough estimate of children and adolescents exposed to IPV yearly is about 6,000.

Culture, ethnicity, religion

A study of adolescent exposure to domestic violence will not be complete without an analysis of the cultural, ethnic and religious factors that impact on the way IPV is viewed.

Culture is often used to refer to shared values, beliefs, practices and norms of social groups (Cruz and Sonn, 2011; Markus and Kitayama, 1991) through which people interpret their life experiences (Kasturirangan, Krishnan and Riger, 2004). In the sociological definition, an ethnic identity stems from markers such as traditions, language and religious practices peculiar to that ethnic group (Lai, 1995).

Race, ethnicity and culture appear to be used interchangeably in the literature (Kasturirangan et al., 2004; Yick and Oomen-Early, 2008). In a content analysis of 46 empirical research studies on IPV that looked at how researchers defined the concept of culture, the conclusion was that a person’s ethnicity invariably represented his culture (Yick and Oomen-Early, 2008).

Culture is also said to be one of the factors that facilitates coping and resilience (Markus and Kitayama, 1991; Ow and Katz 1998). In the context of IPV, culture may play a role in softening the severity of the trauma, possibly even helping in the process of healing from the effects of the abuse (Yashioka, Gilbert, El-Bassel and Baig-Amin, 2003). It also appears to influence how they seek help (Tao-Shen, 2011).

In the same vein, the psychological orientations of locus of control and locus of responsibility also appear to influence the way adolescents make meanings of their experiences (Sue and Sue, 2008). When control or responsibility is internal, the individual takes responsibility for what happens. However, if control or responsibility is external, it is placed on things or people who are external to the individual (Devries, 1996; Sue and Sue, 2008).

Religion also plays a pivotal role in how people give meaning to their experiences. However, what is culture and what is religion can sometimes be blurred (Sinha, 2008) and the interpretation of the culture is sometimes shaped by the religion (Hassouneh-Philips, 2001).

Religion is defined as a belief in a higher being (God) and the practices associated with it. In times of crisis, people use religion to cope with stressful situations (Ni Raghallaigh, 2011). All religions do not condone violence. Respect and regard for their fellow man is strongly enshrined in all of them. Yet there have been very few studies conducted specifically on the use of religion among adolescents who experience IPV.

In Singapore, local studies have shown that the three main ethnic groups, by and large, adhere to their cultural traditions and religious beliefs (Chan, 2003; Sinha, 2008; Tong 2008, Yong, 2004).

Both Buddhism and Hinduism are philosophies for life. Hinduism is a monotheistic religion, characterized by one God in many forms, the law of causality (karma), and a desire for liberation from the cycles of birth and death (reincarnation) (Chinmaya Mission, 2006). There appear to be two forms of Hinduism practised in Singapore. One aspect highlights the rational, philosophical and scriptural aspects of religious tradition, what is referred to as devotional Hinduism (Sinha, 2008). The other is a ritualistic ‘folk Hindu domain’ (Sinha, 2008: 133) which is characterized by the practice of offering meat, alcohol and other substances to the deities, and the presentation of aggressive Gods, spirits, mediums and trances.

The basic Buddhist belief system, similar to Hinduism, includes the ideas that nothing is fixed or permanent, that actions have consequences, and that change is possible.

Both Buddhism and Hinduism believe in the concept of Karma. Karma refers to the sum of our actions, the intentions behind them and the resulting reactions in this life and the previous life, all of which determine our future (Chinmaya Mission, 2006; Kang, 2010). Hence, Karma is not about fate or destiny alone. It is about the choices one has made in the past that have resulted in the current situation, and the choices one makes in the present that order and build our future (Chinmaya Mission, 2006).

Islam is also seen as a comprehensive way of life (Sisters in Islam, 1991). It can be understood through the three concepts of iman (conviction), amal (action) and ihsan (good conduct) (Enon et al., 1998). Submission and obedience to God through prayer and devotion is the mark of a good Muslim (Rahman, 1979).

Collectivism

Collectivism, rather than individualism (Markus and Kitayama, 1991), features prominently in Asian societies. People tend to act according to how others perceive them and the social norms of their particular society, rather than according to their individual needs and desires.

The Singaporean culture is collectivist in nature and Confucian values are highly prized. The maintenance of social harmony, loyalty and respect are highly valued in the three major cultures in Singapore (Enon, Fatimah and Osman, 1998; Mehta, 1989; Sue and Sue, 2008) as it is believed that when family and environmental harmony is achieved it leads to harmony within the self (Sue and Sue, 2008). This is a Confucian value which discourages the outside expression of feeling, and views behaviours as an individualistic encroachment into the harmony of others (Tao-Shen, 2011). The issue of secrecy and loyalty, all part of the collectivist culture, is important as no one individual will deliberately injure the dignity of the family or community. This is to ensure a harmonious way of life. It is linked to the concept of ‘face’, which involves filtering information that may embarrass or shame the family (Ow and Katz, 1999: 621). In the collectivist culture, the individual represents the family. Hence, he or she is expected at all times to guard the honour and prestige of the family, including that of their ancestors. Although this behaviour is often described in reference to the Chinese community, it is also found in the Indian and Malay cultures as well. Another important aspect of this concept of loyalty is filial piety, derived from Hindu, Buddhist and Confucian teachings, where the young are taught to respect, obey and care for their elders. Families find ways to keep the family integrity intact because of concepts of face and shame and the belief in filial piety. Religious teachings in all cultures also reinforce the tenets of loyalty, honour (Anwar, 1998) and respect for parents.

The issue of maintaining harmony, keeping secrets, filial piety, self-reliance (all important traits in themselves) have detrimental effects, especially for children and adult survivors of violence, as help-seeking is frowned upon and isolates them further. In the Chinese culture, self-reliance is highly valued. Therefore, help-seeking is frowned upon as it is seen as a violation of self-reliance (Tao-Shen, 2011). This theme runs across the three major ethnic groups in Singapore.

Culture and socialization

Feminist theory suggests that abuse is a reflection of unequal power between men and women which has its roots in male supremacy (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). Traditions and cultures in Asian societies reinforce these messages through socialization practices. Hence, a woman stays in a violent marriage because she is part of a society that culturally, politically and ideologically makes abuse possible (Weitzmann, 2000; Yllo, 2005).

Socialization practices differ for men and women. Women are taught at very early ages to be nurturers and care-givers – accepting, self-sacrificing and attentive to the needs of others (Gilligan, 1982). A woman’s sense of self and identity is often linked to her status as wife (Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Mehta, 1989).

Among Indians, although religious and cultural texts exalt the position of women (Radhakrishnan, 1994) and violence is not condoned, in practice women are subservient to men. Hence, traditionally, a woman is supposed to treat her husband as a God (Mehta, 1989) and after marriage, he becomes her life (Mehta, 1989: 42). This was not meant to demean the status of women but to protect them, a role that a husband was to take seriously (Chatterji, 2000).

In the Indian culture, too, marriage is a sacrament and is only meant to occur once in a lifetime. In the Manu-Samhita, the original Book of Law, there is no sanction for separation or divorce, as a Hindu marriage is binding and eternal (Chatterjee, 2000; Radhakrishnan, 1994) because one is married by the God Agni (God of Fire) and the other deities (Yogananda, 1995). Hence, only the Gods, not humans, can end the marriage. This has given rise to the interpretation that divorce is not acceptable (Yogananda, 1995). However, the laws have changed since then and divorce is acceptable, yet this cultural expectation has remained.

Unlike the Hindu marriage, the Islamic marriage is a contract (Ali, retrieved http//www.sistersinislam.org.my, 11 November 2011). The Koran, the holy book, and the Hadith (Book of Sayings) teach ‘love and mercy’ (verse 30: 21) and equality between men and women (Enon, Fatimah and Osman, 1998). They stress love, kindness and justice in family relationships, prohibit cruelty of all kinds and encourage cooperation in living as partners (Sisters in Islam, 1991; Hajjar, retrieved from http/www.sistersinislam.org.my, 11 November 2011). In fact, the Prophet Muhammad is quoted as saying on several occasions that violence should not be condoned (‘The best among you are those who are best towards their wives’ – Hadith). In the event of marital disharmony, the Koran suggests three methods to address it:

Consultation, or shura, either between two parties or with the help of a mediator (verses 4.34; 4.128).

Time-out, a means of separation in time or space.

A single strike or daraba. This is a strike given in such a way that it should not cause pain (Sisters in Islam, 1991).

While patience is seen as a virtue, the Koran also recognizes that change can only come about if people act upon their circumstances: ‘Never will God change the condition of a people until they change it themselves’ (13.11 in Sisters in Islam, 1991).

Islam protects the welfare and well-being of the woman and roles between genders are complementary (Enon et al., 1998). If a woman is physically or emotionally violated by her husband, Islamic law provides an option to dissolve the marriage. However, in another part of the Koran, the An-Nissa, women are required to defer and be subservient to their husbands (Enon et al., 1998). However, Sisters in Islam, 1991, questions the issue of subservience. According to them, the Koran does not order subservience or obedience of women to men. The term ‘Ta’a’ (verse 4.59) refers to one person following the orders of the other, irrespective of gender (Sister in Islam, 1991).

Secrets

The notion of secrets especially in the area of family work has been well established (Imber-Black, 1993; Laird, 1993). In IPV, secret-keeping is often linked to loyalty to the family (Eisikovits, Winstok and Enosh, 1998; Peled, 1997). Children learn from a very early age that violence is not to be talked about (Hester, Pearson and Harwin, 2000; Mullender et al., 2002).

It is, therefore, imperative to look at the dimension of ethnicity, religion and culture when trying to understand the meanings adolescents give to their exposure to violence.

Methodology

This study was part of a larger study on exposure to IPV among adolescents in Singapore. A qualitative methodology was adopted as the intent of the study was to understand the meanings that adolescents ascribed to their experiences. Thus, a phenomenological approach was used to get as close as possible to the lived experience, as described by the adolescents.

A life story interview was the chosen method of data collection as it appeared to be the best way to elicit the life stories of the adolescents. To do this, a semi-structured interview guide was developed, consisting of a list of open-ended questions that covered the experiences and meanings that the adolescents ascribed to their perceptions of living with IPV. Questions included their recollection of violence, feelings about their exposure to IPV and their understanding and rationalization of the cultural and religious explanations for IPV.

A convenience sampling method was used to recruit participants for the study. A total of 52 adolescents agreed to participate in this study. They comprised adolescent offenders who were in three state-run facilities and another run by a non-governmental facility. A snowballing technique was also used to identify other adolescents who were living at home but who had been exposed to IPV.

One of the criteria for selection was that adolescents had to have a history of exposure to violence of more than five years. They had to be between the ages of 14 and 19 and be representative of the three major ethnic groups. However, the age was later increased to 21 as there were some young adults whose experiences of IPV during adolescence were extreme and warranted documentation.

A screening tool was administered to all residents of the institutions to identify adolescents who were exposed to IPV. Once the sampling frame was established, the adolescents were verbally asked by institution staff if they would be willing to participate in the project. On getting their consent, they were given letters of participation and the consent form. As all the adolescents in the institutions were below the age of 16, parental consent had to be sought before the primary researcher was allowed to conduct the interviews.

For the adolescents living at home, contact details were obtained and a telephone call made to invite participation. For adolescents under 16, both verbal and written consent were sought from their parents. On getting their consent, the same procedure was repeated. This followed the protocol set by the Department of Social Work’s Ethics Committee of the National University of Singapore, which gave approval for the study. The Institutional Review Board of the University was not formally set up at the time of the study.

The interviews were conducted in English, though the adolescents spoke Singaporean English, or ‘Singlish’, which includes a mix of Chinese dialects and Malay. The interviews were then transcribed verbatim and a content analysis was conducted in search of themes. The quotes were clustered under broad categories and themes were identified. Random samples of the quotes were then given to independent raters, who were asked to read the quotes and assign themes to them. These were then cross referenced with the themes the researcher had identified to ensure consistency of categories. The excerpts from interviews in this article have been translated into ‘standard’ English.

One of the key features in phenomenological studies is that reality is fluid and subjective and that the researcher co-creates meaning (Lincoln and Guba, 2005). Phenomenology requires the researcher to be receptive to the lived experience of the participants (Amour, Rivaux and Bell, 2009). Being so close to the life stories invariably influenced the analytical process of the researcher as the stories were sometimes heart-wrenching. As such, the researcher’s self-reflection became vital to the analytical process. The ability to recognize, acknowledge and reflect on biases and subjective views adds to the analytical process (Amour, Rivaux and Bell, 2009). This was handled by the researcher keeping reflection notes and logs. This was then debriefed with another researcher in the same field. Another method used to ensure accuracy of the adolescent experience was the use of ‘thick descriptions’ (Geertz, 1973 in Yin, 2011). This method allows the reader to understand the meaning, as portrayed by the respondent (Yin, 2011). In addition, the quotes were sent to third-party raters to interpret, and the congruence of interpretations was then checked. This method of triangulation through multiple analyses (Ritchie and Lewis 2004) attempted to reduce the negative impact of researcher bias.

Findings

Culture and religion

Generally, almost all the adolescents across ethnic and religious lines acknowledged that no religion condoned violence. In trying to explain why a family member resorted to using violence, the adolescents offered varying explanations. These ranged from a lack of religious understanding to the misinterpretation and misuse of the scriptures.

The Muslim adolescents (comprised mainly of Malays and Indians) believed that their parents had not followed the tenets of Islam. While Islam does condone violence, the adolescents felt that the perpetrators’ lack of understanding or ignorance of the tenets of the religion contributed to their abusive behaviour:

(They are violent) because they don’t know too much about religion. (Firdaus, 17)

(They are violent) because they didn’t know how to read the thing (the Koran). (Johar, 15)

All Hindus in this study were from the Indian ethnic group. Findings for this group were similar to the above. The skewed interpretation of religion and hypocrisy came out strongly in Kajal’s response:

My family is a typical Indian family, they want everything to be perfect and to be in order, and also live with these stupid superstitions … they pray to God with an offering of an axe, then they put cigarettes on the altar for God…. This God smokes, this God gets beer. They offer the axe, a big wooden stick to God. Because they say this God is a very violent God. If this God really is violent, those praying to him must be twice as violent, right? That’s why I feel that it is very stupid you know, to pray to God by offering cigarettes and beer! (Kajal, 15)

Minah, 16, a Malay Muslim who experienced and witnessed domestic violence, echoed Kajal’s views. She talked about the incongruence between her father’s religious beliefs and his behaviour:

He (father) forces us to read (the Koran). But sometimes I tell him off, I say, it’s no use to read this … we are just lying to ourselves. We are just being hypocrites in front of God…. After he came out (of drug rehabilitation), my grandmother took him on umrah (pilgrimage). We thought he could change. But after he came back, he started his nonsense (abusing) again.

The Buddhists in this study were mainly ethnic Chinese. Peace and non-violence are the two essential threads of the Buddhist experience. Their interpretation of the concept of ‘karma’ was evident.

Yen, 14, a Buddhist, believed that her situation was a result of karmic action:

I always ask, in my past life what I did wrong. I feel it is not fair … (teary and crying) because a lot of people the same age as me have a much, much, much better life than I do. I think … (sniffed) everything is because of fate, that fate decided for me, although it’s not fair. But there’s no choice, that’s my life.

Jek, 18, also a Buddhist, believed that ‘karma’ had a part to play, too:

What I heard is like ‘karma’ – if in this life we use violence toward a person, it’s because last time, this guy used violence on me.

There also was a general feeling among the adolescents, that life had been unfair to them but that it was their lot in life and they had to accept it. Rakhee’s statement exemplifies this:

I will be angry … emotional … I will just cry … why is this happening? I just hate life.… why must God treat me like that? … Is it because if I suffer now, I will have a good life later? (Rakhee, 17, Indian Hindu)

Culture and Socialization

As religion and culture are closely intertwined in all the three major ethnic groups in Singapore, it was not surprising to see this mirrored in the responses of the adolescents. The concept of sacrifice and women’s acceptance of abuse was a theme that emerged:

Nowadays, Indian women, no matter whether the husband is good or bad, they will listen to whatever they say. But they never think about the children. Hindus have a saying that no matter how bad your husband is, no matter how he treats you, no matter how he beats you, your husband is a God to you. You know, they’ll say this…. you are first with your parents…. And after the marriage when you leave the house and go to your husband, they (parents) wash their hands of you.… they will say, even if he burns you or hits you … you must stay with him. Once you are married and go off, you maintain the respect for your family. That’s what they think. So probably I think, Indian women will probably say ‘Oh, I do not want to be a burden to my parents. So, I must live life and prove to them that I can live no matter what happens.’ (Manisha, 21)

This was also echoed by Aryan and Mydin, who believed that their mothers would stay on despite the abuse. This, they perceived, was the mark of a good wife:

I see that my mother doesn’t want to leave him. Even if he died, she would want to die with him. Even if he beats her … she would stay with him. Nowadays I see violence in other families – the husband beating the wife – and straightaway they all say, ‘I cannot stay with you,’ and they all leave the house. But when my father beats my mother, she still never leaves the house…. she stays in the house. (Aryan, 17, Indian Hindu)

My father behaves violently to my mother …. But my mother accept everything because she’s married to him …… my father treats her badly but it is not like he is asking her to sleep with another man, or sexually abuses her or asks her to wear skirts… He only beats her and he drinks and sometimes makes trouble at home. If my mother cannot tahan (stand) this, I don’t know what to say…. (Mydin, 16, Indian Muslim)

Pik Yin was socialized into believing that patience was a virtue that must be practiced no matter what the situation:

Every act of violence my mother just tolerates. She will just bear with it. In her mind, one must tolerate to have…… a peaceful life. I also think so. (Pik Yin, 13, Chinese Buddhist)

Shame, ambivalence and loyalty issues

Shame and ambivalence, loyalty and filial piety, and respect were themes that came out strongly in all three ethnic groups. Both Aisha, a Malay Muslim, and May, a Chinese Buddhist, reveal how they had to keep the secret of abuse from the public because of the embarrassment of growing up in a violent home:

We didn’t want to tell anyone … nobody knows … keep quiet. Buat bodoh lah (pretend not to know). … if we tell, nothing will happen except that we will feel very malu (ashamed), telling people about our family problem. (Aisha, 16)

I just don’t feel like telling anybody. Because if I go and tell, the person will go and gossip … it is a bit embarrassing. (May, 16)

The hardest part of ambivalence was perhaps trying to balance loving the perpetrator, yet hating him for what he did:

I think to myself, is there this type of human being in the world? And then since I love him a lot, I didn’t have the heart to (expose him), you know… At the end, usually when they have the fight, I won’t stay in my house; I won’t watch their fight, because I don’t have the heart. (Vaishali, 17, Indian Hindu)

Discussion

It appears from the interviews that the adolescents were generally governed by some moral guidelines and influenced by their interpretation of religious beliefs. This helped them see that the violence perpetrated on the family was not right, yet at the same time they showed an acceptance of what was happening to them. There appeared to be some ambivalence – anger at the actions of the perpetrator yet loving him because he was their father. A possible explanation for this could be the collectivist concept of family harmony and respect that is inculcated in Asian children from a young age (Malley-Morrison and Hines, 2004).

In an Asian society where the family is paramount, it is the strength of the family that makes for a cohesive community. Family loyalty, honour, and respect are prized values (Anwar, 1998; Malley-Morrison and Hines, 2004). In this study, these values emerged strongly. Despite the severity of abuse, there was an intense loyalty to both parents. Most of the adolescents felt they owed it to their families to show respect to their elders. Therefore, it was not appropriate to talk about the violence outside the home as it would show disrespect to their parents. Mullender et al. (2002) found in their study of South Asian children’s experience of IPV that the cultural expectation in relation to the father was so strong, that no matter how violent he was towards them or their mother, they had to show him respect.

The collectivist (Marcus and Kitayama, 1991) nature of the Asian family makes loyalty very important, as no individual will deliberately injure the dignity of a family member or community and endanger this harmonious way of life. This rationale is very much linked to the concept of ‘face’ (Ow and Katz, 1999). This appears to be influenced very much by collectivist thinking, that if one shows disrespect, it brings shame or a loss of ‘face’ and disrepute to their fathers/family members in their community. Hence, at all cost, family honour and respect have to be maintained. This characteristic runs across all three ethnic groups in Singapore and was confirmed in this study.

Loyalty also prevented the adolescents from reaching out. Even if they had access to help, it would have been hard for them to reach out without divulging the kinds of life they led. Anwar (1998) and Mullender et al. (2002) found that this held true in their studies on Asians living in the United Kingdom. Younger Asians, despite Western influences, held strongly to their community beliefs, giving special importance to upholding family honour and family respect. In Singaporean society, where Western values have permeated especially among the young, traditional values still dominate. Showing respect to elders was a strong value that these adolescents held. They felt they owed it to their families not to talk about the violence outside the home. Hence, their family secrets were kept from extended family members and outsiders (Imber-Black, 1993; Laird, 1993). This was confirmed in other studies as well (Eisikovits, Winstok and Enosh, 1998; Hester, Pearson and Harwin, 2000; Mullender et al., 2002; Peled, 1997). This shows the adolescents’ ability to compartmentalize their lives. While they did not condone the abuse, the cultural transmission of values, such as being respectful, ensuring that ‘face’ was maintained. This and the cultural value of self-restraint (Tao-Shen, 2011) prevented access to help.

What was also interesting in this study was that while living with IPV was an emotionally painful process, a sense of extreme rage was missing. Instead, there was a general acceptance of the lives they had led. For the adolescents from the Buddhist, Hindu and Islamic faiths, the acceptance of ‘fate’ as the reason for their experiences appeared to make their lives bearable. From the findings, the adolescents generally misinterpreted the concept of ‘karma’. They believed that their present suffering would spell a better life in the future. For the Muslims, the idea that this was the ‘Will of God’ or fate, made their experiences more acceptable. By having an external locus of control and responsibility (Sue and Sue, 2008) that is, placing their ‘pain’ to an external source, like God or fate, it helped to externalize their experiences (Devries, 1996) and maintain their filial responsibilities and respect for their elders (Imam, 1999).

Culture and Socialization

In this study, the socialization and cultural practices appeared to reinforce the belief that the adolescents had about women and the sacrifices they had to make to maintain the family’s dignity and integrity. Somehow the intergenerational transmission of values through socialization practices reinforced male supremacy (Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Weitzmann, 2000; Yllo, 2005). Yet these families held strong religious beliefs which they somehow misinterpreted and passed down to the adolescents. The scriptures clearly indicate that women are to be revered and men are to take care of them (Enon et al., 1998; Radhakrishnan, 1994). This shows a distorted perception of family functioning, a belief that needs to be challenged. These young persons need to recognize that violence in families is not a normal part of family functioning and that there are ways to break the cycle.

Implications for practice

Globalization has resulted in a borderless world. With it come issues related to ethnic and culture-sensitive practices, which become all the more relevant. In many countries, including Singapore, there are waves of people migrating from Asia to the West and vice versa. This makes practice very challenging as not only do professionals have to deal with the proliferation of modern value systems hinged on Western influences, they also have to be mindful of deep-rooted religious and cultural practices which are not congruent with religious teachings.

In a multi-ethnic, developed country like Singapore where Western influences are pervasive, it is easy to assume that young people’s interpretation of IPV may be influenced by Western perspectives. However, this study indicates the opposite. We found that although many of these adolescents are third or fourth-generation Singaporeans, the cultural and religious values of their ethnic groups appeared highly imbued in them. It seemed that the adolescents’ own socialization and their interpretation of cultural and religious values gave meaning to their experiences of IPV.

In Singapore, where the majority of social workers are of Chinese ethnicity and where there is an over-representation of minorities in the area of IPV, an understanding of cultural diversity is important. Therefore social workers must have an understanding of the cultural logic or worldview from which each ethnic group operates.

The challenge for the Singaporean social worker is to ensure that ‘face, harmony, loyalty’ and ‘respect’, are maintained while they challenge abusive behaviours. This study showed that the adolescents’ worldview was often tainted by an intergenerational transmission of cultural and religious values. All cultures and religions are based on strong values of respect, kindness and tolerance of all genders. As the literature review shows, culture, ethnicity and religion are closely interlinked. Hence an understanding of religions is important. This allows social workers to respectfully challenge and educate the adolescent and, invariably, his or her family about the misperceptions that they may have about religion and culture.

This study shows that working from an individualistic perspective can be detrimental to the safety of the adolescent. For example, breaking the secret of violence can compromise the safety of the adolescent and his family and rock the harmony of the family. A collectivist mode is clearly the preferred option.

Another disturbing finding was how gender imbalance and patriarchal values perpetuated among the adolescents. The engagement of community partners like schools (which stress values-based education), religious institutions and ethnic self-help groups then becomes critical. There is a move in the nation, towards engaging these organizations in reaching out to impressionable adolescents. In working with the larger community, the messages about IPV incorporating gender issues, can be transmitted via various channels, for example, schools, religious institutions and programmes run by ethnic self-help groups to reach out to adolescent and child victims who are silent because of shame, loyalty issues or simply because they believe that this is the way things are and should not be challenged. Creating a platform to educate and provide access to help in a culturally acceptable manner is vital.

Most studies on IPV have been largely quantitative studies. While they are sound in terms of methodology, what they often miss is the life experiences of adolescents and the meanings they give to them. This study has attempted to contribute to the dearth of literature on adolescent exposure to IPV in Singapore and give them a voice where previously they had none.

Footnotes

Funding

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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