Beyond a deficiencies approach: Towards a more integral representation of the everyday life of children growing up in contexts of poverty

Abstract

The research on child poverty typically takes a deficiencies approach that focuses on material deficiencies, which are considered to have a profoundly negative impact on children’s well-being. Countering this approach, our research is based on a lifeworld orientation and explores children’s everyday life from their own perspective. Using a range of qualitative methods such as photovoice, focus group discussions, interviews, and participant observation, we gathered detailed information on the lives and well-being of children growing up in contexts of poverty. Our research provides insights into the complex and multi-layered issue of childhood poverty and suggests that support must take into account not only the negative aspects of poverty, but also those aspects that children consider positively. This begins with taking note of children’s best use of public and private resources that are already available to them.

Keywords

Child poverty well-being everyday life resources orientation social support

Introduction

Besides examining the impacts of child poverty in developing countries, there has been increasing interest in how growing up in a poor neighbourhood in a wealthy country influences a child’s development (e.g. Emerson, 2007; Porterfield and McBride, 2007; Schreier and Chen, 2013). A considerable body of research has yielded robust evidence on the long-term impact of early poverty on children’s opportunities, well-being and health. As Schreier and Chen (2013) point out in their review, there is overwhelming evidence that low socio-economic status (SES) has a negative influence on physical health. For example, the relationship between low SES and obesity has been demonstrated to be strong (Jansen et al., 2013; Rossen, 2014; Sallis and Glanz, 2009). Furthermore, children exposed to poverty were found to have poorer cognitive outcomes and school performance and are at greater risk of suffering intellectual disabilities (Emerson, 2007; Luby et al., 2013; Yoshikawa et al., 2012).

These studies on child poverty and its consequences for child development are important, but they represent an etic perspective on poverty and focus mainly on future outcomes. Influenced by the traditional construction of the ‘becoming’ child discourse, which is explicitly future-oriented, importance is often placed on what the child will be rather than what the child is, and children’s everyday realities are neglected or dismissed (Uprichard et al., 2008). It is essential to consider the everyday life of children growing up in contexts of poverty, as we know from existing Western qualitative studies that poverty can deeply affect children’s well-being (Attree, 2006; Ridge, 2011; Sutton, 2008; Van Gils and Willekens, 2010).

Understanding how child poverty affects daily life requires that we listen to children and pay attention to their current experiences and perspectives. As we have discussed elsewhere (Sarti et al., 2015), studying youth poverty is challenging and requires a lifeworld orientation, which means that researchers focus on the complex and dynamic relationship between the individual and society and capture the child’s voice in its interactional context (Roets et al., 2013). Employing a lifeworld orientation also enables us to engender a more complete picture of children as ‘beings’ actively relating to and shaping their daily lives, and contributes to countering the prevailing image of children living in poverty as merely destitute and in need of help.

Research on child poverty typically takes a deficiencies approach that focuses on material deficiencies, which are considered to have a profoundly negative impact on children’s well-being. From an emic perspective, however, there are indications that growing up in a context of poverty is not experienced only as negative, but rather forms a backdrop to children’s experiences – both positive and negative (Sarti et al., 2015; Roets et al., 2013; Sime, 2008). Furthermore, it is not only the material aspects of being poor that are relevant, as we know from prior research that well-being is primarily seen in relational terms (Fattore et al., 2009; Jalongo, 2007; Thomas et al., 2016).

Given the importance of relationships for children’s well-being, it is vital to examine their perspectives on social resources, i.e. the social support they have and use. Social support can be described as an individual’s perceptions of general support or specific supportive behaviours (available or enacted) from people in their social network, which enhance their functioning and/or safeguard them from adverse outcomes (Barrera et al., 2004; Malecki and Demaray, 2002; Wortman and Dunkel-Schetter, 1987). Cobb’s classic definition comprises three components of social support: feeling cared for, feeling valued or esteemed, and belonging to a social network (Cobb, 1976; Malecki and Demaray, 2002).

This study aims to contribute to understanding perspectives and experiences of children growing up in contexts of poverty on their lives and well-being, by engaging children in participatory action research (PAR) with photovoice as the main method. The article elaborates on and extends an earlier paper (Sarti et al., 2015) in which we explored how children made sense of their lives in the context of poverty. This article focuses on tracing the resources, in particular of social support, available to and accessed by children.

Methodology

This article presents the findings of the first phase of a two-and-a-half-year PAR study, in which we used different qualitative methods – photovoice, focus group discussions (FGDs), interviews, and participant observation – to gather detailed information on children’s lives from their own perspective. In the second phase of the project, we facilitated a dialogue between children and policymakers (see Sarti et al., 2017).

Twenty-nine children living in impoverished areas of the provincial town of Hoorn and the major city of Amsterdam in the Netherlands participated in the project. The Hoorn group consisted of five boys and ten girls, aged 8–12 years, and the Amsterdam group consisted of nine boys and 5 girls, aged 10–14 years. Although all of the children were born and raised in the Netherlands, they have diverse ethnic backgrounds: Dutch (n = 15), Moroccan (n = 7), Chinese (n = 2), Turkish (n = 1), Iranian (n = 1), Surinamese (n = 1), Iraqi (n = 1) and Afghan (n = 1). The children were recruited with the help of local youth workers in Hoorn and three primary schools in Amsterdam. Informed consent was obtained from the children and their parents, following letters and an informal meeting providing information about what we called ‘a photo project about their lives and neighbourhood’.

Careful ethical deliberations are important in every research with children, given the differences in power between them and researchers, but in particular in a PAR project like ours, given the nexus between research and recreational involvement of children. This photo project enabled the researchers to meet the children regularly over an extended period of time. The researchers developed relationships of trust with the children by collecting them from school and taking them home after the sessions, having casual conversations with them, and organising recreational outings. Informal interactions during outings such as a guided tour of the Dutch central bank and the Amsterdam Museum for Photography, contributed to the researchers’ in-depth insights into the children’s lives. They also benefited children, who had the opportunity to engage in fun activities and develop relationships with each other and the researchers. At the same time, the blurring of research and fun activity carried the risk of the children forgetting the research purpose and revealing more than they would want to. For this reason, we approached informed consent as a process rather than assuming it throughout on the basis of initial consent. We kept the parents and young people informed at all stages of the research and gave them the opportunity to withdraw from the project whenever they wished. Moreover, since children were partners in the project, they partly decided what to include in presentations and what not. Nevertheless, as was pointed out by Goodwin et al. (2003), unexpected ethical dilemmas can arise and should be attended to. In this research, we encountered that even though we did not communicate with the children via WhatsApp nor encouraged children to do so, they took initiative to contact us, appealing to us as benevolent adults rather than researchers. We carefully deliberated whether and how to respond and what to include in public publications, such as this article. Given the importance of gaining insights on children’s strategies of mobilising social support and the precautionary principles of anonymity being upheld, we decided to disseminate such conversations.

The photovoice method was used as a first step in understanding the children’s perspectives (Collier and Collier, 1986; Harper, 2002). The children, guided by a professional news photographer who encouraged them to explore their own capacities and ideas, took photographs of things and places in their local environment that were important to them. In weekly meetings, FGDs and individual interviews were conducted to invite children to reflect on their photographs. Semi-structured topic guides were used to direct the group discussions and interviews, all of which were audio-recorded and transcribed. In order to contextualise their stories, the researchers also held informal conversations with parents, and conducted interviews with a primary school teacher, two youth workers and a policymaker.

Detailed interview and FGD transcripts, field notes and observation reports were written and analysed. Data collection and analysis proceeded simultaneously to allow new information to be explored in subsequent conversations. A content analysis involved the inductive emergence of themes related to children’s lives, particularly (social) resources available to and accessed by them. Themes were established after careful examination of data and repeated discussions between the researchers and project team.

Findings

Although children at first mainly presented positive aspects of their lives, gradually they discussed negative aspects as well. In their accounts, positive and negative aspects were very much intertwined. For clarity purposes, in this section, we first describe the difficulties of family life as discussed by children. Children explained how inadequate housing, parental unemployment, low-paid jobs and financial strains are affecting their lives and well-being. Second, we describe what children related about resources available to and accessed by them that enhance the quality of their lives and well-being. This part of the findings comprises three aspects: making use of public spaces, a free and busy life and generating social support.

Life at home: Fraught with difficulties

Although children were reluctant to take photos inside their homes, the overwhelming majority of children’s accounts concerned life at home. Home life obviously is very important to children and represents their first point of reference. Their accounts illustrate the difficulties of growing up in a poor household. Children expressed their concerns about inadequate housing, parental unemployment and low-paid jobs, and financial problems.

Inadequate housing

Children elaborately discussed their housing conditions. It is remarkable that, especially at the beginning of the project but also later on, children mainly commented on aspects of their homes they like, such as big rooms or a luxurious kitchen, nice decorations or a closet that has ‘beautiful things’ in it. Children made a point of showing their and their families’ possessions and sometimes boasted about prices. One boy explicitly stated that he thinks it important to ‘show things about my life, show that I have a beautiful and good life’. Jamey, talking about his house, stressed its size:

[Our house is] a very big house… a lot of rooms there. There is a lot of room for… you can even… if you are playing hide and seek, search for a long time… hide everywhere.

Over time, however, children also identified aspects of their homes and private lives that they considered insufficient. Most children live in small houses, often flats, leading to problems such as cramped conditions and noise pollution. Many children also said their houses are old and damaged. Children explained that the small, old flats in which they live do not satisfy their need for space to play unhindered. In particular, children described their bedrooms as inadequate. Children who have their own bedroom said it is too small and does not offer enough space to sleep comfortably and to store their belongings.

[My room is] not really that big. It's pretty small. There is only my bed, desk and a nightstand and that's it, and no closet or anything. The closet is outside. [That's] not nice because sometimes I'm uncomfortable… and then I'm always stuffed and the other room is always full as well. (Vaspar)

Some children do not have their own bedroom and they complained about sharing a room and sometimes even a bed with parents or siblings. For instance, one of the children insisted on the audio-recorder being switched off when she spoke about sharing a bed with her sisters, and is obviously frustrated and ashamed about the situation.

Parental unemployment and low-paid jobs

Another aspect of family life children mentioned concerns their parents’ occupational status. Both unemployment and low-paid work put a burden on family life and affect children’s well-being. A few of the children said that their parents do not work. Some did not know why, while others related their parents’ unemployment to bad physical health. Children expressed compassion and concern for their unemployed parents, especially when accompanied by health problems:

I think that’s too bad because, you know, my parents are both not working. The fact that my father does not work because of his backache, I understand… it hurts too much. A worn back causes a great deal of pain. (Ayman)

A considerable number of children said that their parents do work, as a rule in unskilled and low-paid employment. Fathers’ jobs include carpentry, cleaning, packaging and transport, taxi driving and working at the steel factory; mothers’ jobs include working at a restaurant and ‘washing old people’. As a consequence of low wages, driving them to work overtime and sometimes maintain a day and an evening job and/or work at weekends, parents – in particular fathers – are often absent.

He works in a chocolate factory and he has another job as well, his own shop in the black-market, and he places satellite dishes… Usually he doesn’t come home until 11 or 12 (p.m.), because he works there [at the chocolate factory] from Monday to Friday and, when he finishes around half-past four, he goes all the way to Lelystad, Amstelveen or, once, he went all the way to The Hague. (Vaspar)

As a consequence of their parents’ working overtime and being absent, children are often on their own, taking care of themselves and their siblings and doing chores around the house, like cleaning and cooking. Children made statements that indicate that it provides them with appreciation and satisfaction to offer a contribution, but also pointed out that it can be a burden to take on domestic responsibilities, especially since they are not always able to spend their free time as they want to. Sahar, for example, said she was not able to come to all of the meetings of the photo project because she had to take care of her sisters.

Parents’ financial strains

Due to unemployment and low-paid work, the children’s families experience financial strains. A few children spoke about a structural lack of money, saying that their parents do not earn a lot or have little to spend on daily necessities, such as groceries. More often, however, children hinted at financial strains when they discussed the difficulties of making particular purchases, such as equipment, a vehicle or shoes. Other accounts related to paying for activities, such as sports and school outings, and also paid homework guidance. Children discussed how parents postpone or look out for cheap alternatives.

I always go to school by foot. And if I … er… get my bike then I go to school by bike. [I'll get a bike] next month I think… then I’m having my birthday. (Sandy)

Last year I went to homework guidance, but then they said if you continue coming then you have to pay, so I stopped going. You had to start paying for it. They [parents] thought it was expensive. It was 50 euros a month… that's quite a lot. Because where I go now it’s for free. (Omar)

Some of the children said that they hold back from making requests because of their parents’ financial problems. They described not wanting to burden their parents financially. For example, Stephanie said that she had bought her new shoes with her own money so that her mother could save more for groceries.

How children seize resources available to them to enhance life quality and well-being

Adopting a lifeworld orientation in this project meant that space was given to children to discuss their lives as they saw fit. It is striking that the children’s accounts do not focus only on deficiencies in their lives, but also on positive aspects. Here we describe which resources are available to and accessed by children to enhance the quality of their lives. In particular, the focus is on how they make use of social resources.

Making use of the public spaces

The children took many photographs of and discussed the outside environment. These photographs and narrations often involved playing, indicating that playing outside is important to the children. As already explained, due to cramped living arrangements, children have little space to play at home. They often rely on public spaces in their free time, as Ebru explained:

I play outside every day. I play more outside than inside. […] There is not much space inside: we’ve only got the rooms. We don’t have a garden. We would play at home more often if we had a garden.

Children regularly meet up and enjoy each other’s company. The girls like to sit on the swings, do photo shoots together or hang about and chat, the boys too like to hang around the neighbourhood or play ball. Being outside is an important way to meet each other, since children do not go to play in each other’s homes because of the lack of room and privacy. As Sahar, for example, said: ‘Inside you’re not at ease chatting with your friends. Your brother might hear you’.

Although the children are critical of the playgrounds in their neighbourhood, referring to them as mainly designed for younger children and offering few challenges, they also photographed and discussed the playgrounds and spaces that they frequent and enjoy. According to the children, adequate playgrounds are aesthetically suitable, sizable, and have the right equipment. Children notably often photograph playgrounds in the vicinity of their homes, as these are easily accessible and are important play areas children seek out when they cannot play at home. As the children commented:

It's pretty nice here, sometimes… playing ball with friends. Behind my house we have one of those football cages and then we always play ball. (Vaspar)

This is at ours… say… here’s where I live and this is the square. I often play there with Davey and with other children. (Tarik)

Furthermore, it is striking that children are creative in using public spaces to play, not restricting themselves to playgrounds and squares. For example Sahar related playing on a nearby cycle path. Koen, when asked what he thought would improve the neighbourhood, commented: ‘I don’t know. I will always play ball outside anyway, it doesn’t matter where: in front of our home, on the street, anywhere’.

A free and busy life

It is striking that many of the children spoke with pride about having a busy life, in which they both explore the neighbourhood and engage in various formal activities. Many of the children spend a considerable amount of time outside. Some of them even said that they do not go home immediately after school but rather seek out friends and hang around with them in the neighbourhood until the evening. These children seem to have a lot of freedom to decide where to go, what to do and when to go home.

Yes I almost always have something to do. Look…my mother says: ‘When you get out of school you can play outside, you don’t have to come home first, you can go outside immediately…’. I just have to say whether I am outside or I have something [an activity] so she won’t get worried. (Tarik)

Children develop interests and use opportunities to enjoy themselves and further develop their capacities. In particular, the youth centre is important in offering children activities, such as singing lessons, free courses over the weekend or homework guidance.

[Ayman during an interview in one of the rooms in the youth centre]: This is a sound-proof area. I sometimes record music here. There [points] you can sing and nobody can hear you. These [points] computers improve the sound of the music. I know much about music devices.

[At the youth centre] I really enjoy singing lessons. Instead of sitting at home and being bored it’s better to have some fun. So it’s about having fun. (Elbahia)

Children have a remarkable desire to engage in many activities. As became apparent in further discussions, in addition to having fun, they also aim to have as many (learning) experiences as possible and increase their future chances. As Ayman explained:

My mother says it’s good because then I can learn how it is for big people…grown-ups. Sometimes it’s quite tough, so many things and being busy all the time, but you get used to it. […] I think it’s good this way. Sometimes it’s a bit much, but I enjoy myself most of the time.

Some of the children related going to places that are not specifically designated for or even forbidden to children to enjoy what is on offer, such as a movie:

Er, I was with Davey and we went to the Eye [cinema in Amsterdam]. Er… in the rooms they play movies. But er, you actually have to be over 14, but we, we just go inside. You have an entry here and you have one here [points out on photograph]. Here is the restaurant. Here's a guard, but sometimes he's not there. Sometimes he stands here or here. If he is here, we will go in here and if he is here we will go through there. (Tarik):

Then we went to er… the NDSM dock. That used to be a company where er… ships were made. But now not any more, now there is the Nickelodeon studio. But we were not allowed to go in there… and then we sneaked in when someone came out. (Koen)

For many children, the photo project itself was a free activity in which they took part enthusiastically. Participating in it provided children with a few benefits, such as meeting new (adult) people, getting the opportunity to tell their stories and having people listening, and engaging in nice trips and activities, particularly photography.

Generating social support

Besides material resources and activities in the neighbourhood, children spoke about social resources to which they have access and that compensate for the difficult circumstances at home. The following three groups of people and their significance in terms of offering social support were derived from children’s accounts: extended family, peer group and teachers. Furthermore, we take a close look at a special group of enthusiastic and benevolent outsiders, namely the researchers. Through the photo project, their aim was to connect with and get to know the children and their lives. In this section, we examine what we can learn from the conversations between the children and researchers about what children do to generate social support.

Extended family. The extended family is a major source of social support for children. Although most children, being of foreign descent, have family abroad, many of them also have family nearby. Only two children said they have no (contact with) family nearby. Children discussed the assistance they and their families receive from extended family members, in particular financial help.

My mother doesn’t have much money. We sometimes don’t have any money. Money is important. Sometimes. But you can also manage without it. You always have someone who can help you, like family. (Brittany)

Now I’ll start swimming lessons again, I have already signed up. And my uncle will help so I can save money. (Sandy)

Furthermore, children rely on extended family members to care for them in the absence of their parents, in particular due to work. Occasionally the care provided by the extended family goes beyond shelter when parents are at work, as they sometimes contribute to resolving complicated family circumstances. For example, Stephanie lives with her mother and at the beginning of the project said she did not see her father often as he lives in another district of Amsterdam and has regular nightshifts. As the project continued, she said she was staying with her father regularly as they had found a solution for his absence during parts of the evening: when father has his shift, she stays with grandmother who lives nearby. She said that she enjoys visiting her grandmother and playing games together. She also has her own room there where she can spend the night. Another girl, Dessy, mentioned moving out of the house for a while and being taken in by her aunt, because of the many conflicts at home.

The peer group. As we have already shown, peers are important to children to play and explore the neighbourhood with, and they are also important in providing protection. Growing up and being outside a lot in a deprived neighbourhood means that children have to hold their own in an unsafe environment. Children said they feel safer outside in the presence of other children or going around in groups, as they feel protected by their peers.

[Tarik, when discussing an incident he was involved in with a group of older boys]: Yes, those boys saw that I was alone and then they were waiting for me, because if those other boys were there those big boys would not do that.

If someone plays outside, unknown people can come out, like people who smoke, and I don’t want that… I'm only going outside if there are still other children playing outside. (Sahar)

Also, the presence of a friend can be a source of protection and offer a counterbalance to widespread bullying. For instance, Brittany, when speaking about the heavy bullying at school, also described how her friend Ebru helps her and how she depends on her protection for feeling safe.

School teachers. Children find it important to have teachers in whom they can confide and who are helpful. They consider whether teachers are understanding or help them when they have problems in their private lives or when strained family finances affect school life. During the project, they spoke highly of teachers who stand out in that regard.

My mother really has money problems every year… three kids for school outings… that's a lot and my mum can’t pay it, and she [a teacher] said: no, she really has to pay otherwise she will not be allowed to go. And then [name of principal] came and said: Now I'm the principal, you [the teacher that forbade the outing] still work at school, but I'm the principal so I choose, and she can go. So I went. (Brittany)

Children also spoke about the role of teachers in intervening against the widespread bullying at school. Koen, for instance, said:

Then they hit me and er … say something nasty about my culture. That’not nice. Then I go away or I tell the teacher. That helps a bit.

The children praised teachers who intervene adequately, as this contributes to their feeling safe at school.

Connecting with the researchers during the photo project. Besides children’s accounts of significant people in their lives, much can be learned about how children mobilize social support from looking at the way they connected with the researchers during the photo project. Two aspects stand out: the enthusiasm with which the researchers were met by the children and the atmosphere of openness and confidentiality the children created in interactions with the researchers. The children enjoyed receiving attention from the researchers and actively engaged with them, both during and after the formal ending of the photo project. Some of the children kept in touch with the researchers via WhatsApp. For example, Sahar contacted one of the researchers a few weeks after the end of the project, asking whether there would be a meeting again:

Sahar: Will the photo project still continue? Researcher: Would you like it to? Sahar: Yes, it's great fun. Researcher: Yes, I liked it too! But, unfortunately, it ended. Sahar: That’s too bad. Researcher: Yes, I think so too. Sahar: But it will begin again, right?… Researcher: What do you miss most about the photo project? Researcher: You and the sociability. Now I have nothing to do on Tuesday afternoon.

While broaching subjects concerning more private aspects of their lives, children clearly demonstrated a high degree of ambivalence and hesitation, as on the one hand they wanted to discuss everything and on the other they wanted to close off aspects they consider negative and/or private. Children were reluctant to take pictures of things in their houses they did not like, yet were more willing to verbally comment on these aspects. Similarly, having verbal accounts being audio-recorded sometimes crossed the line. For example, when one of the girls wanted to speak about the sleeping arrangements, she insisted on the recorder being switched off. Yet apparently speaking about it with the researchers was not a problem, which speaks of the special bond that they had developed over time.

Discussion and conclusion

This study aimed to contribute to understanding perspectives and experiences of children growing up in contexts of poverty. Thorough insights were gained that extend beyond the deficiencies approach to the lives of children in poverty. In recent years, academics and practitioners have criticized the deficit theory, which asserts that the disadvantages affecting people living in poverty derive from their own shortcomings, resulting in ‘a culture of poverty’ (Gorski, 2006, 2008). Adopting a lifeworld orientation enables children growing up in contexts of poverty to represent themselves and makes it possible to understand their daily lives from their own perspectives, diminishing outsiders’ labels and preconceived assessments (Roets et al., 2013; Sime, 2008).

In our research, children drew attention to deficiencies that are consistent with other Western qualitative studies on child poverty (Attree, 2006; Ridge, 2011; Roets et al., 2013; Sutton, 2008; Van Gils and Willekens, 2010). In particular, the home context, as their primary living space and a source of identification, is important to children even when it is deeply flawed. In line with earlier research (Bartlett, 1998; Coley et al., 2013), children discussed the effects of inadequate housing on their well-being, as small and crowded living spaces limit indoor options. Due to absence of hardworking parents, children are regularly left to their own devices and expected to fend for themselves and their families. This can put a burden on children and encroach on their autonomy and freedom to decide how to spend their free time.

However, in contrast with the unidirectional negative impacts of child poverty on children’s well-being presented in literature, children in our study interestingly were found to be quite optimistic and positive about their lives as, in their experience, deficiencies and resources go hand in hand. Although other studies (Attree, 2006; Elliott and Leonard, 2004; Ridge, 2004, 2009 ) did draw attention to the importance of social resources as potentially supportive, they did not succeed in moving beyond the negative, ultimately arriving at how potential social resources are compromised by deficiencies. In this research, (social) resources were identified that could compensate for deficiencies. From the accounts of the children as well as from the researchers’ encounters with them during the photo project, it becomes apparent that they actively use resources in the outside domain to shape their daily life and development in such a manner that financial strains, although present, are not decisive. Children demonstrate a zest for life as they explore their neighbourhood, develop interests, and use opportunities to gain experiences they consider necessary to improve their lives now and in the future. Moreover, in line with earlier research (Garnefski, 2000; Printz et al., 1999), the results of our study illustrate the importance of social support for children’s well-being. Just as material resources in the outside sphere compensate for material deficiencies at home, social resources available to children also complement parental care and attention. First, the absence of parents (due to work) does not necessarily create a vacuum if there are extended family members who are available to provide care. Furthermore, as a consequence of a lack of space to play at home, children seek each other out in the public domain and form a community of peers, playing together and protecting each other. Finally, children attach value to having supportive teachers who are understanding and helpful in the face of hardship at home and bullying at school.

In sum, children’s accounts demonstrate the importance of the home sphere as a primary source of identification. The findings also show that due to deficiencies at home, children rely greatly on resources – both material and social – in other domains, especially the public sphere. Interactions between the private and the public spheres shape children’s lives and deficiencies at home are, where possible, actively compensated for elsewhere.

Conclusion and implications

This study demonstrates that looking at the lives of children growing up in contexts of poverty broadly and moving beyond a deficiencies approach provides in-depth insights into the lives of children and how different aspects, from their perspective, relate to each other. By asking children what they find important to discuss in their lives, we get the opportunity to hear and understand how they present themselves and their life circumstances. This might be indicative of how they want to be addressed and therefore be useful for researchers, policymakers and practitioners who work with these children. Although children do not describe themselves as ‘poor’, they do speak of deficiencies in their lives, often coupled with compensating resources. Learning about resources can give direction to interventions because it invites policymakers and practitioners to invest in what children value. All of this requires listening to children and giving their accounts due weight. In particular, the importance children attach to outdoor spaces to play points to the need for playgrounds and other venues that are adequate, accessible and where children can play safely, both alone and with peers. Children’s accounts also indicate the importance of youth centres as places where children can play and develop their talents. Taking note of the importance of social support invites us to take children’s social relationships seriously. It is imperative to analyse and understand the family system in its completeness, to understand the nexus between the nuclear and extended family, in order to effectively strengthen the process of caring for children. Paying attention to extended family as well as other social resources in various domains enables us to facilitate support structures and contribute to children’s well-being.

Directions for future research

To gain better insights into the lives and social resources of children living in poverty, longitudinal research is needed to know whether sources of social support as identified in this research are robust and long lasting and what their impact on children’s lives and well-being is in the long run. Furthermore, we need to engage in an on-going exploration of domains in which children spend their time, such as sports clubs and community centres. Paying attention to the various contexts in which children live is important as it enables us to better understand their lives and where they take place, and also because, as Graue and Walsh (1995) pointed out, children’s actions change so much from one location to another. Furthermore, addressing the interaction between contexts and children helps us to understand children’s agency through empirical observation of children’s actions within these contexts (Dedding et al., 2015; Lansdown, 2010; Stoecklin, 2013). Although there is growing research that acknowledges children’s agency, there is little that addresses the agency of children living in poverty, i.e. children’s strategies to mitigate their circumstances. Moreover, research on the lives of children growing up in contexts of poverty can be extended to other age groups, offering insights into the challenges facing younger children as well as teenagers and also into (social) resources across different domains.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors’ gratitude goes to all of the children and parents who participated in this research project. A special gratitude goes out to Inge Schalkers, Tineke Willekens, Ruth Peters and Henk Wildschut for their contributions.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Oranjefonds [grant number: 20114549]; the VSB Foundation [grant number: 20111197]; and the Rabobank Foundation [grant number: P11.482].

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