Afghan women perceptions of gender roles,possibilities and barriers to change after settlement in Australia: A qualitative study

Abstract

Gender roles and gender stereotypes are culturally and socially constructed. Previous studies suggested that the Afghan community is a male-dominated and conservative society, where men are more visible in social activities, and women remain responsible mainly for household tasks. This research aimed to show Afghan women’ perceptions of gender roles and the possibilities for and barriers in Australian society to change those roles after their settlement in Australia. The study involved semi-structured interviews with 21 Afghan women who had been living in Australia between 6 months and 10 years. The interviews were conducted face to face or by telephone, in either Farsi (Persian) or English. An inductive thematic analysis was used to explore the data and build themes. Afghan women were aware of gender roles, patriarchy, and gender inequality, and they hoped to address those issues now as they live in a society that offers more freedom to women. Moving to Australia had enhanced women’s possibilities, self-confidence and skills and inspired many to go beyond traditional stereotypes and seek out options previously denied to them on the basis of their gender. However, their attempts at realising gender equality often met with the disapproval of their family or the wider Afghan community.

Keywords

gender roles gender stereotypes migration Afghan women Australia

Gender is one of the social categories that children learn and internalise in early childhood (Kachel et al., 2016). From early childhood, girls are often expected to conform with what is seen as distinctly feminine ways, including in how they behave, act and dress. Such expectations extend to all aspects of their lives, including determining what are considered legitimate aspirations and suitable opportunities for females to embark upon. Gender encodes inequality and can be the root of marginalisation, biases and prejudice, mainly against women. Gender stereotypes are reinforced through cultural norms and social institutions and may not be easily challenged.

Gender roles are defined as characteristics and patterned behaviour that people are expected to adhere to (DeBiaggi, 2002). These patterns, which are culturally and socially constructed, often determine female and male roles and responsibilities. The division between men’s and women’s roles might engender different behaviours, traits and lead to different functions (March et al., 2016). As such, men are more likely to be inspired to develop an active, productive, and confident personality through masculine traits, while feminine traits often promote emotional and caring responsibilities.

In many cultures, male domination is entrenched. Men often occupy superior positions that grant more power and are commonly encouraged to exert control on women. In contrast, women are placed in less powerful and subordinate positions. However, gender norms and stereotypes are not static, and they have been dynamic and changing in many societies through political, economic and cultural changes (March et al., 2016; Samani, 2016).

Migrants’ views on gender roles often adapt through settlement and integration into a new country (Predelli, 2004). Moving from a society that interprets gender roles conservatively to a society with more liberal interpretations of gender roles may inspire women to consider that change is possible and take action accordingly. On encountering different ideas about being female, migrant women might rethink gender roles following settlement in Australia. Satyen et al. (2020) argue that gender roles have become more egalitarian in Australia, increasing opportunities to move beyond traditional feminine roles.

This paper presents research findings on newly arrived Afghan women’s perceptions and experiences of gender roles and the process of change after settlement in Australia. This study aimed to explore gender roles that are ascribed to Afghan women and whether they have been changed in the process of moving from a conservative society to a country that offers opportunities to contest their gender stereotypes. Hence, the terms “women” and “female” in this paper refer to cisgender women only.

Afghan women and gender roles

Afghanistan is considered a conservative society that gender inequality remained high (Gerling et al., 2019). Gender roles assigned to Afghan women, like women in many traditional and conservative societies, place them in subordinate positions due to the obligation to stay home and take responsibility for household tasks, including nurturing and bringing up children (Hosseini-Sedehi, 2016; Echavez et al., 2016). Afghan men’s income-generating activities are often understood to give them power over the household (Baldry et al., 2013; Echavez et al., 2016). Women who challenge these gender roles and dispute the absolute power of men in the family may find themselves in a precarious situation (Ali et al., 2014).

Afghanistan is a Muslim majority country. The concept of gender roles has been contested in many Muslim communities, and Islam can be viewed as liberating or regarded as oppressive (Predelli 2004). While some have commented on Islam’s influence on gender roles through which women’s oppression is legitimised (Abraham and Tastsoglou, 2016), others have suggested there is little or no connection between Islamic culture and oppressive gender roles (McGee, 2017; Childress, 2013). There is, nevertheless, evidence of contexts in which religion is (mis)used to maintain men’s superiority. In some Muslim societies, women are obliged to behave in ways that would label them as respectful and good women who are obedient to the male members of their family (Ahmad et al., 2009; Othman et al., 2014).

While Afghanistan is a Muslim majority country, Ahmad and Anctil Avoine (2016) proposed that patriarchy in Afghanistan should be understood in relation to tribal culture rather than to Islam per se, as many of the gender roles and gender inequality stemmed from the conservative tribal culture. They stated that Afghanistan consists of various ethnic groups, each of which has a conservative tribal system that reinforces its own understandings of gender roles. Women who are seen to ignore or contradict ascribed gender roles risk being labelled as nonconformists experiencing pressure to conform and/or ostracism from the Afghan community.

Attitudes and values, ways of life, behavioural patterns and gender stereotypes may change in the process of adjusting to a new environment (DeBiaggi, 2002). Immigration, rather than being a simple dislocation, can be a complex process that involves losing some parts of one’s culture and identity from the country of origin and gaining some aspects of the host country. Khalid (2011), for instance, compared gender roles and attitudes in Pakistan between returned migrants from the UK and the general population. The results demonstrated substantial differences in opinions; returned immigrants, regardless of their gender, had a more liberal perspective on women’s roles in the family and society.

While change is inevitable in the process of acculturation, migrants do not necessarily transform their values and attitudes in similar ways or at the same speed (Parke and Leidy, 2013). Acculturation is also a multilevel trajectory through which family members might experience the process differently. The process of acculturation might entail an opportunity for women to liberate themselves from conservative gender roles (Harris et al., 2005). Thus, some researchers investigating the transformation of gender roles found that migrant women were more likely than men to change as they moved away from stereotypes and traditional roles (DeBiaggi, 2002; Holtmann, 2016; Moghissi et al., 2009). For instance, Moghissi et al. (2009) found women were more likely than men to change in a host country that offered women more freedom and autonomy.

The aim of this research was to qualitatively explore Afghan women’s perceptions of gender roles and how these have changed since arriving in Australia. Afghan people have a long history living in Australia (Department of Social Services, 2016) and in recent years have been one of the fastest-growing groups of migrants to Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2018); however, there has been no detailed investigation of Afghan women’s perspectives on gender roles and stereotypes after arriving in Australia. There were three main questions for this study:

• How do Afghan women living in Australia experience gendered expectations, as impinged on them?

• How does living in Australia change Afghan women’s perceptions of gender roles? and.

• What were the possibilities and barriers to change they experienced after settlement in Australia?

Such knowledge is critical in ensuring services supporting Afghan women understand the gendered expectations which do or have affected their lives and hence are equipped to provide culturally relevant services.

Methodology

Research design

This study used a feminist standpoint epistemology, which enables a unique viewpoint of knowledge building about women (Hesse-Biber and Lina Leavy, 2013; Henn et al., 2009; Swigonski, 1994). The feminist standpoint attempts to put the life experiences of marginalised women at the centre of research because less powerful and subordinated members of society experience realities differently from dominant groups (Swigonski, 1994). Importantly, this view amplifies marginalised women’s voices, since many have been neglected throughout history.

A qualitative method also enabled a profound understanding of the meaning of women’s experiences to be revealed (Henn et al., 2009). Hence, this research used semi-structured interviews to explore Afghan women’s perception and understanding of gender roles and gender stereotypes. Semi-structured interviews were employed to obtain data on Afghan women’s attitudes and understandings of gender roles thoroughly and profoundly. The population of this study was newly arrived Afghan women living in Australia between 6 months to 10 years Yates (2011) argues that migrants from non-English-speaking backgrounds face difficulties in making connections with Australian society, and this may take up to 10 years to integrate into mainstream society. This timeframe was chosen to show how newly arrived Afghan women perceive gender roles and their possibilities for and barriers to change.

We undertook this study according to the requirements of the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (NHMRC, 2007 updated May 2015) and the Australian Code for the Responsible Conduct of Research. Ethical approval was granted by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee (approval number 2017–062).

Research participants

A total of 21 participants were recruited for this study between June and December 2017. Table 1 summarises the participants’ demographic information. Most participants had been in Australia for 6–10 years. While participants moved to Australia on different visa categories, all identified themselves as migrants. The participants’ age groups were between 19 and 42; most were aged in the 25–34 range.

Table 1.

Demographic characteristics of informants.

Group		Informants (n=21)
Age group	18–24	6
	25–34	13
	35 and over	2
Mean age	27.3	—
Years in Australia	Up to 3	4
	4–5	7
	6–10	10
Marital status	Never married	4
	Married	11
	Separated	3
	Divorced	2
	Widow	1
Religion	Islam	18
Religion	No religion	3
Education	Elementary education	2
	Secondary education	5
	Bachelor’s qualification	10
	Postgraduate qualification	4

Most participants identified themselves as Muslim, and only three participants described themselves as non-religious. Most participants had attended Australian higher education, having enrolled and/or completed an undergraduate and some a postgraduate degree. Fifteen participants chose to be interviewed in Farsi, and six participants preferred English. The quotes from Farsi interviews have been translated by the first author for whom Farsi is the first language, and quotes from English interviews are referred to in this paper as “(Interview in English).” Participants were asked to choose a pseudonym which is used in this paper to attribute quotes.

Data collection

Two forms of sampling were used in this study: purposive sampling and snowballing (Minichiello et al., 2008). We employed purposive sampling to reach potential participants across Australia, and snowballing strategy involved using word of mouth to access the hard to reach population group (Braun and Clarke, 2013).

The first author, who conducted all the interviews, prepared a research flyer in two languages, Farsi (Persian) and English, and distributed it physically in various organisations and community groups in Melbourne and online social media platforms across Australia. Study information that included the study’s purposes and the process was explained in plain language statements in both languages (English and Farsi). The first author made a video about the research aim and process and posted it on DeakinAir (Deakin University’s video portal), and the link was advertised through social media and community groups. Those who volunteered to take part in the research had the choice of interviewing face-to-face or by telephone. Participants also could give consent either in writing or orally. When the participant initiated the first contact, detail about the research, the safety of the contact number for telephone interviews and interview place for face to face and their preferred timing was discussed, and the interview was arranged. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in the participants’ preferred language, English or Farsi, allowing them to express their opinions in their preferred language (Liamputtong, 2020). The first author used the interview guides that covered the research questions. The interview guides questions were as follows:

• What is it like to be an Afghan woman in the Afghan community? How about in your family and community?

• What is expected of Afghan women in your community to fulfil? and.

• Has your role as an Afghan woman changed while living in Australia? If so, how has it changed, and what led to change?

The interviews ranged in length between 30 and 75 min, with the average length being around 50 min. Eleven interviews were conducted face to face and seven via telephone. A further three women were not willing to be interviewed but asked for the questions to be sent to them and responded by email. Participants in face-to-face and phone interviews responded to interview questions in a flexible way and explained their points in detail. Participants’ responses to email interviews were more likely to be specific answers to interview guides.

Afghan women’s willingness to participate in this research and share their stories might vary, depending on their views of the researcher. Sharing the language is an important element to research in minority ethnic and multicultural communities (Liamputtong, 2008). Many participants revealed that they volunteered because the interviewer was a Farsi speaker from a non-Afghan background with a recent experience of migration. Carland (2017) believed wearing a hijab, for instance, may make the researcher an insider for Muslim women to share their stories. Although some Afghan women might have seen a woman who no longer wore hijab as an outsider, those who unveiled since arriving in Australia might have perceived the first author as an insider. Hence, her position impacted access to the field and women’s decision to participate in this research and share their stories.

Data analysis

The first author transcribed all interviews verbatim and read them several times for familiarisation. Drawing on Braun and Clarke (2013) as a guide, we used an inductive thematic approach to analyse the qualitative data transcribed from the participants' interviews. The data analysis process aimed to uncover the patterns, meaningsand subjective experiences of Afghan women in the two contexts of Afghanistan and Australia. Phrases and words were highlighted, and a codeword was assigned to depict the data segment. Then, relevant concepts and themes were grouped to generate overarching themes. During data analysis, the first author remained aware of her positioning in interpretations of the interview transcripts. Her lived experiences as a migrant woman and her professional experiences as a social worker working with Afghan women provided a distinct approach that coloured her perspective to looking for detail and words (such as barriers to change after migration) and making sense of and analysing the data. Her position as a woman impacted the meaning-making of participants words (gender roles for a newly arrived woman) and how the data was understood based on participants cultural and social location following moving to Australia.

The qualitative analysis software package Nvivo (version 11) was used to manage themes. This inductive process resulted in four main themes, which are presented in turn in the result section.

Results

Results present the following themes that emerged from the data analysis: gender roles as fixed and distinct, family influence on gender roles, the impact of migration on gender roles, and barriers to change.

Gender roles as fixed and distinct

This theme has emerged from participants responses to the first and the second questions from the interview guide, which revealed fixed and distinct roles for males and females in Afghan society. Participants referred to Afghan women’s roles, traditional stereotypes, and expectations to construct what it meant for them to be Afghan women living in contexts where males had authority and power over them. Participants believe those gender roles sanctioned authority and power for men over women in both their households and the wider community. The majority believed that to fulfil Afghan community expectations, they must be seen to live according to traditional gendered roles and expectations. Therefore, women were expected to prioritise their responsibility to their household and duties inside the home over activities outside the home. The quotes below typify how participants understood Afghan women’s gender roles:

Diana: In the general Afghan community…Women are seen as key role model that should be responsible [for] raising the child, looking after the house, cooking, doing the dishes, washing; and anything beyond that could be seen as catastrophic for the men. (Interview in English)

Tala also talked about the exhaustion of being an Afghan woman:

Tala: The household responsibilities for Afghan women are mainly in the family; they should work inside their home all the time, they should cook, and when a man comes home from work, everything should be ready for him.…They [Afghan people] divide everything into feminine and masculine.

The gender contrast for Sarah was stark and reflected her childhood experience of being bacha posh, that is, being dressed and brought up as a boy until she was seven years old. When her family decided to start dressing her as a girl, it marked the end of a happy childhood:

Sarah: That day, when they celebrated dressing me as a girl, it was not a celebration; it was my death. I did not go out [did not socialise with others] until we moved to the new place, so now I want to tell other women not to hurt their children. Hating your gender is terrible.

Furthermore, conflict, civil war, foreign invasions, and displacement impacted some Afghan women’s understandings of gender roles. Living in other countries affected some participants’ identity, as those participants described who had lived in Iran before migrating to Australia and identified both as Afghan and Iranian. Life in Iran had more freedom for women compared to Afghan women living in Afghanistan. For instance, Nasrin said she was like an Iranian girl, and she was not an obedient Afghan woman because she had grown up in Iran. Anita also said, “As I grew up in Iran, so my identity is more like an Iranian woman instead of being like my mum, who was oppressed for a long time.”

Many participants strongly opposed the acceptance of those gender roles. However, going beyond traditional roles might require approval or permission from a woman’s family. Taking on roles which the family disapproved of not only changes the gender dynamic but, as Diana commented, threatens the power the family could hold over its female members.

Many participants believed that Afghan women in Afghanistan were expected to satisfy the family and community in a variety of ways to be regarded as a “good woman.” Good women were expected to be patient, kind, faithful, dedicated and blameless. Accordingly, Afghan women should put their family needs above their own priorities. Angela said, “Even though Afghan women have a birth certificate, their identity is still not real or genuine. Their genuine identity has been stolen under the veil of patriarchy and religious fanaticism.”

Many women criticised those gender roles which obliged women to conform against their will to an ideal imposed by Afghan culture. For many participants, fulfilling these expectations usually required considerable effort and sacrifice. As Fati said, “You should be a good woman and excellent lady, ‘dokhtar khoob’ and ‘khanoom khoob’ [good girl and good woman] in the Afghan community.”

Family influence on gender roles

While there were no specific questions about the role of the family in influencing gender roles, what emerged from the interviews is that Afghan families play an important role in defining gender roles and in shaping women’s perceptions of womanhood. Hence, many participants included Afghan families' roles and specifically made an example of their own family in shaping gender roles when discussing their own experiences of being an Afghan woman. In many Afghan families, women were expected to adhere to cultural and traditional values to maintain family honour and reputation. A mismatch of expectations can result in a conflict between a woman and her family. Therefore, participants believed that going beyond female stereotypes requires collaboration between men and women in the family.

Mothers make an important contribution to the teaching of gender roles to their daughters. Many participants criticised their mothers for the way they raised them and blamed their mothers for pushing them to make many sacrifices to preserve family honour. As the main responsibility for Afghan women is to raise the children, so Afghan mothers often believe it is their duty to teach their daughters to behave properly. Otherwise, they fear blame. Yas criticised her mother for giving her brothers preferential treatment over her sister and herself: “My mum likes her sons; she always puts her sons first. She likes them more than us and motivates them. My mum has more patriarchal beliefs than my dad.”

Marriage was also a significant component of Afghan women’s lives and brought many more expectations and duties. Afghan brides move to their groom’s house after marriage and usually live with the entire family-in-law; therefore, they are expected to have responsibilities towards their in-laws. In doing so, it is expected that they will prioritise duties to their husband and his family over responsibilities outside the home and social responsibilities.

On the other hand, some women who have been successful in study or work in Australia noted that their fathers, husbands or brothers motivated them and supported them. Those women perceived their male family members as positive role models who encouraged them to be independent and strong. For instance, Nasrin said: “We have been free to choose whatever we want; women have absolute power in our family, and they have a strong position. Our father respects our choices and supports us.”

The impact of migration on gender roles

Information pertaining to this theme primarily emerged from responses to the third question on the interview guide, but also in some responses to the other questions. Moving to Australia was accompanied by tremendous changes for many Afghan women. Moving to a more egalitarian and liberal society that offers more freedom for women might affect women’s attitudes about gender roles, stereotypes, and responsibilities. For most participants, coming to Australia resulted in a change in their perspective on gender roles and gender equality, and they tended to have to experience more autonomy and independence.

Firstly, many participants developed more self-confidence to find a job, continue their education, and use their skills and abilities. Among those, Fati noted the tremendous impact of the Australian educational system, in particular how school and university education enhanced their awareness of gender roles and gender equality. After settling in Australia, looking for a job and working outside the home has become a viable option for many Afghan women, such as Tala. In addition, participants remarked on other changes, such as Somi’s example of being more confident and independent:

Somi: Afghan people’s knowledge has improved after living in Australia for a while; they respect women more. For me, Australian society made me stronger. Also, services and psychologists helped me to be strong. The Australian lifestyle helped me to be independent.

Secondly, living in a country where they perceived greater gender equality also inspired many women to be more optimistic about their situations. For instance, Leila had been in Australia for less than 1 year, she had already found positive aspects to living in Australia: “Women can have their real character and have their own goals and rights. I have always dreamed of studying and going to university; I am confident that I can do it in Australia.” Likewise, Sarah said that she had been unhappy and felt trapped, but living in Australia had opened a new window for her to change her attitudes towards being a woman. She regarded her situation in Afghanistan as oppressed, but she could now emancipate herself. Angela also learnt that women could manage both roles inside and outside their home successfully:

Angela: Coming to Australia helped us to see other women who are [both] mothers and financially independent. When I walk in the street and see other happy and independent women, I learn that life can be happy and beautiful; but we did not have the opportunity to see this in Afghanistan.

Finally, while change for many Afghan women might not be easy or straightforward, participants had changed in various ways, through different processes and at different paces after coming to Australia. Some of the women reported having changed rapidly, while it had been a much more gradual process for others. Some suggested that women might be passive for the first few years of living in Australia, but after a while, they started changing. The process of change and the reasons behind it are described in detail in the following quote:

Fati: After I graduated…I changed radically.…I would not follow what the male family members will expect.…I do not know what happened, but just I have given up on that lifestyle. Definitely, these changes will take time; the first [Afghan] generation in Australia, it is very hard to interact with them and educate them. (Interview in English)

Despite the challenges that women faced when they went through the process of change, settlement in Australia helped many obtain greater self-confidence. Thus, most of the participants spoke about changes in positive terms.

Barriers to change

It was perhaps inevitable that asking women about the impact of migration would stimulate discussion about the frustrations experienced in trying to realise opportunities they had not previously perceived as possible for them as a woman. In particular, while participants indicated that moving to Australia could be a pathway for change concerning Afghan women’s roles, many believed that some barriers remained. The process of adaptation and integration into the new environment, alongside the demand to fulfil traditional gender roles, could result in disagreement and conflict. The coexistence of two societies’ roles, responsibilities and expectations might not be without challenges. Most of these could be categorised as individual barriers, family obstacles, or cultural and social hurdles to be overcome. These are presented in turn below.

Transforming gender roles might result in uncertainty and conflict with women’s own ideas and expectations. Some participants believed that having grown up in a male-dominated society, going outside those rules might not be possible for them or easy, particularly if they were embarking on changes that conflicted with their own values. Sahar, for instance, highlighted older generations’ resistance to change as “Older generations are resistant to change because they accept [the] gender roles and stereotypes that society dictates them.”

As Angela said, while for some, coming to Australia resulted in new possibilities of personal and professional progress, those who could not access such opportunities and connections were less satisfied, particularly if they had been successful before they migrated.

Women who had been in Australia for a longer period believed that, although their situation had improved and they accessed many opportunities, including education, there was a mismatch between their efforts and what they had achieved. For example, Dana, Angela and Fati, who had put tremendous effort into study or work, were dissatisfied with the results. They compared themselves with other women in Australian society and believed they had tried harder than other women but were dissatisfied with their achievements. Fati said: “If you want to change the role for yourself or the family members, like an Afghan woman, you should fight ten times harder in comparison with Australian women.”

The family had been vital in enabling as well as preventing women from making decisions to exercise their rights to make choices. In the early stage of living in Australia, change might mean breaking family rules or expectations. For some women changing their ideas might be considered an act of betrayal against their family. For instance, Yas remarked how many families would oppose women’s changing behaviour as a threat to them and their values while men had many opportunities to act in unconventional ways. For many women, as they sought to benefit from the changes and freedoms of Australia, male members of the family became more concerned and therefore imposed more restrictions. Hence, some women, such as Angela, believed that coming to a place with more freedom for women might have enhanced men’s fear of losing their power.

Some participants mentioned that the two cultures were so different that it was not possible to be both Afghan and Australian at the same time. For some, Afghan culture was perceived to be under threat by an Australian way of life, and as a result, the pressure was placed on women to act exactly like Afghan women in Afghanistan. However, living in a country with greater gender equality and possibilities of autonomy might frustrate women who could not easily access those opportunities. Some participants believed that living in Australia was possibly harder for that reason as Angela said, “Being an Afghan woman in Australia is like a bird trapped inside a cage in the sky. Although women have everything in Australia like freedom and women’s rights, Afghan women cannot use them.”

Discussion

We will have a closer look at what participants identified as gender roles ascribed to Afghan women in the discussion. This study results can be interpreted through social work theoretical approaches. Central to feminist social work theories is that the oppression and inferior status of women are due to societal inequality and unequal access to power in the patriarchal structures of the society (Thompson, 2016; Dominelli, 2002; Morley and Macfarlane, 2011). Women’s identities should be understood through gender expectations and gender inequality resulting from stereotypes and discrimination. Afghan women who seek liberation face various forms of social control and penalties to deny their rights within patriarchal structures. Thompson (2016) also argues that gender stereotypes are mainly based on an ideology that is resistant to change, beneficial for men and mainly negative for women. Thompson discussed how changing those stereotypes was difficult as they were so entrenched in the culture and perpetuated current power imbalances.

The results showed that the notion of a “good woman” imposed by the Afghan community was that of a dedicated and faithful person to their family and community, who adhered to specific stereotypes. Previous studies (Hosseini-Sedehi, 2016; Echavez et al., 2016; Rahman, 2018) also found the Afghan community to be a male-dominated and conservative society, where men were more visible in social activities, and women remained inside the home and were responsible mainly for household tasks, nurturing and child socialisation. While women were regarded as nurturers and caregivers in Afghanistan, men were taught to be breadwinners and have employment outside the home. However, this study results highlighted that participants opposed being forced to accept discriminatory gender roles which required women’s obedience and silence. As Mullaly (2010) argued, stereotypes are often used by the dominant group to reinforce power relations and keep oppressed people in a subordinated position. As a result, some of the study participants, who had made an effort to change, faced resistance from their families and community. Thus, a conflict seemed to be an inevitable consequence.

Many participants criticised and blamed other Afghan women for perpetuating gender stereotypes and particularly noted how their mothers imposed gender roles on them and other female members of the family. Likewise, Holtmann (2016) found that Afghan mothers might feel responsible for maintaining their family’s reputation and integrity; one aspect of this was the expectation that they brought up Afghan daughters who would maintain family and community obligations. Also, in another Muslim majority country, Marshall and Furr (2010) found that Turkish mothers were expected to endure oppression and violence and therefore sacrifice themselves and teach their daughters to do the same for the sake of family integrity.

Results also indicated that in addition to family constraints, women were frustrated by the close-knit Afghan community in Australia as it frequently sought to impose traditional gender roles on women. As found previously among newly arrived migrant women in Australia (Vaughan et al., 2015), many participants expressed disappointment at restrictions that denied them the opportunity to become as independent as Australian women. Participants wanted to prioritise their individual needs and reject Afghan community norms that they no longer considered relevant. By contrast, Rostami-Povey (2007) found that Afghan women living in the UK and USA opposed such individualism and endorsed their collective community on gender roles; our participants, on the other hand, were more likely to endorse independence and individualism.

Younger participants faced constant negotiations between the traditional perspectives of their parents and the values of the dominant Australian culture. This would not be an issue for Afghan families alone: other young Australians, regardless of their backgrounds, likely have the same experiences, facing unforeseen hurdles, particularly as they transition to a different stage of life (Luzeckyj et al., 2011). Yet many participants blamed their cultural affiliation and their Afghan families for lack of understanding of their situations. Hence, despite the opportunities offered by living in a more liberal society, some Afghan women were frustrated by restrictions that left them feeling trapped and unable to access the advantages and privileges they saw afforded to other women in Australia.

This study results are also consistent with previous research that had shown the process of migration had altered the balance of power and control in the family to challenge traditional gender roles (Hosseini-Sedehi, 2016; Erez, 2002). Exposure to different gender roles in western societies has resulted in many Muslim women rethinking the expectations and gender stereotypes of their country of origin (Zakar et al., 2012; Moghissi et al., 2009); likewise, many participants in this study no longer tolerated being passive and obedient as had been required prior to coming to Australia. Education was critical in women’s change and greater levels of self-confidence and women’s progress towards independence after arriving in Australia. As demonstrated in Table 1, many participants in the present study were highly educated, and, notably, many had attended Australian educational institutions. There was a substantial difference between participants in the present study and women in Afghanistan as data show that the majority of women in Afghanistan are illiterate, and Afghanistan has the second-lowest literacy rates in the world at 28%, with female literacy rates at only 17% (UNESCO, 2013). The previous research found that being less educated led to greater dependency on male members of the family and powerlessness (Ali et al., 2014; Kirdar et al., 2007). In contrast, educated Muslim women expect to be able to exert a sense of agency. Hence, many of our participants felt capable of being independent in Australia and would no longer subject themselves to cultural expectations which disadvantaged women. Nevertheless, the portrayal of Australian women for the study participants was strong, powerful, autonomous. This may reflect that Anglo-Australian women are typically portrayed as emancipated and strong through media (Poynting, 2009), while migrant and Muslim women were presumed to be oppressed and subordinate across the west including Australia (Hebbani and Wills, 2012; Al Wazni, 2015; Bullock, 2002; Mirza, 2013).

Conclusion and implications

Moving to a new country that offers more freedom for women led some Afghan women to take up new opportunities and improve their situation and encouraged them to move beyond assigned gender roles and stereotypes. Investigating the complex relationships between the power of gender stereotypes and women’s agencies to go beyond those roles helped create a clearer understanding of Afghan women’s perceptions of gender roles and possibilities following migration. Gender equality is nonlinear and is relevant to individual, family, political and cultural factors. While systematic gender inequality continues to have a major impact on all women in Australia (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2018), the study findings showed that our participants experienced great barriers to moving beyond gender stereotypes and obtaining gender equality.

The process of migration led our participants to reassess their expectations and demand the right to pursue opportunities previously denied to them based on their gender. Therefore, relevant institutions and services need to develop nuanced policy and practice responses to assist migrant women in realising opportunities that other women take for granted. For instance, the path to achieving gender equality for a multicultural society like Australia should be through an intersectional lens (see Sokoloff and Dupont, 2005; Cullen et al., 2021). However, although gender equality is considered a significant principle of the Australian National Plan outlined by the Council of Australian Governments (COAG, 2011), there is a concern that the gender equality approach and plans do not echo multicultural women’s demands and needs (Ghafournia and Easteal, 2018). To this end, further research will help investigate how women’s various identities, including language, religion, visa status, ethnicity, abilities, race and social status, might impact migrant self-determination and women’s path for gender equality (Mehrotra, 2010; Chen, 2017).

The complex stories of our participants living in a new country demonstrate the importance of providing services, including social work services, that are culturally safe, relevant and appropriate. Culturally sensitive practice requires skills and knowledge of cultures, histories, values, and principles within diverse groups to respond effectively when needed. If social workers’ practice recognises immigrant women’s viewpoints, experiences, and concerns, women will be more likely to access and utilise services when needed. Appropriate social work services may boost migrant women’s self-confidence and self-determination to change and adapt to new contexts if they wish to.

Anti-oppressive practice (Healy, 2014) recognises and confronts structural factors and outlines how service providers and social workers can collaborate to address discrimination and structural oppression that influence migrant women’s lives (AASW, 2020). Social workers working with migrant women should be aware of migrant women’s personal, family and community requirements for decision-making in the process of migration. Hence, social workers should apply an anti-oppressive perspective when working with migrant women to address gender and structural power imbalances, and in doing so, empower women by respecting their decision-making (Healy, 2014).

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

This paper has been developed from the first author’s PhD thesis supported by Deakin University. We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers at the Qualitative Social Work journal whose thoughtful comments improved this paper.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Rojan Afrouz

Beth R Crisp

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