Japanese parents’ experiences supporting their school-aged children’s acculturation to the U.S.

Abstract

The 19th century roots of social work in social justice movements within immigrant communities continue to thrive in contemporary social work. Yet relatively little attention has focused on the challenges faced by Asian immigrants, currently the second largest immigrant group in the U.S. Indeed, Asians in the U.S. have long been stereotyped as a “model minority,” perpetuating the myth that Asian children do not need special attention when acculturating to U.S. schools. Yet parents report obstacles to their children’s acculturation, including racism. As part of a larger ethnography, this study examines how Japanese immigrant and temporary resident parents understand their children’s acculturation to the U.S. We conducted in-depth, individual interviews with 14 Japanese immigrant and temporary resident parents of school-aged children. They discussed acculturation challenges centered on differences in the Japanese and U.S. cultural self, and how they modified their socialization practices to support their children’s acculturation. Rather than employing Japanese child rearing practices that implicitly guide children by shaping their environment, parents shifted to explicit efforts to ensure their children’s development of Japanese cultural selves in the U.S. Such practices, however, may result in children losing a sense of independence and autonomy important to both U.S. and Japanese cultural selves. These experiences of Japanese parents challenge the stereotype of Asians as a model minority. We discuss social work implications for culturally appropriate support for acculturation.

Keywords

Culture race socialization Japanese immigrants acculturation children’s cultural self

Introduction

This study describes Japanese parents’ experiences supporting their school-aged children’s acculturation to the U.S. Acculturation refers to changes that occur when two or more cultural groups come into sustained contact (Berry, 2001). A challenge for individuals from non-dominant groups is to maintain valued aspects of their cultures of origin while adjusting to their new cultures (Berry, 2001; Sakamoto et al., 2008). Currently, Asians, including Japanese, are the second largest immigrant group to the U.S. and expected to become the largest by 2055 (Pew Research Center, 2021). Stereotyped as the “model minority,” quiet, reticent, and studious (Zhou and Bankston III, 2020), relatively little attention has focused on the challenges Asian immigrant families face, which can undermine their acculturation. For instance, the Japanese population, dispersed across the U.S., faces significant challenges, including in accessing resources that support acculturation (e.g, Akiyama, 2016; Kurotani, 2005). They also face Anti-Asian racism, which has a long history in the U.S. (Gover et al., 2020). Indeed, Japanese parents report racism as an obstacle to their children’s acculturation to U.S. public schools (Endo, 2016; Kayama and Haight, n.d.). Consistent with research indicating that many Asians hesitate to seek formal support for the challenges of acculturation (e.g., Sakamoto et al., 2009), they also express reluctance to report challenges to educators (Choi et al., 2013; Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012). Although social work has a historical root in social justice for immigrants (Trattner, 1999), relatively little research examines the experiences of Asian parents in supporting their children’s acculturation (but see Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012).

Providing effective, culturally appropriate support for acculturation requires an understanding of parenting beliefs and practices in both cultural groups, as well as diversity within each group. The Asian population in the U.S reflects diverse languages, sociocultural-historical contexts, reasons for immigration (Pew Research Center, 2021), and socialization practices. This study (1) explores how Japanese parents understand and socialize their children’s Japanese self as they acculturate to local schools and develop U.S. cultural selves, and (2) provides insights into the development of culturally sensitive social work and educational practices for supporting the acculturation of children from various cultural groups.

Japanese immigrants and temporary residents

The size of the Japanese population in the U.S. has grown about 1.5 times in the past two decades (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2019), but these families have access to very few resources that support their acculturation outside of major cities (Akiyama, 2016; Kurotani, 2005). Currently, about 7.5% of the Asian population in the U.S., including immigrants, is from Japan (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). In addition, Japanese people comprise 6.4% of the Asian temporary residents, that is, individuals who have been admitted to the U.S. for several years, for example, as temporary workers and students (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2018).

Japanese immigrants and temporary residents are an important subgroup to examine for several reasons. First, Japanese parents may experience challenges in supporting their children’s acculturation given a lack of familiarity with racism. Japanese parents may arrive in the U.S. as majority group members within their relatively homogeneous culture of origin. Unlike BIPOC (black, indigenous, and people of color) families native to the U.S., they may not have socialization practices handed down from generations to buffer the assaults of racism to their children’s emerging concepts of self (e.g., Endo, 2016).

Next, Japanese child rearing practices and concepts of self are distinct from those in the white, majority U.S. culture (Azuma, 1994; Kayama et al., 2020). In contrast to U.S. children who, typically, are encouraged to express their self explicitly, Japanese children are socialized to “read” others’ self as expressed implicitly, and accommodate them (Azuma, 1994). Thus, Japanese children’s indirect expressions of self, including distress, may remain unrecognized by U.S. adults (Akiyama, 2016; Kayama and Haight, n.d.).

Finally, consideration of Japanese families’ experiences in the U.S. can help us gain deeper understandings of our own normative cultural practices and beliefs (Kayama et al., 2020; Shweder et al., 2006). These practices and beliefs are so familiar to us that they have become “invisible,” and are performed without conscious thought (Miller and Cho, 2018). Perspectives of individuals from other cultural groups allow us to see our own cultural understandings and practices from a new perspective, and engage with “creative understanding” as described by Mikhail Bakhtin (Morson and Emerson, 1990). For example, Japanese parents’ understandings of children’s acculturation challenges, and culturally nuanced socialization practices to support them, can help U.S. social workers to reflect on, and strengthen our support for children’s acculturation.

Developmental cultural psychology framework

Children’s acquisition of a cultural self refers to their emerging, shared understandings of the self necessary to function appropriately as a member of a particular cultural group including cultural values, beliefs, and practices (Shweder et al., 2006). Children actively construct a cultural self in interaction with adults and peers, who display behavioral patterns, cultural norms, and values they are expected to acquire during their everyday interactions at home, school, and in the community (e.g., Miller et al., 2003). Socialization of a cultural self usually is informal, indirect, and implicit (Bornstein, 2017) occurring, for example, during everyday routines. Socialization also can be formal and explicit, for example, when educators and children at local schools explicitly teach immigrant children expectations for behavior in their new culture (Bornstein, 2017), lessons children then bring back home to their parents.

Parents play especially important roles in immigrant and temporary resident children’s developing cultural selves of origin, as limited cultural resources outside of the family may be available in their host cultures (Bornstein, 2017). Children also need to rely on adults to access available resources (Nukaga, 2012), such as friends who can support their acculturation to local schools (Akiyama, 2016). A robust literature examines the extent to which parents maintain their socialization practices of origin (e.g., Bornstein & Cote, 2004; Huang et al., 2017), but relatively little research examines how parents support children’s acculturation (but see Endo, 2016; Lee & Keown, 2018; Nukaga, 2012; Uttal & Han, 2011).

Acculturation poses challenges to children’s developing cultural self. Immigrant and temporary resident children who are exposed to multiple cultures may experience confusion in their cultural identities, for example, feeling unwelcome in both cultures (Kwon, 2019). Immigrant parents also report tension with their children who have learned new behavioral patterns and practices at local schools (e.g., Choi et al., 2013). Children’s involvement in a cultural community of origin, however, can help them reduce psychological distress (Akiyama, 2016), handle racism (Dimitrova et al., 2015), and maintain a cultural self of origin (Uttal & Han, 2011).

Acculturation also poses challenges for parents to integrate socialization goals and practices from diverse cultures (e.g., Bornstein & Cote, 2004; Lee & Keown, 2018; Tam and Chan, 2015; Uttal & Han, 2011). When the host culture holds distinct expectations for children, parents may choose to reframe their socialization practices to support their children’s successful adjustment to the majority group. How parents balance socialization practices from multiple cultures may vary in particular domains of their everyday lives (Bornstein, 2017; Tam and Chan, 2015). In the private domain of the home, parents may prioritize their cultural values of origin. Immigrant parents from Asian countries report maintaining socialization beliefs and practices from their cultures (Tam and Chan, 2015), for example, the centrality of parental authority and children’s obedience (e.g., Huang et al., 2017). However, in a public domain, such as their children’s schools, parents may prioritize normative socialization goals of the host culture (e.g., Cho and Shin, 2008; Uttal and Han, 2011).

Cultural selves and socialization practices

Japanese immigrant and temporary resident families are situated in both U.S. and Japanese cultural contexts. Recognizing their acculturation challenges requires some understandings of Japanese and U.S. cultural selves and socialization practices.

Japanese selves and indirect socialization practices

Japan can be characterized, broadly, as a group-oriented society (Markus and Kitayama, 1991). A Japanese concept of the socially embedded self, one’s share of something beyond oneself, emphasizes the self as flexibly responsive to the social context (Lebra, 1976). Japanese people also retain a strong individual sense of “self,” the heart and mind (Lebra, 1976; Okamoto, 2006). Similar to a mainstream U.S. cultural self, having one’s own thoughts, feelings, and desires is valued in Japan.

Japanese children are socialized to balance their social and individual selves, which may sometimes be in conflict (Hosaka, 2005; Lebra, 1976). Explicitly disclosing their individual self, for instance, can disrupt individuals’ relationships with others (social self). Yet they may lose their individual self if their involvement in groups becomes too extensive (Lebra, 1976). In order to balance these two selves, Japanese people may express their thoughts and desires (individual self) implicitly, for example, through facial expression and tone of voice. They also have to be sensitive to others’ indirect expressions, and accommodate them to preserve their relationships (Azuma, 1994; Lebra, 1976). This sensitivity and ability to attend to others’ feelings and thoughts is referred to as omoiyari (Lebra, 1976).

Japanese adults tend to socialize children’s omoiyari indirectly through their everyday social interactions. Rather than explicitly instructing children, Japanese adults seek to create social environments in which children are internally motivated, and participate in their learning autonomously (Doi et al., 2005; Tobin et al., 2009). This socialization practice is referred to as mimamori [mi(ru): watch over; mamori; protection]. For example, adults watch over children with omoiyari and affection as protective figures, provide minimal direction, and allow them to freely explore activities and solve problems during social interactions with others (Bamba and Haight, 2011). Japanese adults’ preference for these indirect socialization practices reflects their trust in children’s inherent goodness and ability to learn from their everyday experiences (Doi et al., 2005). Such practices also extend to the community. For example, by walking or commuting to and from school by themselves, Japanese children learn skills to care for themselves while under the mimamori of educators, parents, and community members (Ministry of Education, 2019).

The U.S. self and explicit, individualized socialization practices

The socialization of a Japanese cultural self can create tensions for Japanese families whose children are developing in the U.S. Although the U.S. is a diverse society, white, majority U.S. culture generally emphasizes the self as an individual with stable traits (Rogoff, 2003; Shweder et al., 2006). Relative to parents in Japan, U.S. parents, especially those who are from middle class white families, emphasize their children’s individuality, and encourage their explicit self-expression and independence in thought and action (Miller and Cho, 2018; Rogoff, 2003). Adults may encourage even young children to have and express distinct preferences and make independent choices (Shweder et al., 2006).

These concepts of self and socialization practices are reflected in U.S. public education systems. Indeed, a goal of U.S. elementary education, in general, is to support the individual child’s development. Curriculum and instruction are individualized to fit each child’s learning styles, abilities, and level of achievement as much as resources allow (Shweder et al., 2006; Tobin et al., 2009). In these contexts, children generally are understood as immature and incompetent, and thus have to be explicitly taught by adults to become competent members of society (Corsaro, 2018). U.S. educators may create, and provide a variety of in-class and extracurricular activities, and encourage individual children to freely choose based on their preference and needs (e.g., Tobin et al., 2009). Yet their freedom of choice in their peer interactions can be limited within social contexts closely supervised by adults (Corsaro, 2018).

Japanese parents’ socialization practices in the U.S.

Relatively few studies have examined Japanese parents’ socialization practices as they acculturate to the U.S. (but see Bornstein and Cote, 2004, Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012), but there is some literature on other Asian immigrants. For East Asian parents of school-aged children, their children’s educational success is particularly important. Many parents exert enormous effort to support their children. They search for school districts with highly qualified teachers and educational programs, such as English tutoring and extracurricular activities (e.g., Cho and Shin, 2008; Endo, 2016). Parents, however, may find it difficult to be fully involved in their children’s local schools due to their limited English skills, a lack of knowledge of the U.S. school system, and racism (e.g., Choi et al., 2013; Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012).

Recent Japanese immigrant parents tend to maintain Japanese culture while incorporating U.S. socialization practices (e.g., Bornstein and Cote, 2004; Endo, 2016). Japanese parents, for example, value respect for others and maintenance of Japanese language skills (Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012). Yet studies of Japanese parents’ socialization practices in the U.S. primarily focus on children’s education. Similar to parents from other Asian countries, Japanese parents exert enormous effort in supporting their children’s academic success, including providing transportation for their children to receive necessary support (Endo, 2016; Nukaga, 2012). Some parents, however, disclose that their intensive support, which increased dramatically after their relocation to the U.S., resulted in their children’s over-reliance on them (Nukaga, 2012). Few studies, however, examine how parents adapt Japanese socialization practices within the U.S. sociocultural context to support their children’s acculturation.

Japanese supplementary schools

For Japanese families in the U.S., supplementary schools provide an important context that facilitates the socialization of children’s Japanese cultural selves. Japanese supplementary schools, typically, are established by local Japanese communities with support from the Japanese government to help school-aged children learn Japanese language and culture (Ministry of Education, 2016). Supplementary schools, generally, are structured following the Japanese curriculum standard (Ministry of Education, 2016), and provide weekly academic instruction in Japanese. Across the U.S., there are about 80 Japanese supplementary schools, including in smaller Midwestern and Southern cities (Ministry of Education, 2016), due, in part, to the influx of Japanese temporary residents following the relocation of Japanese companies (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communication, 2015). In small cities, supplementary schools may be the only place where children and their parents can immerse themselves in Japanese culture (Akiyama, 2016; Kayama and Yamakawa, 2020).

For parents participating in this study, weekly meetings with other Japanese parents at supplementary schools allow them to speak Japanese, relieve stress, and exchange information about their children’s schools. Similarly, their children enjoy playing with other Japanese children who share the same cultural knowledge and language, through which they gained energy to overcome challenges at their local schools (Kayama and Yamakawa, 2020).

Current study

The current study is part of a larger ethnographic study (Kayama and Haight, n.d.; Kayama and Yamakawa, 2020). In this report, we focus on parents’ understandings drawn from qualitative interviews. We consider the following research questions from the perspectives of parents: (1) What are challenges for Japanese children’s developing cultural selves in the U.S.? (2) How do Japanese parents socialize their children’s cultural selves in the U.S.?

Methods

Research site

A Japanese supplementary school in a small Southern city serving children from 1st–9th grades was selected as a research site through Kayama’s professional relationship with the administrator. The state in which our research site is located is among those that have the lowest percentage of foreign-born residents (U.S. Census Bureau, 2019), and English language learners in public schools (Pew Research Center, 2018). Thus, the Japanese supplementary school is one of the few community resources that allow children and their families to access Japanese language and culture.

At the supplementary school, from 9a.m. to 3p.m. on Saturdays, children follow a schedule similar to that in Japanese schools. They receive academic instruction, and participate in other activities, including eating lunch and cleaning their classrooms, and seasonal events typically implemented in Japanese schools, such as a sports festival. These non-academic activities are considered educational opportunities for children to learn empathy, build respectful relationships with peers, and take ownership of their learning (e.g., Okamoto, 2006). Due to the relatively small school size, some classrooms included children from multiple, adjacent grade levels.

The majority of children commute to the supplementary school from cities approximately 1–2 h drive away. Many parents wait at the school or in the community while their children receive instruction. Every week, approximately 10 parents and their younger children remain in the school’s waiting room. The waiting room serves as a place for parents to exchange information with other parents, and for younger children to learn Japanese with other children and adults outside of their families.

Participants

During the period of data collection in 2017, about 25 children from 14 immigrant and temporary resident families attended this Japanese supplementary school. All families were initially invited to participate in this study through an email announcement from the administrator. Kayama then visited the school weekly to extend in-person invitations to parents staying in the waiting room or dropping off children.

A total of 14 parents from 11 families participated in individual interviews (Table 1; All names are pseudonyms). Three parents requested that their spouses be included. Inclusion of both parents deepened our understandings of their families’ socialization practices. Nine families moved to the U.S. due to the fathers’ work obligations, and were expected to return to Japan in a few years. Parents from two other families came to the U.S. as students and obtained permanent resident status after their graduation. Their children were born in the U.S., and they did not plan to move back to Japan. Participants described the experiences of a total of 23 children from preschool to 9th grade.

Table 1.

Demographic information of families.

Family’s last name	Participant parent(s)	Children		Current grade at U.S. school	Years in the U.S. (child)
Family’s last name	Participant parent(s)	Name	Gender	Current grade at U.S. school	Years in the U.S. (child)
Plan to remain in the U.S.
Tanaka	Mother	Sara	Female	1	Born in the U.S.
Tanaka	Mother	Risa	Female	Preschool	Born in the U.S.
Yamano	Father and Mother	Michi	Female	2	Born in the U.S.
Yamano	Father and Mother	Sachi	Female	K	Born in the U.S.
Plan to return to Japan, but timing not yet determined
Ashida	Mother	Nozomi	Female	7	1
Ashida	Mother	Yuuki	Male	3	1
Morita	Mother	Taichi	Male	4	2½
Morita	Mother	Emi	Female	2	2½
Plan to return to Japan in 1 year
Ikeda	Mother	Jun	Male	7	3
Sugimoto	Father	Haruto	Male	6	7
Sugimoto	Father	Eri	Female	4	7
Sakashita	Mother	Rina	Female	5	3
		Runa	Female	3
		Seiya	Male	1
Morimoto	Mother	Hazuki	Male	9	1
Morimoto	Mother	Aki	Female	7	1
Takahashi	Mother	Hiroto	Male	4	2
		Kenj	Male	2
		Hina	Female	K
Yamamoto	Father and Mother	Haruka	Female	6	3½
Yamamoto	Father and Mother	Takahiro	Male	3	3½
Hirose	Father and Mother	Kenta	Male	6	3
Hirose	Father and Mother	Ryota	Male	3	3

Researchers

This study was developed through a deliberate integration of our insider and outsider understandings of Japanese and U.S. cultural selves and socialization practices. Kayama provided an insider perspective. As a Japanese citizen who received her graduate education in the U.S., she experienced acculturatiion to the U.S. Haight, who is a U.S. citizen and has conducted research on Japanese socialization practices, facilitated “creative understanding” through her interpretations of participants’ narratives as an outsider.

Procedures

Parents participated in semi-structured, audio-recorded, in-depth individual interviews, which lasted approximately 40–60 min. All interviews were conducted in Japanese by Kayama in a private, empty classroom. Parents from two families were interviewed together. Parents from the third family were interviewed separately. During the interviews, parents were prompted to discuss their socialization practices at home, including how they support their children’s acculturation and development of Japanese cultural selves; and their children’s experiences at their U.S. local schools and the Japanese supplementary school.

In addition, Kayama conducted participant observation weekly (1–5 h a day), throughout a 2-month period. Fieldnotes described informal conversations with parents in the waiting room, interactions among parents, children, and teachers, and the administrator’s discussion of day-to-day practices with children and their families. In the current study, fieldnotes were used to contextualize and support the interpretation of interviews with parents.

Data analysis

All interviews were transcribed verbatim in Japanese. Through repeated readings of transcribed interviews and fieldnotes, Kayama induced emic codes describing participants’ cultural insider perspectives and experiences using interpretive, analytic induction techniques (Schwandt, 2015). To enhance the credibility of our interpretation (Lincoln and Guba, 1985), these codes were critiqued by the administrator of the Japanese supplementary school. In her 8 years of experience in this role, she has had direct interactions with Japanese immigrants and temporary residents (including participant families), and is knowledgeable about typical acculturation challenges they experience. Two coders then independently coded all interviews. Definitions of codes were further refined until themes more fully captured the experiences of all participants. Four out of eight major themes described parents’ socialization beliefs and practices. Any disagreements between the coders were resolved through discussion. Illustrative excerpts for each theme were translated into English by Kayama and reviewed by the administrator. Finally, Kayama and Haight interpreted and contextualized parents’ narratives of Japanese and U.S. socialization practices using fieldnotes.

Results and discussion

Acculturation challenges: Developing Japanese cultural selves in the U.S.

Participant parents expected their children to develop Japanese cultural selves in the U.S. Yet they were concerned that their children were losing or failing to fully develop Japanese individual and social selves.

Individual self

Parents described U.S. sociocultural contexts as limiting opportunities for children to enjoy and explore their autonomy and independence necessary to their emerging individual self. They viewed children’s individual self as especially challenged by adults’ too close supervision and over-involvement in children’s social relationships, everyday routines, and conflicts. Mrs Ashida expressed her concern, “[In the U.S.], my children do not have their own time alone, unlike when they were in Japan. Always, they are with adults, parents or teachers who are keeping their eyes on them. That must be exhausting.”

In Japan, by contrast, under adults’ mimamori and protection, children typically are responsible for getting themselves to extracurricular activities, school and play dates, including by using public transportation. Mrs Tanaka, for instance, reflected, “In Japan, children have to walk to school and come back home by themselves. They have more opportunities in which they can make their own decisions. That helps them become independent.” Mr Yamano also described children’s autonomy in Japan, “Especially, middle school-aged children can enjoy their freedom more in Japan. They can go to places a bit further from their houses [using public transportation] with their friends.”

Further, Mrs Morita described children’s loss of autonomy in the U.S., “Here, children can’t play with other children unless their parents go with them, give them a ride and communicate with their parents.” Mrs Ikeda also described her middle school-aged son, Jun;

In Japan, children can freely go to [any places]. My child may say, “I am going out with my friends” [after school], and leave home by himself. They can go to a park, and anywhere. In contrast, here [in the U.S.], even if [children] have talked about going somewhere with friends after school, my child can’t go anywhere unless his mother gives him a ride. He can’t even go to practice baseball by himself.

Some participant parents further described children’s autonomy as compromised by concerns about safety. Mrs Sakashita, for instance, described, “We can’t leave our [elementary school-aged] children at home alone [in the U.S.]. So, we have to choose an activity all my three children can participate in together instead of their [individual] preferences.” During participant observation, other parents also discussed challenges in arranging transportation for their children. For these parents from Japan, where relatively young children are allowed to commute or stay at home by themselves, U.S. child protection laws that consider such practices as neglectful (e.g., Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2018) may limit their children’s opportunity to enjoy their freedom. In addition, parents expressed a need to shield their families from Anti-Asian racism, for example, by concealing their Japanese identity in public spaces (Kayama and Haight, n.d.).

These parents’ narratives may reflect Japanese elementary education that emphasizes the importance of children’s individual self (Okamoto, 2006), including through the practice of mimamori, which implicitly encourages children’s autonomy (Doi et al., 2005; Kayama et al., 2020). Parents’ own experiences of the Japanese education system, as children, may have sensitized them to the importance of supporting their children’s autonomy and independence (Nukaga, 2012). In the U.S., however, parents have limited opportunities to use implicit Japanese socialization practices.

Social self

Parents emphasized the importance of omoiyari, that is, sensitivity toward other people’s feelings and thoughts. Omoiyari is a basis of individuals’ social self (Lebra, 1976), which has to be balanced with their individual self. Mrs Yamamoto explained, “I think it’s important that we respect one another while working collaboratively toward the same direction and goals, but of course, we need to be aware of the value of individual persons.”

Parents identified children’s limited access to Japanese sociocultural contexts as resulting in less thoughtfulness and sensitivity necessary to maintain their social self. For example, they described children’s social self as challenged by the emphasis on explicit expression of their thoughts at U.S. schools. Mrs Takahashi described her 4th grade son, Hiroto, “He’s adjusted well to [his U.S.] school. He likes that teachers praise him, ‘Excellent!’ when he says whatever he thinks.” In U.S. child rearing practices, praising is frequently used to socialize children’s autonomy and independence (Miller and Cho, 2018), and also may reinforce the U.S. preference for explicit expression. Likewise, Mrs Tanaka, mother of Sara (1st grade) and Risa (preschool), attributed challenges to her children’s Japanese selves due to differences in Japanese and U.S. socialization contexts:

In the U.S., my children are taken care of by parents, their father and me, in a small [nuclear] family. We are helping them to do whatever they want. When we visit Japan, they are with their grandparents who are getting older. I’d like them to learn that they also can do something for their grandpa and grandma, and have a feeling, or mentality, of showing omoiyari to others.… In Japan, children frequently come across situations in which they can naturally help others.

Socialization practices at many Japanese elementary schools also create social ecologies in which children are naturally encouraged to help and learn from one another (Kayama et al., 2020; Ministry of Education, 2019). These indirect, implicit socialization practices are reinforced when children are situated within sociocultural contexts that match parents’ socialization beliefs and practices, for example, when parents’ socialization practices enforce values and behaviors children encounter at school. Such consistent and repeated messages to children across social settings help them to learn culturally expected norms (Bornstein and Lansford, 2010).

Japanese parents’ socialization strategies in the U.S.

After several years in the U.S., parents describe that their children’s two Japanese selves have become imbalanced. Many participants, for instance, expressed concerns that their children’s strong self-expression could damage their relationships with other Japanese children (social self). Some parents also observe that their children’s dependence on parents has led to a reluctance to express their own desires and interests (individual self). Mrs Ashida described her 7^th grade daughter, Nozomi:

When I ask which store she prefers to go, she says, “I have to go where you’ve decided” …but when we were in Japan, she looked mature for her age. When she needed something, she went out to buy it. …I feel that she now has become childish. Here, she may say, “Mom, I need a new notebook!” I understand that she [needs my help], but she has stopped thinking [and making decisions] for herself.

To support children’s development of a Japanese self in which social and individual selves are balanced, parents emphasize the importance of creating opportunities for their children to participate in Japanese socialization practices outside of their homes, especially the Japanese supplementary school. Mrs Takahashi, for example, described her younger son, Kenji (2nd grade), who came to the U.S. when he was 6 years old, “He doesn’t remember a lot about Japan. [Participation at the supplementary school is] an opportunity where he can remember something he did when he was in Japan, such as seasonal events.”

Parents also discussed the importance of explicitly teaching their children Japanese values and practices in the U.S. In Japanese classrooms, teachers explicitly teach everyday routine activities only until children are able to follow through with minimal reminders from adults (Kayama and Haight, 2014). In the U.S., however, participants observe that even at the supplementary school, adults have to remind children of routine activities more frequently than in Japan. Mrs Sakashita, mother of three elementary school-aged children, Rina (5th grade), Runa (3rd grade), and Seiya (1st grade) elaborated:

Interpersonal rules, or etiquette, are different in the U.S. and Japan. At Japanese schools, for example, there is a greeting ritual [at the beginning and the end of each class period throughout the day]. So, that is something children learn naturally at school [by repeatedly doing so], but here, we [adults] need to teach them every time, one by one.

Nevertheless, parents still describe the Japanese supplementary school as providing a context in which children can autonomously learn through their interactions with other Japanese children. This context is particularly important for younger children and those from immigrant families who have already adjusted to U.S. local schools. Mrs Tanaka, for instance, described, “[At the supplementary school], there are 1st and 2nd graders in my child’s classroom. So, 2nd graders help 1st graders, which is good for my child [to learn from them].” Fieldnotes also described older children taking care of younger children in the hallway while waiting for their parents after school. Mrs Morita elaborated on expectations for her children (Taichi 4th grade; Emi 2nd grade):

At the supplementary school, children can feel what it is like to go to a school in Japan. Within the group, seeing what other children are doing, I want my children to learn from them. For example, if they notice, “That child can do that much,” I want my children to think, “I should work hard, too.”

Conclusion

Social work’s origin in social justice work within immigrant communities (Trattner, 1999) remains strong today. Yet despite the long history of Anti-Asian racism and the increase in Asian immigrants in the U.S., relatively little social work research has focused on the experiences of Asian immigrant families. Providing effective, culturally appropriate support for families’ acculturation begins with an understanding of parenting beliefs, practices, and experiences within new cultures. This study is one of the first that examines Asian immigrant and temporary resident parents’ socialization experiences within their new cultures (but see Lee and Keown, 2018; Uttal and Han, 2011).

Participants’ narratives underscore the cultural-embeddedness of socialization practices supporting their children’s emerging cultural selves (Miller et al., 2003; Rogoff, 2003). In contrast to a general understanding of the Asian self as interdependent (Markus and Kitayama, 1991; Park et al., 2014), parents also emphasized children’s autonomy and independence. Yet the meanings of autonomy and independence are culturally nuanced. Japanese children experience independence and autonomy in everyday social interactions, for example, autonomous decision making within peer groups. Children’s self, however, may not be explicitly expressed verbally. Without knowing such cultural meanings, Japanese children may be misunderstood by U.S. adults as quiet and passive, and labeled as a model minority.

Parents’ Japanese socialization practices also are shaped within the U.S. context in which Japanese socialization practices, particularly adults’ implicit guidance of children’s social self, are not reinforced in local communities and schools. In response, parents described teaching Japanese values, such as sensitivity and thoughtfulness, or omoiyari, more explicitly than in Japan. Parents’ implementation of Japanese socialization practices that allow for children’s autonomy and emerging individual self also is limited due to the U.S. sociocultural and policy contexts around children’s safety. Encounters with racism added another safety concern (Kayama and Haight, n.d.).

The Japanese supplementary school served as a safe context in which children learned Japanese selves outside of their homes. Nevertheless, some children appeared to lose the balance between their two Japanese selves during acculturation. In Japan, this loss of balance is understood as a sign of psychosocial struggle (Hosaka, 2005; Lebra, 1976), such as social withdrawal and self-blame. When children lack sensitivity and thoughtfulness, they may prioritize the expression of their individual self, and damage their relationships with peers (Hosaka, 2005). Adults’ protection of children also may result in children’s over-reliance on their support (Nukaga, 2012), and loss of autonomy and independence, important to both Japanese and U.S. cultural selves.

Implications

This study has implications for how social workers can build bridges between U.S. communities, schools, and immigrant families to support children’s acculturation. First, attend to within group variation. For example, Asian immigrant groups encompass diverse histories, languages, and cultures. Furthermore, within any given Asian group, there are wide individual differences. Clearly, providing “one size fits all” programs for any national group can jeopardize cultural sensitivity.

Second, consider the complex interactions between parents’ socialization practices and the sociocultural contexts of their home and new cultures, including schools. For example, some studies have examined Asian immigrant parents’ use of authoritarian parenting strategies as an indicator of their maintenance of socialization practice of origin (e.g., Huang et al., 2017), but culture is complex, and the examination of decontextualized variables does not adequately capture Asian socialization practices (Park et al., 2014). Even within the same cultural group, socialization practices may vary among new immigrant families and those who have been in the U.S. for generations. For example, unlike Japanese American families who have a history of forced assimilation to avoid anti-Japanese racism after World War II, many new immigrant families openly maintain Japanese socialization and child rearing practices (Endo, 2016).

Next, consider how acculturation also enriches the new culture (Berry, 2001). Social workers’ support for the development of cultural resources of origin, such as supplementary schools, not only provides socialization contexts that support children’s learning of cultural selves, but also contributes to increasing the cultural sensitivity of local people. Indeed, the exposure to new cultures can broaden the perspectives of local community members (Sakamoto et al., 2008) including debunking myths of Asians as model minorities. Supplementary schools, for instance, can provide resources for diversity education at local schools. In collaboration with Japanese supplementary schools and U.S. public schools, social workers may empower Japanese children. For example, children may serve as liaisons between the two cultures, which also helps them balance their Japanese and U.S. cultural selves.

Finally, Japanese parents’ practices supporting children’ independence and autonomy have implications for U.S. school social work. Japanese socialization practices, such as mimamori, utilize problems children face in their everyday social interactions as learning opportunities to act autonomously under adults’ protection (e.g., Tobin et al., 2009). Peer groups are important contexts for U.S., as well as Japanese children (Corsaro, 2018). Adults’ trust in children’s ability to learn from experiences of overcoming challenges (Doi et al., 2005), and their guidance and protection that respect children’s autonomy within peer groups can promote independence of children in other cultures including the U.S. Indeed, within the U.S., there is an increased interest in creating a child-centered model of education in elementary (Rogoff et al., 2001) and middle school (Manning, 2000). Model programs create a safe environment in which children actively participate in collaborative activities with peers, solve problems that arise, and learn to show care and respect, free from bullying and teasing.

Limitations

This study has several limitations. First, our findings rely primarily on interviews with parents. Our discussion of parents’ socialization practices can be strengthened by interviews with children and more systematic observations of parents’ interactions with their children. Next, due to the small school size, only two immigrant families participated in this study. Thus, this report focused on themes commonly addressed by immigrant and temporary resident parents. The examination of immigrant parents’ perceptions, particularly any differences from those of temporary resident parents, is important. We also recruited more mothers than fathers due to their availability. We may have emphasized mothers’ discussion of day-to-day child rearing practices more than perceptions of fathers, who discussed socialization goals for their children more broadly, including future educational and employment opportunities. Finally, we recruited participants from one Japanese supplementary school in a small Southern city that had limited cultural resources for Japanese families. Parents’ perceptions may be considerably different from those living in metropolitan cities that have a larger Japanese population.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Japanese parents who participated in this research and kindly shared their experiences with us, and Naomi Yamakawa for her assistance in analyzing and interpreting interview data.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded, partly, by the Gamble-Skogmo endowment, University of Minnesota.

ORCID iD

Misa Kayama

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