Abstract
This article examines the value of using ethnographic methodology in research with women involved in street sex work in an inner-city suburb of Melbourne, Australia. The aim is to draw attention to the importance of three fundamental elements of this type of research with marginalised populations: 1) researchers’ immersion into the field over a sustained period of time, 2) ethical considerations about informed consent for people with cognitive impairment as a result of chronic drug use, and 3) reflexivity and positionality in qualitative research. Data collected from two and a half years of ethnographic fieldwork, including participant observation and semi-structured interviews with women involved in street sex work, emphasises the importance of adopting these participatory methods to ensure authenticity, rigour and credibility of research findings with marginalised populations.
Introduction and background
Ethnographers endeavour to understand the meanings people give to the world they live in. They apply a variety of participatory methods that enable them to provide authentic interpretations of their research participant’s stories (Durant, 2015; Fetterman, 2020; Madden, 2017). Through extended periods of social engagement with their participants, ethnographers are motivated to bring to light and interpret the meanings that shape participants’ daily lives (Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007). Ethnographic fieldwork, including qualitative methods such as participant observation and semi-structured interviews, empowers those who are central to the research and has the potential to transform the public consciousness about marginalised population groups (Fine et al., 2003).
According to Liamputtong (2007), the fact that qualitative methods can be more flexible and fluid means they are more ‘suited to understanding the meanings, interpretations and subjective experiences of vulnerable groups’ (p. 7). Warr (2004) believes the power of people’s life stories provides us with valuable ‘context-dependent accounts’ of how they have lived their lives (p. 580). Denzin and Lincoln (2013) highlight the value of qualitative research in its attempt to answer questions that examine how social experience is constructed and given meaning.
In this article, I detail the methods devised to conduct ethnographic research with female street sex workers in such a way as to optimise research rigour and ensure participants do not experience harm as a result of their participation in the research. The purpose of the broader study, of which this article is a part, is to examine best-practice for supporting women as they transition out of street sex work. A qualitative approach was chosen to bring forward the voices of women living in marginalised communities, who are usually silenced by the dominant social order (Hesse-Biber and Leavy, 2011). Gaining insight into life experiences from the perspectives of women involved in street sex work allows for an approach to research that decreases social exclusion, marginalisation, and poverty and addresses social justice issues (Hankivsky, 2012, cited in Thummapol et al., 2019).
The focus of this study is on street sex workers and does not include the broader and more formal type of sex work in brothels, escort agencies or strip parlours. Even though stigma and discrimination can impact the lives of all sex workers, women working on the street are more likely to have been involved in the criminal justice system and experienced the ‘revolving door of arrest, brief incarceration, release, re-arrest’ (Wiechelt and Shdaimah, 2011: p.160). Women involved in street sex work are often the most visible and vulnerable sex workers in our community. Their work is often done in alleyways, backstreets, in a stranger’s car, and mostly in the dark of the night (Donovan et al., 2012). Although every woman’s journey into street sex work differs, research shows that more often than not, they enter this type of work due to factors such as unsupported transitions into adulthood, sexual abuse and exploitation, poverty, social isolation, homelessness, drug addiction and trauma (Abel and Fitzgerald, 2008; Balfour and Allen, 2014; Farley, 2003; Hankel et al., 2016; Weber et al., 2004; Oselin, 2014; Williamson and Folaron, 2003). Once immersed in street sex work, the complexities of this lifestyle can be greater than the original catalysts (Cimino, 2012). Dalla (2006) stresses the urgency for more research in this area, in particular examining the nature of social networks for women involved in street sex work. She argues that social networks are strongly associated with the pathways women take to get into street sex work and whether they ‘seek help and eventually leave the streets or die in them’ (p. 1067).
Several theories guide the overall study in order to understand the various standpoints of street sex workers. Fetterman (2020) outlines the importance of theory as a guide to practice when undertaking ethnographic research and argues that drawing on more than one theory strengthens the quality and authenticity of the research. The theory most relevant to the methodology for this study is feminist theory. One fundamental element of feminist research is to ‘give voice to the marginalised’ (Liamputtong, 2007: p. 12). Campbell and Wasco (2000) contend that feminist research aims to capture the lived experiences of females in a way that legitimises their voice as a source of knowledge. It also provides an opportunity to examine the ‘ways in which multiple forms of oppression impact women’s lives and empower women to tell their stories by providing a respectful and egalitarian research environment’ (p. 787). Considering this research is being conducted with significantly marginalised women, it needs to be guided by a theoretical framework that considers the questioning of social power and a commitment to social justice (Hesse-Biber et al., 2004). This article will draw attention to the relevance of feminist research to the methodology used. It will emphasise the importance of meaningful engagement with research participants, outline ethical considerations when working with people with addictions to ensure that informed consent is truly informed and highlight the importance of reflexivity when working with marginalised groups.
Methods
This section will outline the methods, using illustrations from the research to show how the methods devised have aligned with the aim of the study to serve both the needs of the research and the interests of the participants. Data were collected over two and a half years through participant observation and semi-structured face-to-face interviews with women who use the services of an inner-city welfare organisation in Melbourne, Australia. Participant observation was conducted 1 day a week over 6 months and the interviews commenced after participant observation had finished. Sixteen participant interviews were conducted, along with four key-informant interviews. After conducting two participant interviews, there was a 9-month pause in collecting data due to the government’s enforced social distancing restrictions resulting from COVID-19. Interviews resumed once restrictions were lifted. Inclusion criteria were women who had accessed the organisation’s services for support relating to their involvement in street sex work and were over 18 years old. The names of participants included in this article (and broader research) have been changed to protect their privacy. Ethical approval was granted for a high-risk application by the Deakin University Human Research Ethics Committee in June 2019 (reference number 2019–155). It was found to comply with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research 2018).
The site
The organisation runs three sites. The main site is a drop-in centre located in the centre of a suburb known to be the main hub for street sex workers. It is open 5 days a week and provides services to women involved in street sex work who may need support in crisis care and emergency aid, advocacy, referrals to other support agencies or methadone programs, or a safe place to sleep during the day. The organisation also provides items such as syringes, condoms and food to women. The second site includes an upcycle shop, where a social enterprise program is run to support women with lived experience of street sex work to move into volunteering and employment in the shop and beyond. The third site is located in a suburb 30 km away and supports girls and young women aged 12–25 years who are affected by or at risk of sexual exploitation. During participant observations, I moved between all three sites, but data collection was primarily conducted with women in the social enterprise program, which I will discuss below.
Participants
The female participants were part of a social enterprise program that allows women involved in or who have exited from street sex work to gain skills while producing items to sell in the organisation’s shop. Those who were not part of the social enterprise program were women who came in for a break from working on nearby streets, to sort through clothes that were made available to them at no cost, or to share a cup of tea and a conversation. They varied in age from 18 years and older and spoke English as their first language. The shop was established 1 year before the research took place (prior to this the products were sold online) as an employment pathway for women with lived experience of street sex work and addiction to learn skills such as visual merchandising, business awareness, social engagement, working as a team, problem-solving and initiative. The program aims to achieve outcomes such as regular attendance, skill development, social engagement and improving confidence and self-esteem. Opportunities are provided for the women to volunteer or become employed in the shop and beyond the program itself.
Procedures and recruitment for data collection
Organisational consent to conduct the research was obtained prior to collecting data. During the participant observation phase, each person who visited the organisation was made aware of my presence and the study I was conducting. I had worked as a volunteer in the program for 3 years before the research began, so most people knew who I was. Those unfamiliar with me were introduced by the support worker, who explained the study and encouraged them to ask questions. Additionally, two A3 size flyers were displayed in the building that clearly outlined the research and included contact details if they wanted to follow up with queries.
In preparation for the interviews, information flyers were posted at two of the organisation’s sites outlining the study and instructions for contacting the researcher. Before each interview, a screening process took place prior to obtaining informed written consent to ensure the participants were capable of proceeding with the interview. This article outlines the process below in the section titled ‘Ethical considerations about informed consent when interviewing participants with cognitive impairment due to drug use’. I outlined the study’s purpose, process, methods and how I plan to use the data. I explained the possibility of the research findings leading to improvements in support programs or systems for women involved in street sex work, and I stated that there is no guarantee the participants will receive any direct or immediate benefits from this study.
I explained how participants’ confidentiality would be protected, along with their right to voluntary participation and informed them they could withdraw at any time. Even though this information was outlined in the Plain Language Statement (PLS) and information flyers, I sensed it needed to be further broken down for some participants, so I did this verbally. I encouraged participants to ask questions and therefore exercise autonomy in their participation and contribution to the study so they did not feel they were being coerced into it (Bhutta, 2004; Dewey and Zheng, 2013).
Immersion into the field
As outlined by Haight et al. (2014), ‘a hallmark of ethnographic research is sustained engagement in participants’ lives’ (p.127). Through the process of participant observation, I had the opportunity to immerse myself in the lives of women involved in street sex work over a sustained period of time. It allowed me to observe and engage in conversations and tune into the experiences of their daily lives. I was able to observe how they interacted with one another, spoke about themselves in front of others, reacted when new people came into the group, and talked about their families and life on the street or leading up to it. As previously outlined, participant observation was primarily conducted with women who were part of a social enterprise program. The program was conducted 1 day a week and involved sitting with the women making products, drinking cups of tea, eating food, going to the supermarket, sorting and pricing stock for the shop, accompanying them on cigarette breaks, sharing stories, welcoming new women to the group, walking to the drop-in centre and sitting around a big table chatting and laughing.
Participant observation allowed me to gather information that is difficult to acquire with other research methods, such as surveys or focus group discussions. Similar to Rowe’s (2014) work with female prisoners in England, the question of how close we can participate in, or gain access, to experiences so far from our reality (in her research this was the life of prison inmates) must be considered. Although my participation in the weekly program distanced me from the multitude of dangers women experience when they sell sex on the streets, the emotions and experiences I was privy to every week gave me powerful impressions of how the world might be from their perspective.
The years I spent working with the women each week in the program prior to data collection were instrumental in preparing me for the research and understanding the subculture of street sex work. It allowed me time to gain trust with the organisation and the women who accessed it. I was able to immerse myself in this subculture over time and tune in to the social etiquette, jargon and codes of behaviour when I was in their company. For those who knew I was a long-term volunteer, it became evident I was not just doing volunteer work for my own work experience but rather because I was invested in their welfare and standing beside them for the long haul.
The use of participant observation and interviews versus stand-alone interviews in an ethnographic study such as this, strengthens the data generated and the findings that emerge. Participant observation was a rich and raw method of learning about the women’s stories. It allowed me to listen to the women talk about everyday life, from anecdotes about their neighbour’s cat to the trauma they encountered with a client who had picked them up the night before. I witnessed and absorbed the raw emotions, the silences and the sighs. The semi-structured interviews built on this by allowing me to spend more concentrated time with each participant, thereby strengthening the relationship and, as a result, the trust and rapport. There was more capacity for the interview to flow naturally and for me to provide a more authentic ‘space for the interviewee to elaborate on their views and experiences’ (Hansen, 2006: p. 100).
As I got to know the women over time, I learned about their friendships and social networks. In one conversation, I realised I was part of a connection between two women, which I considered a poignant and meaningful moment in my research. One participant, Bonnie, who I met in early 2020, talked about her grief of losing a good friend who had died 3 years earlier. When we started talking further, I realised I knew who she was referring to. I had worked with her friend Michelle (the deceased) during my first year as a volunteer at the organisation. Michelle had been a regular in the program, and I had connected with her enough for her to call me ‘mate’ the last time I saw her before her death, which I knew meant she trusted and accepted me as part of the group. Michelle used to arrive each week having just used heroin, but it was hardly noticeable because she had used it for so long. She had made a lot of progress and attempted to ‘get clean’ only weeks before her death, and she was feeling so proud of herself. After her death, I was discouraged about the effectiveness of supporting women in Michelle’s situation, but after deep reflection and many conversations with her friends about her love of ‘our group’, it strengthened my motivation to keep working to make change for women who have fallen into street sex work and addiction. The fact that I had known Michelle, Bonnie’s friend, and had attended her funeral was a pivotal part of the research. It showed I was invested in being part of the lives of women involved in street sex work over time rather than just coming in, doing research and leaving. This is one example of a valuable connection that led to what I believe were more thoughtful and less surface-level responses from a participant when doing participant observation and conducting an interview. This is consistent with studies done by Fetterman (2020), Dewey and Zheng (2013), Liamputtong (2007), and Madden (2017), where both the researchers and research participants benefited from extended time spent together. This assisted in building rapport, resulting in a more natural development of honesty and openness. Similar to a study conducted by Haight et al. (2014) with families involved in methamphetamine use, the scenario outlined above led to more participants willing to be involved in the study. Bonnie passed information about the study to other women in the community because she had gotten to know me and trusted my history and relationship with the organisation.
Learning the language code – the jargon of the street working subculture
The value of learning the language code of research participants cannot be underestimated. According to Blevins and Holt (2009), ‘one way to understand a subculture is to examine the unique language, or argot, used by its participants’ (p.621). It can be daunting to enter the domain of people whose lives are so different from your own. The idea of not understanding their ‘language’, saying the wrong thing or coming across as naïve, can be intimidating. Before becoming a volunteer with the organisation, I had spent time learning about street sex workers by reading the literature and talking with support workers directly involved with them in an attempt to educate myself. I knew they might have felt marginalised and perhaps misunderstood, and I did not want to add to that. From what the support staff told me, the women I was about to meet were not only involved in street sex work, but also had long-term drug addictions, had spent time in prison, most had lost the right to care for their children, and many had experienced homelessness. I felt I had no ‘membership’ in any of those fringe cultures, which I knew would be obvious, and I worried that I was about to enter into conversations I would not understand and perhaps had no right to join. I was concerned this might become a barrier between myself and the women. I did not want to feel ignorant or embarrassed by saying the wrong thing or inadvertently using language that might be offensive or inappropriate. I did not want to come across as someone whose life experience was so far from theirs that it was too much of a divide to connect with the women. But it did not take long for me to realise the value of being a good listener, being honest and open and not taking oneself too seriously. This is critical in building a relationship without judgement from either side (participant or researcher), regardless of our different backgrounds and life experiences. Once data collection began, I learned there was nothing wrong with feeling slightly inadequate because this encouraged me to learn and reminded me of the difference between the insider/outsider view. Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) assert that as observers, we should observe and ask questions and make mistakes in our attempts to actively participate in the lives of our participants if we want to be an accepted outsider.
Ethical considerations about informed consent when interviewing participants with cognitive impairment due to drug use
Before collecting data, I considered the ethical implications of obtaining informed consent from drug-addicted participants. Most women involved in street sex work in this community have a chronic addiction to drugs such as opioids (mainly heroin) or crystal methamphetamine. In some cases, this may have led to cognitive impairment. In circumstances where it was apparent a participant had used drugs on the day of an interview, I had a process for assessing their cognitive capacity before allowing them to provide informed consent. Firstly, if I sensed a participant had trouble reading or if they informed me of this, I communicated the information verbally. After I read the consent form to them and outlined other relevant information about the study, such as the value of their contribution and how their privacy and confidentiality were to be maintained, I asked some questions about what I had just relayed to them. I did this to ensure they were able to retain the information related to their decision to participate, weigh up that information as part of making the decision, and communicate their decision to participate.
From a practical standpoint, this implied that the informed consent process was truly informed. I was confident the participants comprehended the data collection process and had the decisional capacity to consent to participate in the research. Ensuring 100% of participants are completely drug-free or free from other factors that have the potential to interfere with their cognitive processes (in ways that impact providing consent) would not be regarded as authentic research. Many long-term drug users involved in street sex work use drugs just to feel normal and get through each day, and they are capable of giving informed consent and providing a clear and coherent interview. Excluding participants under the influence of an illicit substance would not represent all within this cohort. It would be silencing many of the voices for whom this research is about.
During the interviews, I allowed the participants to tell their own stories based on the questions posed. I asked open-ended questions that were centred around the support services they accessed during their involvement in street sex work. I ensured they participated voluntarily and could stop and start the interview at any stage and withdraw from the study anytime. If a participant became distressed during an interview, I explained the protocol I would follow, which was to pause the interview and ask if they would like to take a break, change the subject, or speak with a support worker. If they chose to cease the interview and reschedule it for another time, we would make arrangements to do this. This process was part of the research’s ethical requirements and an essential element of being transparent with each participant.
Participants were given a gift voucher of $50 for a local supermarket/department store to compensate them for their time. I provided a monetary gift voucher instead of cash for two reasons: a) so the women did not misinterpret it as me ‘purchasing cooperation’ from them (Hickle, 2014). This strategy decreased the likelihood of the women feeling used, a common theme among women engaged in street sex work, and b) I have a duty of care in ensuring I do not create a risk to them by providing cash that they could potentially use to purchase substances and exacerbate their addiction. At the completion of the interview, I offered participants a mental health information sheet and a list of local services and contact details to follow up if they found it necessary.
Reflexivity and positionality in qualitative research
Miller (2017) highlights the importance of reflecting on our research encounters, including how we are placed in the overall research story and what we choose to share or not to share. She emphasises the importance of this in developing sensitivity as a researcher, especially when working with marginalised groups. Liamputtong (2007) maintains that research conducted with marginalised, high-risk groups requires careful, reflexive consideration. Throughout the research, I continued to reflect on my position, not only as a woman but also the effect my relationship had on the participants and the impact the broader research could have on women involved in street sex work in the long term. This approach allowed the research design to remain flexible while at the same time ensuring effective and ethical research practice. I made every effort to treat participants as valued contributors and use this research to empower them to have their voices heard, which aligns with feminist research (Mendis, 2009).
The organisation was involved in developing the broader research topic because they had years of experience working with women involved in street sex work. More importantly, and aligning with feminist research, several women involved in street sex work participated in developing the research questions; for example, I asked them to provide feedback about the structure of the questions and the language used. They provided me with valuable feedback, which I incorporated into the final interview questions. Participants expressed gratitude for being asked to do this and felt pride in contributing their valuable feedback. This process was guided by Liamputtong (2007) and O’Neill (1996), who emphasised the need for feminist researchers to create mechanisms that empower participants and allow them to be active players in the research process to guard against exploitation. This process assisted in establishing, as much as possible, a research environment that did not appear to be hierarchical, another element of feminist research (Liamputtong, 2007).
Throughout the data collection process, I was aware (and made it clear to each participant) that the research findings would not make a difference to their immediate circumstances. This concerned me because I was aware of extreme living conditions, such as homelessness or poverty, that many of the participants were experiencing. I tried as much as I could to ensure mutual reciprocity. Like Zheng’s work with sex workers (2013), I devoted a lot of time to the women and the organisation. I stayed around and chatted with each participant after an interview, listened to their stories and worries, offered advice and shared a lot of laughter. I tried as much as possible to be present and available to the participants, not just on the day of the interview. Most participants know that the study is only one part of my affiliation with the organisation. They have seen my commitment to them through other means of participation, such as birthday or Christmas celebrations, memorials and more casual social get-togethers.
I took field notes throughout the study by consistently documenting my observations, reactions, concerns, challenges, behaviour, position and input into the group. I continue to align myself with Madden’s (2017) ideas about reflexivity in ethnography, which he argues is primarily about the research participants: The point of getting to know ‘you, the ethnographer’ better, getting to know the way you influence your research, is to create a more reliable portrait, argument or theory about ‘them, the participants (p. 23)
Zheng (2013, p.53) outlines several questions that researchers should ask themselves about the ethical practice of reflexivity. I have adapted a selection of them in my research: How does my positionality concerning class, beliefs and behaviour shape my research questions and design? How does my positionality underpin my research process? How does my positionality influence my relationships with my research subjects?
Regarding class, beliefs and behaviour, the research questions and design have been influenced by my life experiences. Over the last 14 years, I have worked as a university lecturer in public health and health education and worked in health promotion and women’s health. In terms of social class, there is a clear divide between the participants and me. An academic and a street sex worker are generally viewed as being at either end of the social scale. I have never been a sex worker or experienced homelessness or drug addiction. I did, however, grow up living with the horror of domestic violence. After leaving home, I decided to use my early life experiences to help me understand others with similar experiences. In doing so, I wanted to somehow make a difference in the lives of others. My experiences growing up instilled a strong sense of empathy and social justice. These experiences have been invaluable to my research. I understand the complexities that can exist with violence, the decisions people make as a result, the shame, fear and anger, feeling alone in your experience, facing decisions to go or stay in a dysfunctional environment, even when your life and the lives of people you love are in danger. This has undoubtedly allowed me to listen to others without judgement.
Regarding social class, the idea that the women may feel they were in a lower class than I did not sit well with me. From the first day I met the women, I have only felt respect and admiration for them. My capacity to see them as people rather than women who work on the streets or any sort of ‘other’ helped narrow the divide. Over the years, I have constantly been moving between researcher, friend, student, volunteer and academic, but there remain boundaries and limitations with this fluidity. The following excerpt from my field notes demonstrates the complexity of the relationship with one participant. ‘Anna [the support worker for the organisation] said that Sally was in the psych ward [in a nearby town]. I said I’d be there for the weekend and could visit her. Anna thought that would be great. I’m close to Sally and already have her phone number, but Anna said she’d call her to double-check she was okay with it. I didn’t want to cross any boundaries even though I’m confident in my relationship with Sally’. (February 2019)
I got confirmation that Sally was happy for me to visit, so I did. I spent a couple of hours with her. We talked and laughed, and she cried as she told me how she was picked up by police and ‘locked away’. I felt closer to her and was grateful for the opportunity to support her and provide some company in the mental health unit. I wondered what that meant for our relationship in terms of researcher/friend. It felt more like a friendship. I guessed that she had experienced a psychotic episode due to drug use. I shamefully admit being disappointed that Sally had not been honest with me about her drug use. I certainly did not question her about it and never would, but I could see from the new bruises on her neck that she had been injecting ‘ice’. I reflected that I may have gone too far, seeing our relationship as a friendship; the lines were blurred by the limitations of a research relationship. Perhaps this was a realisation that I had overstepped the research boundary. Although I did not come to a conclusion about what the relationship had become, this moment was significant because it allowed me to consider where the research methodology had taken me. It forced me to think deeply about the nature of immersion into the field and my investment in the lives of the women I was working with.
Discussion
This article outlines several examples of ethnographic research methodology relevant to working with highly marginalised population groups. It emphasises the importance of meaningful engagement with research participants and highlights ethical considerations required when conducting research with people who have addictions to ensure informed consent is truly informed. The use of the qualitative research methods most common to ethnography, such as immersion in the field over time, participant observation and face-to-face interviews, allows researchers to gain a deeper understanding of the challenges and complexities inherent in the lives of women involved in street sex work, as experienced and perceived by the women themselves. These methods are critical in building rapport and gaining trust with research participants. Additionally, building respectful and trusting connections is crucial if research is to benefit marginalised communities. Given that women involved in street sex work often feel ‘dehumanised, excluded and unworthy’ (Lennon et al., 2013: p.3) and are often seen as ‘legal and moral criminals’ (Dewey, 2013: p.4), it is crucial to establish honest and open relationships, so they feel comfortable in the research space and trust the judgement of the researcher. This also assists the researcher in telling a ‘credible, rigorous and authentic story’ (Fetterman, 2020: p.1). Researchers have the opportunity to become absorbed in their participants’ daily lives, observe actions and accounts in everyday situations, listen, ask questions, watch what happens, and take notes (Neuman, 2014). It is an ethnographer’s duty to ensure that in interpreting observed behaviour, the work is presented in a culturally relevant and meaningful context that respects the women who give their time to research activities. Feminist research encompasses ‘self-conscious reflections on the purpose of research’ (Ackerly and True, 2020: p.6), consideration of our methodology and ethical responsibilities and ‘our assumptions about what it means to know rather than just believe something’ (p.6).
A key finding of this study is that researchers must ensure participants do not experience harm as a result of their participation. This can be achieved by enhancing research rigour with approaches and methods that include reflexivity and creating a reciprocal relationship between participants and the researcher. In this study, I constantly assessed how my outsider position, presence in the research environment, and data collection techniques affected participants’ responses. The use of participatory observations together with face-to-face interviews allowed the participants to provide me with genuine and honest detail about their experiences rather than telling me what they assumed I wanted to hear. When applying robust research methods over time, the likelihood of achieving effective change in marginalised groups is greater. This can only be a good outcome for women involved in street sex work.
Conclusion
This article contributes to the body of literature that highlights the effectiveness of using ethnographic methodology when working with marginalised population groups. It outlines implications for researchers working with people with chronic drug addictions and draws attention to the necessity of using different techniques with people who have experienced trauma, have a history of not trusting others, and often feel judged. The methods and reflections detailed in this article will aid future researchers, support workers and practitioners, particularly in the field of social work, who engage with similar cohorts. Findings from the larger study that examines best-practice for supporting women transitioning out of street sex work will be disseminated to organisations that work directly with women in the industry, with the aim of addressing the need for more formal and informal integrated support structures that cater for the multitude of complex, interrelated needs of the women.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
