Actualizing children’s rights through early childhood care and education: A focus on the Caribbean

Abstract

The vast majority of the islands in the Anglophone Caribbean ratified the Convention of the Rights of the Child shortly after its adoption by the United Nations in 1989. In this piece, we examine how the articulation of the Convention of the Rights of the Child in the Caribbean has shaped early childhood care and education. We note that though significant strides have been made, approximately 30 years after the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, many Anglo-Caribbean islands continue to struggle to fulsomely ensure children’s access to all their fundamental rights. This conceptual article presents a historical overview of the implementation of specific Articles of the Convention of the Rights of the Child in the Caribbean. How these Articles have shaped the policies and practices guiding early education across the region is also explored. We conclude that though much has been achieved, as a region, more progress is needed to ensure that all children have equal opportunities to fulfil their rights.

Keywords

Caribbean child rights Convention on the Rights of the Child early childhood

Introduction

The Anglophone Caribbean, more specifically the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), comprises a group of 15 member states and 5 associate members. It is also home to some 16 million people and is heavily influenced by a colonial legacy. Many of these countries gained independence within the past few decades – with the exception of Anguilla, Bermuda, Montserrat, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands (which remain dependencies of Britain). CARICOM has a relatively large, youthful population with more than 60 per cent of its citizens below the age of 30. This demographic feature has had significant implications on policies guiding the services offered across the region, and the development of support systems to meet the needs of its citizens in this age range (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005).

In 1989, when the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was adopted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, demographic data suggest that approximately 50 per cent of the CARICOM population was below the age of 18. Perhaps influenced by this, within 4 years of its adoption, many of the islands across the Caribbean rapidly ratified the CRC and positioned it as an indestructible contract for how children ought to be supported, cared for and treated.

Since the adoption of the CRC, significant strides have been made to ensure that children’s rights are recognized despite the tremendous challenges many of the islands have faced due to their high susceptibility to natural and manmade disasters. Through this and coupled with financial and human capacity limitations, CARICOM countries have been forced to be creative in how they have articulated children’s rights (Barrow, 2002).

At the early childhood care and education (ECCE) level there is strong alignment between the CRC and early childhood policies and programme development across the region. For example, in Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, the CRC’s alignment with other global goals such as the Sustainable Development Goals, Vision 2030 and further supported by legislative acts including the Child Care and Protection Act, has served as the nucleus of the governments’ commitment to develop the sector and to meet the needs of young children. This alignment is also evident in the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), a group of 10 small island states (including Antigua and Barbuda, the Commonwealth of Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and The Grenadines, the British Virgin Islands, Anguilla and Martinique) by explicit reference to ‘increase (and expand) access to quality Early Childhood Development Services (ECDS)’ in the Education Sector Strategy for the period 2012–2021 (Education Development Management Unit – OECS, 2012: 13).

Purpose of the study

This conceptual article seeks to present an analytic overview of CRC’s implementation in the Caribbean in the 30 years since its ratification in 1989. In order to do this, we first provide a historical overview of the implementation of specific articles of the CRC in the Caribbean. We then critique how these articles have been aligned with the implementation of the CRC, and consider major obstacles which affect its regional implementation. Finally, this article proposes a way forward as we look towards the next 30 years. By doing this, we seek to consider how as a region we can build on the lessons learned.

It must be noted that while we acknowledge all 54 rights under the CRC, this article focuses on developments related to 8 articles which we believe are most critical to regional developments in ECCE–Articles 1, 2, 4, 19, 24, 26, 28 and 29. These define the child and address non-discrimination; laws for the protection of child rights; violence protection; health and health service access; social security and the child’s right to an education. Although a child is anyone below the age of 18, our article focuses on children in early childhood – birth to 8 years old.

Methodology

In order to achieve our research purpose, critical reading of more than 100 regional documents which focused on, but were not limited to children’s rights, education planning, and social and economic development was undertaken. These documents included published papers, reports, development plans and texts related to early childhood programming in the Caribbean. We also deem it pertinent to preface that because of the dearth of literature germane to CRC and ECCE in the Caribbean, documents from 1999 to 2019 were perused. To conduct this research, we were guided by the following questions:

How has the CRC impacted ECCE in the Caribbean?

What are the major obstacles affecting the progress of Caribbean countries towards achieving CRCs?

What does the region need to do, to ensure the success of children’s rights?

In order to situate this study, a historical overview of ECCE in the Caribbean follows. Thereafter, three subsections provide a critical analysis of findings related to each research question.

History of ECCE in the Caribbean

Exploring the history of ECCE in the Caribbean is particularly relevant because it provides the context for the study and illuminates the factors which shaped the responses of respective governments to the educational needs of their citizens before and after the abolition of slavery.

After emancipation, the care and education of young children in the Caribbean was initially and predominantly informal. This was the ambit of the family and traditionally occurred at the knees of a female – whether mother, grandmother or aunt. ‘Concerned citizens and/or organizations – UNICEF, Bernard van Leer Foundation (BvLF), religious denominations’ (Charles and Williams, 2006: 5; Davies, 1997; Kinkead-Clark, 2015) were credited with introducing formal ECCE throughout the Caribbean. The ‘predominance of private/charitable initiative’ (Charles and Williams, 2006: 5) mixed with ‘varying degrees of programme maintenance and monitoring support from Governments’ (Davies, 1997: 2) is the hallmark of today’s early childhood care service delivery across the Caribbean; and despite increases in the number of schools catering to children in the early years, there are significant differences in the quality of the offerings in these centres.

The Moravian and Methodist churches were credited with offering services in the late 1700s for 3 to 8 year olds in St. Kitts and Nevis as a means ‘to evangelize the population especially the Negro slaves’ (Charles and Williams, 2006: 6). Beginning during the pre-emancipation era, ‘petty and dame schools’ (so named because they were operated by women and catered solely for wealthy, privileged, British colonial settlers) were established in Barbados. On behalf of the St. Mary’s Society, Reverend Harte started an infant school in 1833 for children between the ages of 2 and 6 years in Barbados. Affiliated with the Anglican Church, its mission was to assist the slaves to enhance ‘their improvement in reading and in a knowledge of the Scriptures and Catechism’ (Carter, 2016: 13). In 1837, the Mico Charity also established an infant school for 2 to 6 year olds in suburban Bridgetown, Barbados. ‘In 1850, legislation was passed to provide infant schools in rural areas and by 1900, one hundred and twelve infant schools had been established’ (Charles and Williams, 2006: 6). The Education Act of 1850 provided grants and thus gave credence to early childhood education as an integral part of the national school system.

Between 1934 and 1938, early childhood programmes had been established in Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica, respectively. Hardly known for being of high quality, the early childhood sector operated in a largely informal way. In Jamaica, support to streamline the sector emerged in the 1960s shortly after the island gained independence when the Bernard van Leer Foundation (a philanthropic foundation based in the Netherlands), collaborated with The University of the West Indies to address the severe challenges plaguing Jamaica’s unregulated early childhood sector. Prior to this, the sector operated without standards and functioned outside of the formal education system. With no curriculum guiding instruction, minimal teacher training and low qualification requirements, the practitioners relied heavily on intuition and tradition rather than best practice, which resulted in children who were often exposed to developmentally inappropriate practices (Commisong, 1999; Daley and Thompson, 2004). With the financial support of the Bernard van Leer Foundation, the first early childhood local curriculum was developed, thousands of teachers were trained and the physical infrastructure of several schools was improved (Commisong, 1999).

The 1970s were economically challenging for the region and as a consequence more women entered the labour force. This coincided with the region’s response to a 1967 regional UNICEF conference on ‘The Needs of the Young Child in the Caribbean’ and led to ‘intensified activities in advocacy, training and programme expansion’ (Charles and Williams, 2006: 6). The governments of Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts & Nevis and Trinidad and Tobago were noted to have made great strides during this period to regularize the care of pre-primary aged children by appointing officers to coordinate, manage and offer specialized support to the sector on a national scale.

To date, the region has made significant strides in the development of the Early Childhood sector, with sector reform, curriculum reform and policy development resulting in steady improvements. With this, the Caribbean boasts one of the highest enrolment rates of children 3 to 5 years with access to early years’ institutions. While significant, the region still has work to do because, though coverage has improved, programme quality remains an issue which has tremendous implications for children’s ability to reach their full developmental potential.

Exploring the CRC’s impact on ECCE in the Caribbean

In this section, we explore how CRC has impacted ECCE in the Caribbean. To do this, we discuss issues germane to how children are defined, child rearing practices, the registration of children, ensuring equal opportunities for children and protecting children.

Defining early childhood in the Caribbean context

It is important to establish who the young child is in the Caribbean context in order to explore how the CRC impacts developmentally and culturally appropriate care and education of young children. According to Burns (2013), myriad meanings exist in the Anglophone Caribbean for the definition of childhood because of differences along biological, legal and cultural lines.

In the modern conception of childhood (Courtis and Toby, 2019), it is universally agreed that the field of early childhood refers to services and programmes geared to children during the first 8 years of life (Essa, 2014; Sullivan, 2015). This understanding has been adopted in the Caribbean; however, the ratification of the CRC’s measures to achieve the Right to Education for All (Article 28) to which Caribbean countries are signatories allows some discretion for the start of compulsory education. The customary age is generally not below 5 years (Courtis and Toby, 2019), so children attend preschool before age 5 and formal schools at age 5 or 6. This dual accommodation of ECCE first in an informal setting (nursery care) and then in a formal school setting has led to erroneous perceptions that early childhood ends at age 5 years.

Although early childhood documents and policies in the Eastern Caribbean, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago allude to ECCE spanning the first 8 years of a child’s life, this is not usually evident in practice since there is some overlapping with children 6–8 years being enroled in primary school. To compound the issue, the same government ministry is usually not responsible for formal schooling and preschool education (which is not part of the formal school system). In some jurisdictions the responsibility of care for children from birth to compulsory school age is the remit of Ministries of Health and Social Development (Grenada, Anguilla) while in others it is the remit of agencies such as the Child Care Board (Barbados), the Early Childhood Commission (Jamaica) and the Ministry of Gender and Child Affairs as well as The Ministry of Education (Trinidad and Tobago).

Across the Caribbean Ministries of Education are responsible for compulsory government sponsored education as mandated by the various Education Acts covering ECCE ages 4½ to 6 years (Burns, 2018; Education Development Management Unit – OECS, 2015). As a consequence, though CRC has positively impacted the islands, it is not unusual across the region to equate early childhood programming with preschool programming geared towards children during the first 5 years of life. This is often to the detriment of children who have entered the mandatory primary education cycle where they are rarely exposed to developmentally appropriate practices. Unfortunately the teachers are seldom versed in early childhood philosophy and strategies since training in early childhood is mostly targeted at pre-primary practitioners and caregivers (Burns, 2018).

Childrearing

Roopnarine (2013) posits that postcolonial early childhood education was an avenue for democratizing society, ‘where teachers/caregivers and children jointly engage in intellectual, social, and cultural activities that are sensitively attuned to meet the needs of children from birth to 5 years’ (p. 10). The vulnerability and dependency of young children dictates the importance of understanding children’s premier agent of socialization and education, the family. There are inherent complexities among the peoples and cultures of the Caribbean; however, the remnants of a shared British colonial legacy are evident in common childrearing values and practices such as the value of work and authoritarian parenting (Maharaj, 2013). The dominant authoritarian style of most Caribbean parents is highly influenced by the hierarchical system which characterized colonialism and slavery. The practice of children playing and entertaining themselves while adults worked is a mixed legacy of the communal African village lifestyle and plantation culture. Since child rearing practices have the ability to ‘strengthen the benefits of early childhood education’ (Roopnarine, 2013: 17), it is important to understand Caribbean childrearing practices in order to determine the CRC’s effect on care and education programmes designed for Caribbean children and families. The greater value placed on work in the Caribbean is in stark contrast to the 17th and 18th century French value of engaging in play (Burns, 2007). Unfortunately, the frivolous view of play’s value mixed with the dominant authoritarian didactic style of many parents, guardians, caregivers and educators has negatively impacted the active engagement and developmental appropriateness of young children’s care and education.

In summary, if the Caribbean is to continue making progress in helping children achieve their rights, then it is crucial that common childrearing misunderstandings and knowledge gaps are eliminated. We acknowledge that while this is easier said than done, this must become a regional priority in order to effectively address this issue.

Removing the cloak of children’s invisibility

The region has rigorously worked to address Article 7, which speaks to children’s right to an official, legally accepted identity. This goal remains particularly important because prior to the 1990s numerous Caribbean children had no identity. This ‘scandal of invisibility’ as referred to by Setel et al. (2007), put them at risk of ‘living in shadows’, which had implications for their ability to access the resources needed to reach their full potential. Unregistered, without an identity, and in their formative years of life, the ripple effects of their invisibility were vicious. In addition to being unable to access schooling, social welfare resources and health care services needed to improve the quality of their lives, these children were also unable to acquire travel documents. This ultimately placed them at risk for familial separation (they were left behind as parents emigrated to greener pastures), leading to further risk for exploitation and abuse. The Caribbean has one of the highest emigration rates in the world, a reality that also works against the achievement of Articles 9, 10 and 20 which speak for the support and unification of families (Pais, 2009).

In order to address this problem, ECCE programmes have been used as the medium to provide children with a valid identity. Through cross- and multi-sectoral collaboration with the Ministries of Health, Social Services and Labour across the region, children are provided with free health care and a birth certificate. This collaborative effort has had far reaching effects – improving their social, physical and financial well-being.

It must be noted, however, that though steady steps have been made to give children an identity, CEPAL and UNICEF (2011) state that in the Caribbean, as much as 10 per cent of all children 5 years and below are still unregistered. To counter this, across the region, children are now formally registered in public hospitals at birth and provided with a free birth certificate. It must be noted that with 98 per cent of children born in public hospitals, this has been tremendously beneficial in significantly reducing the number of children without a birth certificate. For the other children, many early years schools have also been used to promote the registration of children who are without a birth certificate.

In summary, though significant improvement has been made in providing children with an identity, there are still many children across the region who have not been able to enjoy this right, without which they stand an increased chance of not being able to claim other rights such as access to health, safety and education as outlined under the CRC. To do this, we argue that greater effort needs to be made through the various mainline ministries to support this goal – either by incentivizing the process for parents or guardians or by penalizing adults via legal channels. While we acknowledge that several factors prevent children from being registered, this issue needs to be prioritized because there are still too many young children at risk for not being able to reach their full developmental potential because of the inability to access an official identity.

Ensuring access and equality

The CRC has also served as the impetus behind the goal to ensure equal access to schooling for all children, which is aligned with Articles 23, 28 and 29. This goal supported the regional mandate which began in the 1970s for governments to play more prominent roles in the provision of pre-primary care and education. Following the ratification of the CRC in 1989 and continuing until now, enrolment rates in early years settings across the CARICOM region have significantly increased although some islands have made more progress than others. In general, the region boasts one of the highest enrolment rates of children 3 to 5 years in early years settings (Kinkead-Clark, 2015).

With governments playing a greater role, access for a larger section of the community can be guaranteed. A major goal of education was articulated in 1997 when CARICOM government leaders formally adopted the description of an ideal CARICOM citizen. As the main socializing agents outside the family, early childhood institutions and programmes play a significant role in laying the foundation for such a citizen (Burns, 2018). As a consequence, and, with the technical and financial support from regional agencies such as UNICEF, CARICOM, The OECS, the Foundation of the Development of Caribbean Children and the Early Childhood Commission (ECC) in addition to individual Caribbean governments, several actions are continuously being taken to provide access to quality care and education for the region’s young citizens.

Though the Caribbean woefully lacks the resources to adequately provide for the thousands of children with disabilities, strong evidence suggests that improvements have been made over the past 20 years. The Early Stimulation Programme (Jamaica), Roving Caregivers Programme (St. Lucia, Jamaica, Belize) and the Early Childhood Health Outreach ECHO (St Vincent and the Grenadines) serve as examples of some special education programmes targeted at children in the early years which serve as evidence of some governments’ awareness of the importance of early intervention and their commitment to meeting goals 2 and 23.

As it pertains to Articles 28, 29 and 31 which speak to children’s right to education and play, ECCE have certainly been the means for promoting these goals. Although negative childrearing practices do affect ECCE policy implementation, with 98 per cent of children 3 to 5 years enrolled in early years institutions, the region has one of the highest access rates globally (SABER-ECD, 2013). Likewise, through curriculum reform, children’s play and learning through play serve as the philosophical underpinnings of ECCE which guides how young children are educated and cared for in early childhood settings (Kinkead-Clark, 2015).

It is important to note that though the region has made significant strides to increase access to entry into early years schools, the factors which prevent all children from accessing this right still need to be addressed. Regionally, we have not done enough to ensure that children with disabilities have equal access to schooling, and more emphasis needs to be placed on addressing the factors which prevent children from attending school on a regular basis. While 98 per cent of children in Jamaica 3 to 5 years are enrolled in school, less than 80 per cent of children actually attend school regularly. Attendance rates are significantly lower for children of lower socioeconomic backgrounds, for children with disabilities and particularly alarming, for boys (UNICEF, 2013)

Protecting our children

The CRC cannot be discussed without noting its impact on the Anglophone Caribbean’s efforts to protect its children. This is particularly important because, similar to our Latin American counterparts, the region is also globally known for having one of the highest murder rates. Likewise, issues pertaining to sexual abuse and human trafficking have also increased (Amnesty International, 2007). Governments across the region have implemented a number of interventions such as the TACKLE Project in Jamaica addressing human trafficking, and the passage of the Children’s Act in Trinidad and Tobago aimed at addressing child abuse are two examples specifically targeting children and stakeholders (early childhood practitioners, caregivers, teachers, parents and policy makers) to address how crimes against children can be prevented and treated (Sanders, 2003; Seelke, 2012).

The CRC can be credited with spurring much of the action germane to children’s protection. Its ratification has served as the impetus behind the passage of the 2004 Child Care and Protection Act in Jamaica; the Family and Children Division Act in Trinidad and Tobago (2016); and the Probation and Child Welfare Board Act (1994) in St. Kitts and Nevis – all of which outline the legislative implications for adults who perpetrate, engage with or who are aware of children who are abused physically or sexually.

Children’s education programmes have also been developed and adult professional development initiatives implemented. UNICEF has been instrumental in supporting this endeavour with a commissioned study of child sexual abuse in six Eastern Caribbean countries (Anguilla, Barbados, Grenada, Dominica, Montserrat, St Kitts and Nevis) which resulted in numerous education and awareness campaigns, workshops and training sessions geared towards helping young children to identify ‘good touch, bad touch’ while never keeping silent if feeling violated (Jones, 2013).

It must be noted that though progress has been made we still have much to do, as the notion of ‘spare the rod, spoil the child’ is strongly adhered to across the region (Burke and Kuczynski, 2018; Leo and Rhynie, 2013). This belief has essentially fuelled the high rates of physical abuse of children and the figures are particularly startling. According to Samms-Vaughan et al. (2005), almost 50 per cent of Jamaican parents of 6 year olds use corporal punishment as the primary disciplinary means within the home. Coupled with this, over 25 per cent of parents use psychological threats as a means to keep young children in line.

We argue that parental education must be promoted to stem the high levels of physical abuse of young children. Likewise, community advocacy for children must be encouraged where schools, places of worship and social organizations encourage the use of non-corporal punishment to deal with disciplinary challenges.

Obstacles to the achievement of the CRC

In this section, we outline some of the unique issues faced by many of the islands which prevent the full advancement of CRC. Among other factors, we address the issues of poverty, health and equitable access to resources as some of the key obstacles facing many CARICOM islands.

Reducing poverty rates

Charles and Williams (2006) reported on progress towards achieving six education goals with a focus on the expansion and improvement of ECCE for the most disadvantaged and vulnerable children in 16 Caribbean countries. They found that the low level of economic performance in the region is a major obstacle. This is characterized by relatively slow growth and increasing levels of debt as governments have had to borrow to meet expansion and growth. By the end of 2003, 14 of 15 Caribbean nations were among the 30 most indebted emerging market countries in the world (Sahay, 2004). High rates of poverty (14%–39%) and significant income inequity also exist throughout the region.

St. Kitts and Nevis, one of the most heavily indebted countries in the world has been severely affected by the global economic downturn of the early 2000s. This has constrained government spending in ECCE, causing a reduction in building projects and other activities. Furthermore, cuts in funding from donors have caused additional delays. The countries of the Caribbean are also vulnerable to hurricanes and other natural disasters which cause considerable damage to infrastructure and result in economic and emotional hardship which retards progress. Charles and Williams (2006) noted that Caribbean economic performance is compromised by the countries’ vulnerability to hurricanes and other natural disasters (p. 4).

In 2004, when Hurricane Ivan devastated several islands across the Caribbean, the ECCE sector was severely affected. In Grenada alone, 55 of the 56 primary schools suffered significant damages and most of the 74 preschools and 23 daycare centres were severely affected. Losses included partial or total collapse of roofs, walls and rainwater damage to classrooms. Books and teaching aids were also destroyed (World Bank, 2004). For other islands, in addition to this, thousands of children were physically and psychologically affected.

In 2017, Hurricane Maria left an estimated 90 per cent of buildings damaged or destroyed on the island of Dominica (Knight, 2017). UNICEF helped to get students back to school as quickly as possible, but this was complicated by the fact that a number of schools were also among the 130 official shelters providing a safe haven for the 2500 people who lost their homes in the hurricane. Recovery efforts involve the establishment of temporary facilities, including tents donated by UNICEF and the introduction of a psychosocial programme to assist children in coping with trauma and anxiety. It takes several years for the islands to fully recover from the ravages of hurricanes. It is pertinent to note that despite these challenges, the CARICOM remains firmly committed to achieving universal access to early education.

Support for children in need

Poverty is an important multidimensional phenomenon affecting children and their families throughout the Caribbean. The impact of poverty on children is vicious. More than any other challenge, it can potentially to put children at risk, rendering them powerless to secure their rights. This is particularly impactful for children in the early years. Research suggests that children (birth to 18 years) are twice as likely to live in poverty than adults – and children below 4 years are at an even greater risk (Newhouse, Suàrez Becerra, and Evans, 2016). This is especially concerning for CARICOM nations because changed data suggest that the poverty rates of children below 5 years were as high as 30 per cent (Scott McDonald, 2002).

High rates of poverty therefore have crucial implications for children’s ability to access education; as is evident in poor households experiencing low quality shelter, malnutrition, infant illness and mortality and an unawareness and lack of access to social services. Samms-Vaughan (2004) reported that poverty has affected the growth, cognitive function, educational attainment and behavioural outcomes of 6-year-old children in Jamaica. The report from Trinidad and Tobago is similar, though the distribution may be different. These finding are consistent with an international study which asserts that over 60 per cent of the world’s poor exist in upper- and high-income countries such as Trinidad and Tobago (Institute of Development Studies 2010 in UNICEF, 2017) where poverty continues to be an important factor affecting children’s development.

Health

Meeting children’s health needs is also important (CRC Article 24). Children have the right to the highest quality healthcare and Caribbean countries have made good progress in meeting the Sustainable Development Goals for this sector. Progress in the area of proper nutrition for pregnant women and access to good general health care has been made, as the link between maternal health and ECCE is well understood.

Throughout the Caribbean, governments have expanded their immunization programmes and this has positively impacted child development and mental health. However, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has posed an obstacle to achieving health goals. Although it varies in the Caribbean – ranging from a 2 per cent or smaller prevalence rate in Trinidad and Tobago to 1 per cent or less in some Eastern Caribbean territories – children infected by the virus or those with affected parents or caregivers experience many challenges (Sharpe and Mohammed, 2013). These children may have psychosocial difficulties or they may experience discrimination if they are excluded from schools; or other forms of intolerance in their communities and institutions (Sharpe and Mohammed, 2013). Despite the challenge between 2005 and 2014, there was a 27 per cent decline in new HIV infections across the region. New AIDS cases and AIDS related deaths have also declined. Consequently, AIDS is no longer among the top 10 causes of mortality (UNICEF, 2017).

Another problem facing the health sector is the fact that services were mainly designed to address malnutrition and preventable infectious diseases. Due to dietary and other changes in the population the need to prioritize addressing chronic non-communicable diseases (NCDs) ahead of malnutrition and infectious diseases is a major health policy issue. Public healthcare systems therefore have to change how they operate to meet new service demands and quality standards (UNICEF, 2017). In Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica for example, research indicates a 400-per cent increase in obesity rates among school age children between 1999 and 2009. Since childhood obesity is now a growing concern among the 5–18 years age group, CARICOM governments have had to design and launch special initiatives to address children’s dietary habits. Special focus has been placed on the early childhood years to ensure that children develop sound nutritional practices early in life. This shift in focus requires rapid changes in the type of health services offered and has in turn challenged the public health system to remain relevant (UNICEF, 2017).

Ensuring access and equality

While the CRC has impacted access and equity issues for young children in the region, there continue to be obstacles. Caribbean governments unanimously agree that no child should be treated unfairly for any reason. Discrimination related to race, religion or ability, family type and home location are identified as unacceptable in policy documents. Children’s language, parents’ occupation, family economic status, gender and cultural variables are also agreed goals when considering children’s right to non-discrimination. Yet, problems still continue to arise.

Universities and teacher training institutions have added inclusive elements to their teacher education programmes. However, Roopnarine (2013) believes that training institutions should do more across the region and advocates for the development of inclusive education training as a standard component of education programmes. One study of 376 Barbadian and Trinidadian undergraduate teachers’ attitudes towards integration found that teachers believed they were unprepared and needed further training to accommodate students with special education needs in the regular classroom (Blackman et al., 2012). The researchers noted a major obstacle – the significant challenge faced by Caribbean policymakers in implementing inclusive education owing to entrenched elitism in the education system connected to the legacy of colonialism. In the absence of widespread legislation, inclusive policies have been formulated. However, teacher resistance and public opinion often undermine progressive steps towards achieving the inclusion and non-discrimination of children and their families.

In examining Article 4 which addresses government’s review of laws relating to social services, legal, health and educational systems and funding for children, there have been notable efforts at reform across the Caribbean region. As noted by Barrow (2008) and Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and United Nations Children’s Fund UNICEF (2018), a number of areas of concern in which children have inadequate or unequal rights. Progress in implementing children’s rights has been slow. Caribbean Countries have identified limited resources as the main reason for not following through with legal reform. However, progress has been made in the establishment of family courts and the revision of legislation affecting children.

Protecting children from harm

As Caribbean governments continue to care for children’s well-being and to enact laws that protect them from physical, emotional and mental harm, they continue to experience challenges. First of all, there are diverse problems related to children in need of care and protection in Trinidad and Tobago as in many of the other islands, and data are limited. It is well documented that child discipline continues to be a problem in the Caribbean. For example, Leo-Rhynie (2013) reveals that over the last 50 years numerous studies have reported on the harsh and authoritarian types of discipline that Caribbean parents employ to ensure that their children achieve academic competence. Despite appeals to end corporal punishment in schools, belief in its efficacy is widespread across the Caribbean largely due to the strong cultural convictions about its value in helping children grow into strong, socially grounded individuals. It must however be noted that Leo-Rhynie (2013) also reported the changing attitudes among younger, more affluent parents in favour of alternatives to physical punishment.

In addition, due to poverty some children live in low-quality neighbourhoods with high levels of criminal activities and minimal supportive resources. This affects parents’ well-being and can contribute to unfavourable home conditions where children are exposed to abuse, neglect and violence. Samms-Vaughan (2004), has noted the impact of family stressors on the growth, cognitive development, educational and behavioural functioning of 6-year-old Jamaican children. Gender, social class, ethnicity and religious beliefs are also factors which impact the achievement of CRC Articles.

Children are increasingly being exposed to violence in society that negatively affects their development. The UNDP (2012) Caribbean Human Development Report 2012 indicated increases in the incidences of crimes such as robberies, rape, gang related violence and violence against women across the region. As a consequence, Caribbean children are exposed to more violence at an earlier age within families, communities and schools (Lall, 2007, in Logie and Roopnarine, 2013).

Summary of section

Despite advances made since the adoption of the CRC, many Caribbean islands have experienced significant challenges in achieving their goals. Fortunately, there are unique attributes which provide some resilience in the face of these obstacles.

The plural definitions of early childhood as discussed earlier have had significant implications on the Caribbean’s ability to protect the rights of young children and for children to access quality ECCE. Regionally, cultural beliefs, biological developments and ECCE legal stipulations sometimes conflict with each other. Consequently, the defined age of a young child and how the rights of children in different institutional settings ought to be protected is often unclear. Despite this, the work of advocates for young children who are knowledgeable about developmentally appropriate practices supports the achievement of the CRC. For many Caribbean islands, though the goal to transform early education has been articulated, the policies and legal frameworks to enforce compliance towards achieving high quality ECCE are not yet in place and continue to hinder the implementation of the CRC.

How do CARICOM nations build on current successes?

Since the signing of the CRC on 20 November 1989, it is evident that significant progress has been made towards actualizing children’s rights in the CARICOM states through ECCE programmes and related initiatives. Recognizing the important effect of the quality of early years’ development on later learning and life, governments and their development partners have continued to heavily invest to improve access and quality of care and education at the pre-primary education level. The success and progress recorded so far varies across articles and countries. Although the successes need to be celebrated, there is room for improvement. Overcoming the complexity of issues identified, as well as supporting child growth and development, seems to dictate a holistic, integrated approach to early childhood programmes at the pre-primary level. As we look ahead, the following section discusses areas that need to be addressed to improve the articulation of the CRC in the Caribbean.

Investing in ECCE

Going forward, emphasis needs to be placed on providing enabling environments in which early childhood programmes can thrive. An enabling environment refers to the local, regional and international legislation, policy and practices that together guide the operations of all early childhood stakeholders (Burns, 2018). In addition to the ratified policies that exist throughout the Caribbean, there is need for accompanying regulations and standards in some CARICOM member states.

Research suggests that the existence of policy does not solely equate to implementation. Fullan (1996) extols the dependence on classroom practitioners/teachers to bring policies to life. To succeed, greater national support is needed: providing access to developmentally and culturally appropriate knowledge and skills that must be mandated and available for everyone responsible for the care and education of the region’s young children. Early childhood education sensitivity and awareness should be mandated for all personnel responsible for creating and enforcing policies and budgets that affect the lives of young children and their families.

Enforcement of laws

The islands of the Caribbean have been fairly successful in passing laws protecting children and their rights. While commendable, gaps exist in the enforcement of these laws, particularly in the poorest countries of the region. Challenged by minimal financial resources, governments have struggled to adequately support child protective agencies, finance universal education and support the social services needed to ensure access to health care and social welfare.

In Jamaica, for example, though the government has verbalized its commitment to universal access for children, there are simply not enough schools to ensure this can be done. Though improvements have been made, the vast majority of facilities/schools catering to children’s birth through 5 years are under-resourced and woefully overcrowded. Further compounding the issue, many of the schools are often staffed by teachers who do not have more than a secondary school leaving certificate. With little knowledge of child development and early years’ best practice, these have implications for teacher effectiveness and quality (Samms-Vaughan, 2012). This combination also places children at risk for being unable to fulfil their ability to access other rights including those listed in Articles 28 and 29.

Early education for all children

One of the areas CARICOM countries have been unable to adequately address is the goal to ensure access to developmentally and culturally appropriate care and education for all young children. Children with disabilities are particularly at risk because the region simply does not have the financial means or human resource capacity to wholly tackle this issue. Data suggest that in across the region between 5 and 7 per cent of children below age 5 have a disability (UNICEF, 2010). Many of these children are often undiagnosed while those fortunate enough to be diagnosed, are largely unable to access education.

To address this issue, CARICOM nations must reinforce and favour outreach to 0- to 3-year-old children for early stimulation initiatives. In this regard, some islands are further ahead of others. In Jamaica for instance, through the introduction of the Child Health and Development Passport (CHDP), which is used to document children’s development from birth to 17 years, steps are being made to identify children with disabilities. Parents are required to carry their child’s CHDP to all doctor visits and are also legally obligated to produce the document as a part of the registration process for enrolment in nursery care through secondary education (Caceres et al., 2016). With this, Jamaica has reaped significant benefits in that more children 0–3 years old, a critical period in their development, are now being diagnosed earlier. Sadly, however, there is still much to do. Discrimination against children with disabilities is a tremendous challenge (UNICEF, 2006) and without the enforcement of laws protecting the disabled, this practice has become more pervasive.

In summation, the importance of routine screening for developmental disabilities to better identify children with special needs is crucial. Enforcement of laws protecting children with disabilities is crucial. Inclusive education for children with disabilities is also encouraged and increased placement of specialist teachers and support staff in schools must also be promoted (Armstrong et al., 2005; Eleweke and Rodda, 2002).

Conclusion

The aim of this article was to critically analyse how the CRC has shaped early childhood practices across the Anglophone Caribbean. Based on our analysis, we conclude that though significant gains have been made in the region, several obstacles remain which prevent the fulsome achievement of children’s rights. With this in mind, we propose initiatives for overcoming these challenges.

Despite sharing a common history as former colonies of European nations striving to protect the rights of children, it is evident that priorities are as unique as each individual member state. The challenges of enacting children’s rights are myriad and directly related to the political, social, legal and economic climate faced by member states. For example, protecting children against sexual abuse will be more acute in CARICOM member states where due to religious and other cultural practices, the age of consent falls within UNICEF’s mandated age of childhood (Articles 1, 19). Ensuring adequate access to education will be more pertinent to some member states in lieu of child labour (Article 32), while for others, the challenge is simply to improve the quality of early childhood offerings (Articles 17, 31). As was discussed earlier, the issue of unregistered children was problematic in Jamaica due to the population and size of the country so measures had to be put in place to have all children registered prior to discharge from hospital after birth (Article 7). In the smaller islands of the Eastern Caribbean, protection from violence including corporal punishment from parents and teachers was more urgent (Article 19). In addition, the availability of technical and financial resources also affects which articles are addressed first. Some member states have had to prioritize access to health, safety and education services. It seems important, therefore, that political will, financial capabilities and social want be aligned to achieve the rights for all children as the Anglophone Caribbean region looks towards the next 30 years of the ratification of the CRC.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Zoyah Kinkead-Clark

References

Amnesty International (2007) Amnesty International Report 2007: The State of the World’s Human Rights. London: Amnesty International Limited.

Armstrong

Lynch

, et al. (2005) Special and inclusive education in the Eastern Caribbean: policy practice and provision. International Journal of Inclusive Education 9(1): 71–87.

Barrow

(2002) Introduction: children’s rights and the Caribbean experience. In: Barrow

(ed.) Children’s Rights, Caribbean Realities. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle publishers, pp. 13–33.

Barrow

(2008) Early childhood in the Caribbean. Working paper no 47. The Hague, Netherlands: Bernard van Leer Foundation.

Blackman

Conrad

Brown

(2012) The attitude of Barbadian and Trinidadian teachers to integration. International Journal of Special Education 27(3): 158–168. Available at: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1001068.pdf

Burns

(2007) Teaching and Learning Using a Child-Focused Approach in a Kindergarten Classroom in Montserrat. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Alberta, Canada: University of Alberta.

Burns

(2013) The ontology and social construction of childhood. In: Jones

Adele

(ed) Understanding Child Sexual Abuse: Perspectives from the Caribbean. UK: Palgrave McMillan, pp. 26–37.

Burns

(2018) Achieving quality in early childhood education in the Eastern Caribbean depends on teacher preparation. Early Child Development and Care 188(9): 1246–1259.

Burke

Kuczynski

(2018) Jamaican mothers’ perceptions of children’s resistance strategies for parental rules and requests. Frontiers in Psychology 9: 1786.

10.

Caceres

Tanner

Williams

(2016) Maximizing child development: three principles for policy-makers. Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 17(4): 583–589.

11.

CARICOM Secretariat (2005) CARICOM: Our Caribbean Community, An Introduction. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers.

12.

Carter

(2016) A History of Early Childhood Education: The Barbadian Experience. Barbados, Jamaica: Dan C Carter.

13.

CEPAL and UNICEF (2011) The right to an identity: birth registration in Latin America and the Caribbean. Available at: https://repositorio.cepal.org/bitstream/handle/11362/35984/1/challenges-13-ECLAC-UNICEF_es.pdf

14.

Charles

Williams

(2006) Early childhood care and education in the Caribbean (CARICOM states). Available at: https://www.unicef.org/easterncaribbean/spmapping/Implementation/ECD/UNESCO_ECC_2006.pdf

15.

Commisong

(1999) The History of the Basic School Movement in Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: Bernard van Leer Foundation.

16.

Courtis

Toby

(2019) Article 28 The right to education. In: Toby

(ed.) The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: A Commentary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 1056–1115. Available at: https://www.amazon.com/Convention-Rights-Child-Commentaries-International/dp/0198262655

17.

Daley

Thompson

(2004) The Early Childhood Movement in Jamaica: Building Blocks for the Future. Kingston, Jamaica: Chalkboard Press.

18.

Davies

(1997) A historical review of the evolution of early childhood care and education in the Caribbean. Paper presented at the Caribbean conference on early childhood education, Barbados, Jamaica, 1–5 April. Available at: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED411937.pdf

19.

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (2018) Latin America and the Caribbean 30 years after the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (LC/TS.2018/21). Santiago, Chile: ECLAC and UNICEF.

20.

Education Development Management Unit – Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (2012) OECS Education Sector Strategy 2012–2021. Castries, St Lucia: OECS Commission.

21.

Education Development Management Unit – Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (2015) OECS Education Statistical Digest 2013 / 2014. Castries, St Lucia: OECS Commission.

22.

Eleweke

Rodda

(2002) The challenge of enhancing inclusive education in developing countries. International Journal of Inclusive Education 6(2): 113–126.

23.

Essa

(2014) Introduction to Early Childhood Education. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.

24.

Fullan

(1996) Professional culture and educational change. School Psychology Review 25(4): 496–500.

25.

Institute of Development Studies 2010 in UNICEF (2017) The situation analysis of children in the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Available at: http://www.2030caribbean.org/content/dam/unct/caribbean/docs/SitAN%20Trinidad%202018%20WEB%20(1).pdf

26.

Jones

(ed.) (2013) Understanding Child Sexual Abuse: Perspectives from the Caribbean. London: Palgrave McMillan.

27.

Kinkead-Clark

(2015) Ready for big school: Making the transition to primary school–a Jamaican perspective. International Journal of Early Years Education 23(1): 67–82.

28.

Knight

(2017) Hurricane Maria aftermath: children’s education on hold in Dominica: UNICEF Dominica. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/stories/hurricane-maria-aftermath-dominica

29.

Leo-Rhynie

(2013) Child-rearing practices in the Caribbean in the early childhood years. In: Logie

Roopnarine

(eds) Issues and Perspectives in Early Childhood Development and Education in the Caribbean Countries. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Caribbean Educational Publishers, pp. 30–62.

30.

Logie

Roopnarine

(2013) Issues and Perspectives in Early Childhood Development and Education in the Caribbean Countries. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Caribbean Educational Publishers.

31.

Maharaj

(2013) The nature of paradise. In: Jones

(ed.) Understanding Child Sexual Abuse: Perspectives from the Caribbean. London: Palgrave MacMillan, pp. 9–25.

32.

Newhouse

Suàrez Becerra

Evans

(2016) New Estimates of Extreme Poverty for Children, Policy Research Working Paper 7845. Washington, DC: The World Bank.

33.

Pais

(2009) Birth registration: right from the start. UNICEF Innocenti Dig 2(1):1–32.

34.

Roopnarine

(2013) Early childhood development, care and education: the larger picture. In: Logie

Roopnarine

(eds) Issues and Perspectives in Early Childhood Development and Education in the Caribbean Countries. St. Augustine, Trinidad: Caribbean Educational Publishers, pp. 7–29.

35.

SABER-ECD (2013) Program Instrument. Kingston, Jamaica: SABER-ECD.

36.

Sahay

(2004) Stabilization, debt and fiscal policy in the Caribbean. IMF Working Paper no. WP/05/26, 11–12 June. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund (IMF).

37.

Samms-Vaughan

(2004) Profiles: The Jamaican Pre-School Child: The Status of Early Childhood Development in Jamaica. Kingston, Jamaica: Planning Institute of Jamaica.

38.

Samms-Vaughn

(2012 November 20) Early childhood needs more qualified teachers [Video file]. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?gl=US&hl=en&v=wW2kHiMvHVY&app=desktop

39.

Samms-Vaughan

Williams

Brown

(2005) Disciplinary practices among parents of six year olds in Jamaica. Caribbean Childhoods: From Research to Action 2: 58–70.

40.

Sanders

(2003) Crime in the Caribbean: an overwhelming phenomenon. The Round Table 92(370): 377–390.

41.

Scott McDonald

(2002) Elements of quality in early childhood home visiting programmes: profiles of three home visiting models. In: Young

(ed.) From Early Child Development to Human Development: Investing in Our Children’s Future. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, pp. 233–253.

42.

Seelke

(2012) Trafficking in Persons in Latin America and the Caribbean. Collingdale, PA: DIANE Publishing.

43.

Setel

Macfarlane

Szreter

, et al. (2007) A scandal of invisibility: making everyone count by counting everyone. The Lancet 370(9598): 1569–1577.

44.

Sharpe

Mohammed

(2013) Mental health in early childhood. In: Logie

Roopnarine

(eds) Issues and Perspectives in Early Childhood Development and Education in the Caribbean Countries. Trinidad: Caribbean Educational Publishers, pp. 92–113.

45.

Sullivan

(2015) 5 surprising habits of the wealthy. Fortune, 20 March. Available at: http://www.msn.com/en-us/money/personalfinance/5-surprising-habits-of-the-wealthy/ar-BBitJBR#page=5 (accessed 24 March 2015).

46.

UNICEF (2006) Situation analysis on excluded children in Jamaica update 2006. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/jamaica/resources_3950.htm

47.

UNICEF (2010) State of world’s children: eastern Caribbean area supplement. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/easterncaribbean/EC_SOWCR_2013_SM.pdf

48.

UNICEF (2013) At a glance: Trinidad and Tobago. Available at: https://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/trinidad_tobago_statistics.html

49.

UNICEF (2017) The situation analysis of children in the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. Available at: http://www.2030caribbean.org/content/dam/unct/caribbean/docs/SitAN%20Trinidad%202018%20WEB%20(1).pdf

50.

WORLD BANK (2004) Grenada Preliminary Damage Assessment, September 17, 2004. Available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTDISMGMT/Resources/grenada_assessment.pdf (accessed 22 March 2019).