Abstract
This Feminist Action Research (FAR) examines the impact of economic and societal exclusion on low-income Latina mothers. The study, conducted in an urban community in the Northeast U.S., aimed to foster social inclusion among low-income Latina mothers via a financial intervention. Data were collected from 12 participants, and the intervention emphasized curriculum negotiation and critical thinking. Descriptions and roles of positionality are considered and contextualized. Findings exemplified economic and societal exclusion in the form of economic deprivation and experiences of discrimination, along with experiences of personal agency, solidarity, and social inclusion. Conclusions include a discussion on the potential of FAR within poverty research, along with practical implications in developing community change.
Feminist Action Research (FAR) and action research have matching goals as both aim to empower underserved communities and motivate social change. FAR is different in that it focuses on gender inequality and as a developing methodology, proposes in engaging collaboratively with vulnerable communities experiencing social exclusion (i.e., multidimensional concept defined by experiences of marginalization and lack of opportunity; Riva & Eck, 2016). FAR is distinct from other similar methods, such as Participatory Action Research (PAR), in that the latter does not explicitly focus on a feminist lens as a theoretical and methodological foundation. In other words, FAR concerns not only gender, but the intersectionality of oppressions and identities (Collins, 2000). Specifically, FAR documents the lived experiences and concerns of marginalized groups by recognizing oppressions and illuminating subjugated knowledges (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2007), and has the goal of producing knowledge and potential solutions, while recognizing researcher positionality and how it may shape power dynamics in the production of knowledge (Coghlan & Brydon-Miller, 2014).
In this FAR, the goal was to understand multiple perspectives and experiences of low-income Latina mothers regarding social exclusion, while reflecting and acting toward social inclusion. To achieve these goals, this study explored their experiences of social and economic exclusion via a financial intervention program. This study was guided by principles typically seen in FAR (i.e., inclusion, participation, action, social change, and researcher reflexivity; Reid, 2004) which were addressed using several tools, including an intervention philosophy focused on the learning experiences of participants. According to Stephens (2012), intervention philosophies are consistent with action research in particular for studies based on learning new knowledge and skills, as it helps uphold diverse perspectives along with enhancing participation. Also, several lines of inquiry were employed: observation of sessions, two in-depth interviews, a focus group, recollection of artifacts, and personal written reflections. During this process, researcher reflexivity was of the upmost importance. Via reflective journaling (Ortlipp, 2008), I was able to recognize my own positionality, which included my own privileges as a U.S. born Latina and graduate student, but also my vulnerabilities as a transnational first-generation scholar. My interest in social exclusion was founded in my own personal history, and as a professional family partner working with Latinx communities in the U.S.
Background
Social exclusion was coined by French grassroot leader Joseph Wresinski, who believed that the only way to advance social justice is to recognize and build on the resilience, intelligence, and determination of those who are excluded and live in poverty (Klanfer, 1965). Today social exclusion is conceptualized as multidimensional (e.g., economic, societal, political, cultural), defined as “…the experience of being kept apart from others physically (e.g., social isolation) or emotionally (e.g., being ignored or told one is not wanted)” understood as a type of social rejection characterized by experiences of dehumanization (Riva & Eck, 2016, p. 9). Researchers have focused mostly on economic exclusion, as it may be the dimension that creates the most challenges for underserved families (Madanipour et al., 2015). Therefore, targeted financial interventions, where safe spaces are developed, may help address social exclusion.
Societal and Economic Exclusion
Societal exclusion and social exclusion are terms often used interchangeably; however, in this study, a distinction between them is made: social exclusion is a macro term that is multidimensional (e.g., economic, political, cultural), while societal exclusion represents insufficient social integration (e.g., discrimination; Bhalla & Lapeyre, 2016), which reduces access to social services and limits life opportunities. Economic exclusion refers to limited economic participation (Renahy et al., 2012) and includes barriers toward social safety nets (e.g., subsidies). Examples include waiting lists for public housing and obstacles to health care and education. Due to the emphasis on economic exclusion as a defining factor of the well-being of families, researchers have proposed the use of financial literacy interventions in order to improve the economic opportunities of minoritized families, as they positively influence how families budget their income, encourage participation in entrepreneurial activities, and provide guidance on important economic decisions, such as choosing a beneficial lending channel, among other behaviors (Cedeño et al., 2021).
Social Exclusion Among Latina Mothers in the U.S
Current reports highlight how Latina women are at higher risk of economic exclusion, as they are twice as likely as non-Latina women to live in poverty, even though 44% are the primary breadwinners of their households (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Research by Ayón and colleagues (2017) found Latina mothers' descriptions of exploitation, violence, marginalization, cultural imperialism, and powerlessness, played a key role in their low social inclusion. Recently, there has been an interest in exploring further the impact of social exclusion among minoritized low-income communities, and although there has been ample research on the barriers Latinx families face regarding poverty and low academic success (Espinoza-Herold & González-Carriedo, 2017), there has been less attention to the roles of systematic racism/classism/sexism (e.g., societal exclusion) embedded within these barriers and how families overcome them via methodologies such as FAR.
Financial literacy programs have been an essential component in efforts that combat social exclusion, often emphasizing the provision of tools to achieve well-being via economic opportunities and financial knowledge (Cedeño et al., 2021). The importance of empowering minoritized women toward social inclusion is based on the feminist critical principles of questioning how society and institutions have shaped current socio-economic realities, and then use those reflective spaces to enable participants to see personal and family strengths, along with developing agency. Therefore, the research question was: How do urban low-income Latina mothers understand social exclusion and reflect and act toward social inclusion with a financial literacy program based on principles of FAR?
Intervention Philosophy
An intervention philosophy is a narrative that includes conceptions of instructing, learning, description of methods, and justification for facilitating knowledge in the way proposed (Schwarzer, 2001). During this FAR, the intervention philosophy was negotiation of curriculum (focused on building trust and identifying participants' needs), and critical thinking.
Negotiation-based Content
FAR strives to engage participants meaningfully in all aspects of the design, implementation, and analysis of a research project. When contextualized within a learning environment, negotiating what is learned aids in the development of reciprocity between the instructor and participants, and recognizes the capacity of oppressed people to be active agents of change, rather than simply recipients of change made by more knowledgeable others on their behalf (Johnson & Flynn, 2020). Negotiation of curriculum applied the idea of cooperative learning, where participants shaped the curriculum according to their own needs. In terms of negotiation, open discussion between participants and myself took place. For instance, dates, topics, and activities were negotiable. Rules included attending the most sessions possible and having good communication. Questioning were encouraged during every meeting and decisions were achieved via a consensus. Negotiation of curriculum is connected with FAR in that most participants were able to think constructively about their own social exclusion while actively engaging in the learning process. In this study, there were two negotiating principles: building trust and identifying participants' needs (Boomer et al., 2005).
Building Trust
An important principle in a FAR is process validity and how it can be affected by the research setting and the capacity of the researcher to develop trust among participants (Reid, 2004). Therefore, a safe learning environment was developed during the intervention, in which participants felt supported and respected. This process started by explaining that mistakes were welcomed, agreeing that we were adults working together towards common goals, and that we should support each other during the learning process.
Identifying Participants' Needs
During an intervention, it is important to consider that both participants and facilitators have specific needs. As a facilitator, I had particular needs such as following institutional guidelines, incorporating knowledge of previous instructor experiences, and following the research guidelines. Participants' needs included understanding how to use and manage financial services, having workshops focused on banking terminology in English or on practical knowledge, such as best practices for using credit cards. These needs were not all acknowledged during one session; rather, this was a process that developed during the whole intervention. Importantly, sessions were delivered bilingually (Spanish/English), and the use of code-switching was applied (i.e., the shifting that occurs between two or more languages simultaneously within one conversation; Azlan & Narasuman, 2013), which allowed for a more genuine connection between mothers and I.
Applying Critical Theory
Freire (1994) recommends critical thought as an emancipation from oppression through an awakening of our consciousness, a term based on the Portuguese word conscientização, which is connected with FAR principles (Reid, 2004) in that such a process requires not only a deep reflection, but also is based on participation, action via personal agency, and social change. Importantly, conscientização is based on dialogue and problem-solving in which “…the teacher-of-the-students and the students-of-the-teachers cease to exist, and a new term emerges: teacher-student with students-teachers…. they become jointly responsible for a process in which all grow.” Both participants and I analyzed the structural causes of problems (e.g., social exclusion) while beginning the process of liberation via social inclusion. Participants were invited to become aware of and start to believe in their capacity to make transformative change through acquiring information, skills, and experience via critical analysis of historical and current structures and social relations that shape their powerlessness (Joyappa & Martin, 1996). Praxis is at the center of critical theory, which emphasizes its transformative goal, as education needs to connect knowledge learned by participants with their own lived experiences outside the place of learning. By applying these principles, participants had a space to create an inclusive learning environment where they felt they had the confianza to contribute to the decision-making process.
Methodology
Design
This FAR was characterized by the “look-think-act” process (i.e., approach that centers on cyclical processes of inquiry focused on learning during action research studies; Stringer, 2013). After approval from the university Institutional Review Board (IRB), twelve mothers were recruited (N = 12) to participate in an evidenced-based financial literacy program called Money Smart for Adults (MSA). Participants attended twice a week, for sessions of an hour and a half, for three months. All mothers were given pseudonyms and any potential identifiers were redacted during the research process. MSA is available in both English and Spanish and was developed with the goal of helping families enhance their financial skills and create positive banking relationships, with an emphasis on real-life financial skills (FDIC, 2018).
MSA was developed and delivered as a FAR social inclusion intervention. The goal of MSA is to (1) to help adults outside the financial mainstream build knowledge and positive relationships with financial institutions, and (2) to provide those financial institutions with a tool to assist in community outreach and economic development (FDIC, 2018). The MSA curriculum consisted of 12 modules focused on diverse topics related to economic knowledge (e.g., identifying financial products, services, and providers, describing the steps of opening a checking account, etc.) and included worksheets, along with practical activities (e.g., realistic financial scenarios).
After having a general greeting time, including snacks that participants brought to share, a typical session started with a space for written personal reflections, followed by a lesson and/or presentation of concepts, which I taught. Afterwards, I directed the time left toward the development of engaging activities, such as role play scenarios (e.g., how to open a checking account, how to ask for credit options at a bank, etc.). Other activities included brainstorming exercises. For instance, participants used flip charts or large pieces of paper to write ideas on diverse topics covered in the sessions, and then discussed what was learned as a group, which often allowed mothers to solve problems that they encountered in their daily lives. Importantly, a typical session applied the look-think-act strategy, for instance, as participants would first receive diverse financial literacy materials and focused on what concepts meant (look), then, mothers were given time to reflect and extend existing knowledge on the topic, often using their own experiences as learning opportunities (think). Finally, our discussions were conducive of specific action steps (act). This approach helped clarify concepts first and then encouraged participants to apply what was learned. Cultural and linguistic factors were considered, which included bilingual communication and allowing family members to be present. More information on MSA available at: catalog.fdic.gov.
Recruitment and Sample
A purposive sample (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015) of women that sought assistance from community center in the Northeast region of the U.S. was assessed. Although a small facility, the center typically serves from 150 to 200 families every year. According to the center's director, over 90% of the families served at the center are Latinx. Programs offered by the center include homework help for children and parenting and nutrition programs. Consent from the center itself was received after several meetings between the study's center director and I. The process of contacting the center was important, as I had several meetings with the director to assess characteristics of the mothers (available schedule, family composition, and home responsibilities, among others). Such discussions were pivotal in understanding the community at hand and assisted with the planning and design of the intervention itself. Then, I conducted an information session for interested Latina mothers that lasted one hour and included questions. I used a bilingual electronic presentation that was created and developed specially for this information session. As an incentive, all participating mothers received a U.S. $25 gift card. The mothers' ages ranged from 25 to 64 (M = 37.4; SD = 11.25). Participants consisted of Latina mothers originally from Central and South America, including the Caribbean. Most participants were married (n = 83%) and others were widowed or separated (n = 17%). Family size varied, with participants reporting between one and four children.
Data Collection and Analysis
Data were collected through two in-depth semi-structured interviews per participant, one focus group, recollection of artifacts from participants (e.g., written materials from the sessions)and the sessions (e.g., Power Point presentations), and reflective journaling. All participants were interviewed twice, at the beginning and at the end of the intervention and participated in a focus group conducted midway through. Following Seidman (2019), the first interview focused on the past, the focus group on the present, and the final interview on the future. I conducted all interviews lasting from 48 to 73 minutes in a private office at the community center and at participants' homes.
All participants signed a consent form and all interviews were recorded. I began interviews by asking participants to describe their experiences and understanding of social exclusion in diverse dimensions, for instance, how they understood economic exclusion (e.g., lack of full-time jobs) and if they have witnessed it themselves. Sample questions of inclusion included: What are some economic barriers that you have confronted? And: What do you do when you face a challenge you think you might not be able to resolve?
Triangulation was achieved through reflective journaling and artifact collection (from participants and researcher), anecdotal records, two formal in-depth semi-structured interviews, and a focus group (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Reflective journaling created transparency and explored the impact of critical self-reflection on research design (Ortlipp, 2008). Anecdotal records were used as part of the triangulation method via extensive post-observations and all written materials (assignments, comments, emails, thank you notes, etc.) collected. Credibility (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) was ensured through my prolonged engagement in the field working with Latinx communities, which allowed for a better understanding of the participants' experiences.
Data were analyzed using a thematic analysis (Creswell & Miller, 2000), and interpretations were based on an emic insider's perspective (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). I was the first member of the research team, and a Ph.D. fellow at the time of the study. The second coder was an experienced Latino faculty member of a higher education institution in the Northeast U.S. and the final coder was a Latina mother and scholar with ample experience within Latinx communities. First, we read all the written data and made notes using N-Vivo software. Data analysis included translation of materials (Spanish/English). Second, open coding (Saldaña, 2015) was applied while taking detailed notes of each piece of data. I read all the written data and made notes using N-Vivo software. Then, the research team analyzed the information gathered through interviews, anecdotal records, the reflective journal entries, and artifacts from participants, following a systematic process of analyzing textual data.
Importantly, the look-think act model (Stringer, 2013) was conducive to effective conversations between the mothers and I regarding the findings. First, I shared the steps taken during the data analysis process with participants and preliminary themes were shared, which had the goal of obtaining their interpretations of the data, along with their thoughts on the development of the intervention. Finally, in order to assure the findings were a valid representation of their experiences, a bilingual (English/Spanish) version of the manuscript was shared with participants. One mother, Marcela, explained that the themes uncovered were a testimonio, or a timeless narrative, of the Latina experience in the U.S.
Positionality and Ethical Considerations
I am a first-generation Latina scholar, with a feminist, transnational, and translingual background, and a Ph.D. fellow at the time of the study. Reflective analysis was applied by means of constant critical thought of my own worldview as a Latina scholar in the U.S. The recommendation of Ortlipp (2008) to utilize reflective journaling in qualitative studies was a powerful tool to understand insights during this study. Reflexivity for a qualitative researcher creates transparency and trustworthiness, because not being aware of personal views can obscure the interpretation of theory and data. This process made me avoid the role of academic expert (Lennie et al., 2003) and also allowed my own vulnerabilities to emerge. For instance, recognizing my own financial struggles or the humble background of my parents. Although sharing my vulnerabilities was not easy, it was only natural that I share some of my own life experiences, as mothers were asked to do the same. During these reflective processes, I learned some lessons, in particular, the importance of solidarity and persistence in finding personal success as a Latina in the U.S. Reflexivity also allowed me to develop and maintain rapport with participants, for instance, via language and cultural commonalities. Such a process was pivotal toward explicitly addressing ethical questions when analyzing power relations (e.g., my positionality as a Latina in higher education), general expectations (e.g., collecting data), and boundaries (e.g., negotiation of curriculum).
Findings
Two major themes were identified with two subthemes each. The first theme was economic exclusion, where participants expressed diverse financial challenges, often citing language barriers as a concern. This theme had two subthemes: Reflection on economic exclusion and acquiring economic agency. The second theme was societal exclusion, where mothers reported diverse experiences of discrimination and barriers towards social subsidies, which had two subthemes: Reflection on societal exclusion and developing resilience.
Economic Exclusion
Reflection on Economic Exclusion
The majority of mothers (n = 11) recognized economic deprivation as a barrier. Two consistent examples included a lack of resources to satisfy basic needs and recognizing the importance of economic stability while having unstable incomes. For example, Daria explained the complications related to her submission for The Women, Infants, and Children's Program (WIC): For the Food Stamps, the process is more complicated. The places are far away, the papers they ask for…even worse, there are no documents in Spanish anymore, and now it's by calls, if they even call. The other day they didn't…call me for the appointment, I stayed and waited…I went to the office, and they didn't give me much information.
Here we see how this Latina mother explains the challenges she encountered when applying for social subsidies, and how the application process requires more than being proactive. Other mothers echoed the difficulties in navigating the system, as four mothers explained that although they needed the assistance, they were either rejected or did not qualify for the help due to thresholds in place for each family. For instance, when asked about her subsidy for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), sometimes known as Food Stamps, Maria explained: “The truth is, we need it because what my husband earns is not enough for our expenses.” Some mothers explained that their family members often applied for assistance but that this made them feel ashamed. In this regard, Lucia stated “I don't like to ask for charity.”
Most mothers from this study reported some form of labor discrimination in the form of barriers towards employment, sometimes related to language skills and others to the fact that, as immigrant women, they found it challenging to find the means or proper information to validate their education in the U.S. For instance, Rosa explained how she came to the U.S. thirty years ago, and even though she had studied Psychology in her home country, she was unable to find a job when she arrived: I've been in this country for over 30 years, I studied psychology in my country. When I came here, logically, there wasn't any work. Because I did not know the language and had already worked in my career in my country, what I had to do is work on whatever I found, and I couldn't find anything.
As we can see, the reason Rosa came to the U.S. was to forge a better future for her family, which was a thought that resonated with the majority of the mothers in this study. Only Natalia explained she immigrated because she had to take of her grandchildren because her daughter did not have enough time to take care of them due to work. Participants also described harsh realities in the workplace and hostile labor experiences. For instance, Maria described a difficult situation at work: I had a bad experience because I worked at a t-shirt factory, some drawings were made, and then they printed them into t-shirts and shirts. One day they brought me a design, they left it there, and they said: Do it! I did it, and it was the wrong design; then they said I had to pay for it. This was in New York when I first came [to the U.S.]. I know that what the boss did to me was not fair because it was not my mistake, I told the boss, and he answered to me: Yes, it was your mistake, because you must know the order of the drawing, but in reality, they did not give me any indication….it was $300 dollars.
Here we see how Maria, who was new at her work, was held responsible for using the wrong graphic design and had to pay a hefty price. Examples of discrimination and prejudice in the workplace were common among Latina mothers. For instance, mothers reported labor discrimination in the form of barriers towards employment, sometimes related to language skills. However, the more seasoned mothers were able to provide advice for the younger mothers when the topic of language came up during class discussions. For instance, one mother shared advice on using plain language when communicating, while another shared the usefulness of using visual methods of communication, such as hand gestures.
Finally, there were instances where Latina mothers related their language barriers towards finding suitable employment. For instance, Wendy explained that in Puerto Rico she encountered challenges because her experience as a waitress required her to understand English. She stated: “The only thing was the barrier with the language, one speaks a bit of English, but something very basic, I am not fully bilingual, and it becomes more difficult, especially in a work environment.” Here we see how for Wendy, low language inclusion leads to low economic inclusion, as she stated that improving her English would considerably heighten her chances of getting employment in the continental U.S., a feeling echoed by most participants of this study. Although participants described several employment opportunities, these were usually in factories and low-paying jobs, regardless of their education and prior work experience.
Acquiring Economic Agency
Although all participants reflected on employment barriers and hostile work environments; however, they also discussed solutions and ways to focus on their strengths. Open discussions on economic exclusion emerged, along with what actions to take toward more economic inclusion. The process of taking actions toward higher economic inclusion focused on recognizing personal strengths. During a conversation regarding how she was building a stronger resume for more employment opportunities, Daria echoed this idea: “We have to give strength to each other as women. When I face a hard situation, it's like I have to give myself strength, but we have to support ourselves; if we don't, then who will?” Here we see Daria not only recognizes common challenges for Latina women in the U.S., but also proposes a perspective focused on female solidarity. One aspect of the financial intervention was the development of support between mothers. As the intervention progressed, they became more invested in the program and started to encourage each other to take risks during group discussions. The solidarity that emerged among participants was a tool of motivation and learning, which emerged in an environment that felt safe.
Participating mothers shared concrete action plans for economic agency; for instance, Lulu aimed to open an online business and provided a promising update during the final interview.: “The problem that I had last week was with the provider because it's located in New York, but this week I had the chance to consolidate everything for the delivery, I'm going for the first order soon.” Other mothers implemented some activities into their daily lives; for example, Wendy and Franshesca started a monthly budget and made it routine to talk with their spouses about expenses. The intervention provided spaces where participants did not only learn about financial concepts, but also allowed them to pursue economic wellbeing. Finally, Franchesca is also an example of how the Latina mothers gained tools toward acquiring economic agency, as she had expressed frustration with the amount of debt she was accumulating with her husband during the first weeks of the intervention. When asked if she and her husband had the chance to address the issue, she explained: I already talked with my husband, I was afraid to do it, but I did it because we really cannot continue like this. Now we are looking at cutting expenses. I still have the handouts you gave us, and every week we have an expense budget on the fridge door, and we are more guided in our decisions.
This quote elucidates how Franchesca acted toward economic inclusion and is one example of how the intervention allowed Latina mothers to acknowledge economic challenges. Additionally, it was a space to learn how to act toward achieving their financial goals, by learning from one another and applying the knowledge gained during the sessions. As seen, the subthemes of economic exclusion were the result of an intervention program designed not only to create awareness of social exclusion (e.g., reflection), but also designed to provide a platform where mothers took actions toward economic well-being.
Societal Exclusion
Reflection on Societal Exclusion
This subtheme represents experiences of discrimination and stereotyping of Latina mothers, which came about during our reflections on defining and understanding the concept of societal inclusion. Reflections took place during in-class discussions and writing time. Often, I would sit with the mothers and help them write their thoughts, as some mothers sometimes had challenges expressing some of their ideas in written form. One of the mothers, Lulu, explained how she had a difficult experience at a doctor's office, where the nurse was making assumptions about her language abilities because of the way she looked, which made her feel stereotyped, as she shared in her reflective writing: I spoke to her in English, and I told her that she was being very rude. I felt that she assumed that because of my Hispanic features, I did not know English, and that's why she believed she had the authority to treat me as an inferior person.
Here we see in Lulu's experience that societal exclusion in the form of stereotypes can provoke actions of discrimination and prejudice. Although there were descriptions of similar situations with the mothers regarding experiences of stereotyping, the intervention the program provided a space where we not only talked and described experiences but also focused on strengths rather than only on the acts of discrimination or stereotyping themselves. For instance, mothers shared the importance of looking for support systems, whether it be family or close friends, along with filing a formal complaint when possible.
A second example was seen in the experience of Marisol. During the first interview, she explained instances where she felt discriminated against. She explained a particular incident on how she was taken to the hospital because she was about to give birth to her daughter. Upon arrival, she noticed hostile treatment toward her. The hospital nurses started to rush her out of the room once her baby was born. As she waited for her husband, she explained what happened next: One of the nurses came and told me: Are you ready? I told her I was still getting ready. And then she said: hurry up...we need this room! Then they took me out, and when I came to the elevator, the nurse scared me…At that moment, I wrapped the baby, and I do not know how; I did not notice that I had taken the hospital blankets; I did not see it, it was not my intention to take it … the lady told me: no, you can't take that, that's hospital property, that is not free! And then she said: Just take it, it's infected anyway.
Here we see how Marisol is navigating a difficult reality when she just became a mother, and the prejudice she lived through at such an important moment in her life. Often, participants explained that they recognized how Latinos in general are being represented in the popular culture and current immigration rhetoric in the U.S. Participants described how being Latina invoked certain images in some people they interacted with, where some stereotypes were related to assumptions on income, a rural environment, corruption, disorganization, education levels, and morality. Because of their experiences in U.S. society, Latina mothers believed that negative Latino stereotypes had the greatest impact on people's perceptions. In other words, mothers experienced actions stemming from preconceived ideas some people have of Latin American immigrants, which are notions strongly linked to beliefs about the negative impact of immigration. However, actions and new ideas emerged from these reflections in the form of personal agency.
Focusing on Personal Agency
Although Latina mothers faced challenges, the focus was always on their strengths, which were often linked to the idea that although there are challenges related to their identity, there are ways to overcome these attitudes and actions. Lulu echoed this idea by sharing her thought during a group discussion: “If we remain united, then yes, we can achieve many good things, and we can have a place in this society.” Although mothers in this research described obstacles and challenges toward societal exclusion, they were able to find solutions by informing themselves and sharing information with each other. Lucrezia expressed: In the face of social exclusion, what I do is I go to the authorities to seek help, if it happens in a school or a job, [one must] go to seek help from the head person or who the person who is in charge, to clarify what is happening to take action because they should pay attention. Then, I will have to go to defend myself and those who are close to me, I say it because it has happened to me; I know now.
In this quote, Lucrezia acknowledges what societal exclusion is and shares her views on what actions to take when she experiences it. She explained how overcoming societal exclusion and achieving inclusion requires being proactive and informed. Moreover, she recognized that although she has experienced societal exclusion in the past, there are ways to act and achieve more inclusion.
A second example was explained by Vanesa, who described how she was learning English by the encouragement of a fellow mother: The classmate said that she was with a dictionary all the time, so I downloaded the dictionary app and I'm using it more often when I watch the news and television - so, I can put it in English. So, if I see a word that I don't understand, I'll look for it.
Finally, the intervention also incited community-oriented actions. In particular, Wendy took the lead and created an online chat group focused on sharing community resources and proposing diverse topics for discussions regarding community events and opportunities. For instance, regarding the online group, she stated: It's important because we need to share what opportunities we have here in our own neighborhood; sometimes, we are just not informed. But it's also about support; we have to ask for our rights.…[I] have some privilege in terms of citizenship, but we did not build this world. This world was already built for us. We have to support ourselves, because they will continue to take away our rights.
Here Wendy is explaining how she recognizes her privilege within the Latino community in terms of citizenship, while promoting the idea of civil action and participation. This quote also exemplifies how Latino communities differ in the social inclusion spectrum, in particular regarding societal exclusion and political participation. However, despite the existing societal exclusion, Wendy and participating Latina mothers developed an intersectional view and expressed solidarity in the form of concrete actions regarding less advantaged Latinx families and communities.
Discussion
The narratives of low-income Latina mothers were characterized by experiences of economic and societal exclusion, where reflection and action were two of the tools applied toward achieving more inclusion and agency. Although mothers described difficult experiences (e.g., labor discrimination, stereotyping, and prejudice), this FAR provided a space where they were able to act toward social inclusion by reflecting, acting, and developing bonds with each other. FAR allowed for solidarity because feminist principles focus on how diverse reflective processes aid in recognizing strengths, and provides tools to think and act towards overcoming challenges stemming from economic and societal exclusion.
The Value of Researching our Own Practice
Designing a FAR is a journey that requires a development of an awareness about the context of the phenomena of study. The goal in this research study was to create an intervention that provided socially excluded Latina mothers the power to decide the topics covered, but was also an invitation to further develop their community. Current practices often focus on treating clients and/or members as a vulnerable population that only encounters numerous challenges, where organizations often fail to recognize personal and family strengths (e.g., social inclusion; Cedeño, 2023b), which has real consequences for practice. Therefore, practitioners who wish to implement a similar intervention must consider the cultural diversity of their communities (e.g., language considerations). In addition, in order to achieve involvement, engagement, and action from participants, current initiatives should develop an intervention philosophy that covers their own learning and FAR principles.
Participative Creation of Safe Spaces
A unique contribution of this paper is reflected in the voices of Latina mothers regarding their experiences and the collaborative creation of safe spaces. In this regard, Latina mothers described the importance of the initial information session, where not only important details about the intervention were shared, but where questions were asked about what they wanted to achieve in financial literacy terms, as well as language considerations (Cedeño, 2023a). In addition, participants also voiced their appreciation toward the intervention philosophy principles, in particular the negotiation of content, as they described how the learning process developed around their own needs. Therefore, the intervention became a space where participants could transform how they viewed themselves in relation to the larger society. In addition to learning important knowledge and skills, some mothers were able to free themselves from the hegemonic hold on their consciousness, what Freire (1994) calls conscientização, because mothers confronted repressive ideologies with tools inspired by critical pedagogy. Participants were not only able to criticize society in individual reflections and group discussions, but also challenged existing institutions as illustrated in the case of Lucrezia. Thus, FAR became a means of enabling women to move from an experience of exclusion to one of inclusion not just (or mainly) because they acquired specific knowledge and skills, but because they gained agency in their process of redefining their relationship with society.
Therefore, the process of exploring the financial program while developing a space where experiences of social exclusion and inclusion were recognized, was a process focused on following both an intervention philosophy (Schwarzer, 2001) and FAR principles (Reid, 2004): First, the Latina mothers were respected and valued by their teacher and peers. Second, the mothers had the opportunity to build economic skills in the financial-centered curriculum. Third, the activities and learning experiences were relevant to the mothers' needs and guided by them. Finally, they were exposed to hands-on activities in which they were active participants and collaborators, which led to individual and group actions aimed at social inclusion. The experiences and knowledge of the Latina mothers were central in the development of the curriculum, as the learning experience made use of everybody's resources in order to develop financial literacy skills, while at the same time exploring experiences and knowledge of social exclusion and inclusion. To this day, mothers stay connected through a cell phone app they created during the intervention. Some still use the center's services, while others relocated due to the COVID-19 pandemic. As for me, although I graduated and moved for work, the group remains our medium of contact and a source of solidarity for Latina mothers.
Contribution Toward Transforming the Poverty Field
There are several lessons stemming from this FAR that provides a modest contribution to the field of poverty. First, this study addressed the relational and experiential dimensions of poverty by understanding social exclusion and pathways towards social inclusion. As explained by Friedman (2011), poverty is composed of patterned relationships among individual and institutions that generate experiences of suffering. Therefore, transforming the field means both addressing suffering and reshaping the relationships that sustain it. In this regard, FAR provides spaces where those who have been historically marginalized can create change by actions at the individual and/or institutional level. Second, findings showcase how changes are possible in the form of reflection and agency, while providing a detailed outline of the development of the intervention, which aids in transferability for practitioners who want to focus on resilience and the agency of women during trying circumstances. Finally, findings also highlight minoritized women's ability to navigate the challenges presented by their social contexts in order to achieve their personal and family goals, supporting previous research that has examined women's agency amid economic and institutional discrimination (e.g., economic and societal exclusion; Rydzik & Anitha, 2020). This research is particularly important because it provides a more nuanced view of what agency looks like in relation to the different goals' under-deserved women have, their strengths, and the choices that they make to achieve inclusion.
Despite important implications, this study had limitations. First, this was a case study that relied on participant's perceptions of their challenges within their context and environment, where social exclusion and inclusion were topics that the mothers were sometimes reluctant to disclose due to their own experiences (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). Second, although the sample may be considered small, similar sample sizes of low-income Latina mothers, a difficult to reach population, have been utilized in other qualitative studies (Ayón et al., 2017) and have provided rich evidence. Finally, although furthering research on social inclusion and its impact on minoritized women is a task that is part conceptual (e.g., paradigm shift) and sociological (e.g., economic), a practitioner perspective is needed as interventions provide an alternative to empower vulnerable families and communities. This study lays the groundwork for future research for and with similar populations.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
