Expression of Culture in the Amish Press

Participatory Journalism

The ubiquity of online communication is often argued to be the impetus for what has come to be called “citizen journalism” or “participatory journalism”—that is, news content being generated by members of the audience rather than by trained professional journalists. Although the technology that facilitates it in much contemporary media is relatively new, the concept itself is an old cultural practice. Newspapers have a long history of encouraging reader participation. In the 17th and 18th centuries, newspapers in England and the American colonies sometimes left blank space on one page; the extra room allowed readers to write in their own comments before sending the publication on to acquaintances (Hermida, 2011). Advances in technology and changes in media culture and economics have resulted in an increasing interest in user-generated content through “participatory journalism,” which is also sometimes called “citizen journalism” or “grassroots journalism” (Briggs, 2013; Glaser, 2006) Participatory journalism represents an interactive conversation among members of a community, as opposed to the one-way conversation of traditional media (Min, 2005). The changing gatekeeping standards also help construct what Manuel Castells called a system of “mass self-communication,” a communication model that is “self-generated in content, self-directed in emission, and self-selected in reception by the many that communicate with many” (Castells, 2007, p. 248). In a more small-group or individualist sense, the emergence of mass self-communication, Castells (2007) argued, “offers an extraordinary medium for social movements and rebellious individuals to build their autonomy and confront the institutions of society in their own terms and around their own projects” (p. 249).

Kenneth Neil Cukier, a technology correspondent for The Economist in London, was quoted as applauding participatory journalism as a “reformational movement” within the media:

[T]he Internet is affecting journalism just as the printing press affected the Church—people are bypassing the sacrosanct authority of the journalist in the same way as Luther asserted that individuals could have a direct relationship with God without the intermediary of the priest. The Internet has disintermediated middlemen in other industries, why should journalism be immune? (Glaser, 2006)

Although the national edition of The Budget is a print product and not electronic, Cukier’s analogy is especially pertinent to this study. Given the history of the Anabaptist movement, particularly its oppositional stance toward active civic involvement, its inclination toward congregational independence, and its arm’s-length approach toward non-Anabaptists (each of which is discussed in more detail below), it would stand to reason that consumers of an Anabaptist news product would be more inclined to use a medium that minimizes outside (non-Amish) influence on content. The newspaper is paginated and printed by non-Amish newspaper workers, and some who make editorial and policy decisions that influence content (including the newspaper’s publisher at the time of this study) are not Amish. Budget policies, however, minimize the outside editorial influence of “middlemen” on letters.

Emphasis on Community

Social networks that create community are central to many Budget letters, and the newspaper reinforces the importance of an intimate community as one value around which imagined community is constructed. The maintenance of an intimate Anabaptist community stretching beyond the borders of a single settlement or town can be challenging, and recent trends in Mennonite and Amish life such as the increasing mobility of families, economic pressures that have forced shifts in traditional labor practices, and the growing physical distance between settlements have only added to the challenge. The national edition of The Budget acknowledges those challenges, and in a sense, it attempts to serve as a counterweight to them. The newspaper emphasizes the value of geographic proximity, community intimacy, and personal presence, and it makes those things available in a virtual sense to readers who cannot always experience them firsthand. Scribe letters also reinforce the idea that the Anabaptist world is a small one, and by introducing readers to one another and providing detailed descriptions of writers’ surroundings, the letters can create virtual relationships among readers and generate sense of “being there” and knowing people that reinforce imagined communities.

An emphasis on geographic proximity as a vital component of community begins with the assembly of the national edition of The Budget itself. The newspaper’s index, which appears on the front page of every national edition, organizes letters based on geography rather than author, sect, or topic, so readers can seek out letters based on their points of origin. Scribe letters are always one column wide and begin with the town and state designation in bold type (e.g., Adamsville, OH; Loyal, WI) rather than a headline that indicates the content of the letter. In many cases, the town/state designation is accompanied by smaller, boldface subhead that provides additional detail—usually either a more detailed geographic designation (such as an address) or the name of a congregation or church district. In areas with large concentrations of Amish and/or Mennonite residents, multiple scribes may be writing from the same general locale. The subheadings can be particularly useful in differentiating those letters. For example, in the June 9, 2010, edition, six letters were from Sugarcreek, Ohio. Subheadings serve to differentiate those letters, making clear which ones went with which communities.

The hometowns of individuals mentioned in letters are also important. When local residents are traveling, or when they are mentioned in groups that include non-locals, scribes often take care to identify the local residents as local. Letter writers often mention the homes of people who come in to visit church services or attend weddings. Geographic ties are established in other ways. When a letter writer describes the landscape in his or her locale, the description helps readers visualize those particular places. Homesteads are sometimes associated with families who previously lived there, indicating how much families are tied to distinct locations, as is the case in this example: “David Raaen from Resaca, Ga. moved into the community on the 21st to make this his home. He will live in the small house close to the church/school house where Nick Alleys had previously lived” (Martin, 2011). In describing a familiar landscape (or at least suggesting to readers that the landscape is familiar to the scribe with whom they are communing), letter writers fuse the world inside the newspaper with the world outside it, allowing readers to think “of the representative body, not the personal life” (B. Anderson, 1983, pp. 30-32).

Scribe letters in The Budget also emphasize the importance of personal presence in the daily lives of Amish and Mennonite readers. Assembly is a dominant theme in scribe letters—most will mention church meetings, family reunions, and other forms of community gatherings. The number of people who attend worship services, weddings, family reunions, or funerals is often reported. Poor attendance at such events is sometimes noted—for example, “[i]t seemed somewhat empty in church this morning . . .” (L. Hostetler & Hostetler, 2010). Scribe letters frequently mention individuals and families who are missing from church, and readers are usually told where they were. For example, “East church was at Joas Millers’ . . . . The Monroe Miller family was missing, as they went to Kingston to the funeral of Joe Mattie” (Nissley, 2011). One letter writer mentioned the presence of a visitor at his church and then explained the absence of her husband: “Oren was in the area too, but chose to spend the forenoon with Mark Gingerich” (E. D. Stutzman, 2010). When they do not know where absent members are, some writers will expressly say so. Scribes also sometimes use their letters to explain their own absences from church or social events, reinforcing the subtle idea that it is natural to be together. An emphasis on face-to-face interaction and the oral tradition also can be seen in scribes’ descriptions of the flow of information through their communities: “Word passed through the community late last evening of the passing away of Mrs. Rhoda Yoder, 84.” (A. A. Mast, 2010) and “Joe Hershbergers got word from Brodhead, Wisc. that a cousin passed away” (M. M. S. Yoder, 2010). By illustrating how news of those deaths spread in their communities, scribes emphasize the importance of conversation in social settings.

Scribes often highlight the fact that news comes from interactions with others in their geographic or networked community. Scribes and others get information through those interactions, and when scribes are absent from those social settings, they sometimes suggest news is absent from their letters. In December 2010, a scribe in Nappanee, Indiana, wrote “I was informed that it was too icy for grandmas to be out and about, so that means less news this week” (A. M. Burkholder, 2010b). Another writer observed, “We came home from Dela. yesterday where we were visiting several days, so local news is scarce” (T. H. Detweiler, 2010). Writers sometimes prioritize news based on what their communities are talking about. In June 2010, one Ohio scribe began his letter: “The subject of the weather has probably been in the majority of conversations the past week” (Erb & Erb, 2010). By tying the newsworthiness of information to the fact that local people are discussing it, scribes again place value on traditional modes of Anabaptist communication and social assembly and reflect an understanding of news first and foremost as communal interests.

Visitation is another important part of Amish life, and it often requires travel. When members of an Anabaptist settlement or town are absent from the proximate community, scribes often explain where the individuals went, why they are traveling, and when they will return. The following is a typical example:

Mark J. Troyers and Roy M. Hershbergers left early Fri. morning for Ill. to visit friends of Marks. Two weeks ago the heavy snow caused them to turn back home in Wooster, and again it snowed, but we assume they drove out of the storm in western Ohio. Plans were to be back Sun. night. (W. Mast, 2011)

Scribe letters present travel as a major, often difficult undertaking, one often worthy of a great deal of discussion. Travel is most often linked with the attendance of important life events, such as weddings or funerals, or with visitation of friends, family, or acquaintances, although scribes do mention traveling for other reasons (such as mission work or honeymoons). Scribes sometimes make subtle or direct suggestions as to when someone might desire to be visited (e.g., an individual who is injured and homebound might appreciate company to pass the time). They sometimes suggest instances where visits might be inappropriate, as did one Delaware scribe who noted an ill member of his community: “Andy Miller stays about the same. He gets a lot of visitors, which can also be tiring for him” (R. Miller, 2010). Visiting is important in that it makes possible the face-to-face interactions that have historically been vital to Amish social life.

In the imagined community fostered in The Budget, the traditional importance of going to families’ homes and greeting them in person is emphasized, and the act of visiting is often tied to traditional Anabaptist activities such as knitting or farm work. A visit is often seen as one of the best gifts one can receive, and those gifts are often surprise visits, which are mentioned regularly in The Budget. The surprises are sometimes fairly elaborate. An example from an Iowa scribe reads,

And last but not least the big surprise visitors, Melvin and Sadie Troyer (Vernon Kathryn’s parents) of Dela., who very unexpectedly drove in at Vernon’s on Sat. evening around 4:30, sitting in backend of the van. The driver told Vernons to come out as she has someone who wants to look through an Amish house. So Vernons had a total surprise when coming out and looking into the van. (J. Yoder & Yoder, 2010)

Letters in the newspaper also occasionally reflect the notion that families should expect company and be prepared to receive visitors at any time: “Many visitors are expected in the area, so we should get it cleaned up around here in case someone stops in” (Byler, 2010).

Face-to-face interactions are important in large part because they build more intimate friendships. Scribe letters often depict the history of a community as the history of open, intimate relationships, as is illustrated by a Kentucky scribe:

Henry Detweilers were at their son Bishop Lonnie Detweiler’s for a few days. On Mon. forenoon they made a welcome stop here. Sarah and I had been 5th grade classmates at Pleasant Valley School in Geauga Co. the first year it was built, which was the school term of 1952-53. My dad, Uria R. Byler, was the upper grade teacher, and the former Esther J. Miller taught the lower grades. Esther later married Crist E. Fisher, who just recently passed away. Then Sarah’s family, the Menno Hostetlers, moved to Jamesport, Mo. The last time Sarah and I had seen each other was around 1962. Their visit was way too short. We had barely scratched the top of the pile before they had to leave. They wanted to visit Sarah’s cousin Cora, the Joe D.J. Millers, then catch the bus to start their journey for home in Sarasota, Fla. (E. L. Yoder, 2010)

Letter writers reinforce the importance of individual connections among Budget readers in a number of ways. Scribes sometimes refer to community members by their first names only. Local residents are sometimes identified through things that happened to them without the provision of backstories. For example, a scribe in Cochranton, Pennsylvania, relayed the story of a local family who “attended the funeral on Fri. of the Shelter boy that was accidentally shot in Fredonia” (Marner, 2010). Local landmarks such as old homesteads, farms, and school buildings are sometimes used rather than street names to note locations. For example, one scribe wrote, “Five miles from here at brother’s house they had rain today at noon so that there was mud! We never quit making hay” (The Troyers, 2010, emphasis added). Those examples illustrate the culture’s insular nature. The Amish place a high priority on knowing individuals and places discussed in the letters. That knowing is important to community maintenance and integration, and The Budget helps establish its requisite knowledge base for readers. Even if one does not have a relationship with the people or places involved in specific scribe letters, that reader may, through the act of reading, connect with the writer and the broader imagined community.

Church and community visitors who are not frequent attendees are often identified in scribe letters by their names and by their affiliations with familiar individuals. The common acquaintance provides an outlet by which readers may find a connection with the visitor. For example, a scribe from Ohio shared this story: “The van drivers were the 2 short in stature (dwarfs) from our area, being friends to Johnny Miller (Josie’s brother), who is on a wheelchair due to a construction accident” (W. D. Miller, 2010). By linking the van drivers to Johnny Miller, and linking Johnny Miller to Josie (a community member), the scribe illustrates the connection that brought the two van drivers into the community. Church visitors are regularly identified in Budget letters, often by linking them to regular members. For example, an Ohio scribe wrote: “John P. Gingeriches from Tenn. were in church the last time. They were here to visit their daughter, the Emanuel F. Hostetlers. Emanuels now moved to his parents’ in the new building” (H. Hostetler, 2011). Some scribes refer to church visitors as “strangers,” even when the visitors have a connection within the community. Community newcomers and new church members also face lower levels of familiarity; several scribes occasionally “introduce” new families to the broader Budget community and sometimes briefly profile families who have lived there for years, as this Mennonite scribe couple did:

I’m finally getting back to my family introductions. Paul Horst is the son of Ralph and Dorcas from Pa. He came here to live with us in 2005. In 2008 he married Ruthanne Byler, (David) and Barbara. Paul works at Rod and Staff. They have 2 little boys. (Weaver & Weaver, 2011)

Familiarity and proximity combine to make one a “member” of the community, as is reflected in one letter from the Shippensburg, Pennsylvania, scribe who was listing church visitors: “It was a pleasant surprise to have Adrian Martin as our chorister. He’s considered a visitor these days since he and Carolyn are residing in the Quakertown area, but it’s always nice to have them back at Rowe” (Horst, 2010a). A Mennonite scribe couple ⁹ from Missouri made this observation about a couple who attended church in their community: “Seths are becoming regulars at our services so I will no longer list them among our visitors” (O. Stolzfus & Stolzfus, 2010). Letters also encourage people to interact with others, even when they do not think they will be known:

On Sun. morning we ventured out again, this time to Monterey, Tenn. where Marsha’s cousin Melody Horst lives. We attended Pilgrim Christian Fellowship for their worship service. I assumed I’d know absolutely nobody, so I was totally surprised when a cousin of my brother-in-law, Tim Rutter, came up to me after the service and told me she knew my sister Jena and Tim. It’s a small, small world! (Horst, 2010b)

The national edition of The Budget does more than simply reinforce the notion that readers should get to know each other. In some cases, it serves as a catalyst for unacquainted Anabaptist readers to learn about other enclaves, to make contact with others, and to establish a commonality on which a social relationship can be built. Scribes seem to serve as connectors in that activity. One Ohio scribe shared the following story about an encounter at an airport:

Sitting off to themselves was an Amish couple, obviously waiting for the same flight. “Are you from Holmes County,” I asked. “Yes we are,” the man replied, “Are you Roy Gingerich?” I was somewhat taken back, because I didn’t know them. But, they had just read my most recent Budget article mentioning my flight plans and so weren’t terribly surprised to “bump” into me. I had an interesting conversation with J. D. Miller and his wife Laura from near Walnut Creek, who were on their way to Atlanta to set up a display booth for their company. (R. Gingerich, 2010)

Most Amish or Mennonite readers may not have the opportunity to have such encounters. However, by reading the national edition of The Budget, they are able to experience a sense of familiarity with others and relate themselves to others in their imagined community.

Emphasis on Tradition

Much as the hats Amish men wear indicate whether those men are living up to traditional church expectations (J. A. Hostetler, 1980; Kraybill et al., 2013), descriptions of family life in The Budget can serve as symbols that reflect an adherence to, and reverence for, Amish and Mennonite life. Scribe letters cover topics that range from ultra-conservative to fairly modernized. In the sample reviewed for this study, many writers made reference to the iconic horse and buggy typically associated with conservative Old Order Amish. Others wrote about their use of email and the Internet, and one even discussed the social-networking website Facebook. High values are placed on many of the traditional aspects of Old Order Amish life, however, and even the more modernized writers pay homage to those notions in their letters. By emphasizing tradition as important in several different ways, Anabaptist writers create and reinforce a stable, familiar narrative through which an imagined community can be achieved.

Scribe letters often refer to family roles and family values and, in the process, to the patriarchal social system that dominates Anabaptist life. “Menfolk” and “womenfolk” have distinct duties in Amish culture, and those duties are often spelled out in scribe letters that reflect traditional gender roles based on interpretations of the Bible (Kraybill et al., 2013). Married women who are scribes will sometimes sign their letters using their husband’s names (i.e., Mrs. Henry Yoder or Mrs. Ivan Miller). Men are portrayed as workers and providers and, as one scribe couple expressly put it “the head of home” (E. Miller & Miller, 2011) while women’s job is to provide meals and tend the home. The distinctions are often clearly illustrated in descriptions of visits or social events. For example, a Mennonite scribe in Missouri described a youth work project: “On Sat. the youth boys were on the job early for a work project. They had a hay shed to build and wanted to beat the heat. The youth girls served snack and took lunch to them” (O. Stolzfus & Stolzfus, 2010). An Illinois scribe wrote,

The ladies had different projects going this week. Some were here to help us quilt a few times. Youth girls helped Emma Yoder quilt Wed. evening. A few of us ladies helped (Marcus) Anna Mary make noodles one day, and girls helped wash off walls in preparation to having service there. (J. Troyers, 2010)

The gender roles are sometimes assigned at birth: Baby boys may be identified with male duties, such as the “husky little wood chopper” born in Iowa (Borntrager & Borntrager, 2010) whereas a baby girl may be recognized as a new “little dishwasher” (M. A. Miller, 2010). Families are often described as social units by adding an “s” at the end of the patriarch’s last name. For example, a scribe refers to the grandparents of the “husky little wood chopper” as the “Roy Yoders” and the “LeRoy Millers.” By focusing on the distinct duties of men (e.g., farming, building, hunting, leading the household) and women (cooking, sewing, taking care of the home), the national edition of The Budget reinforces the culture’s strict gender roles for readers, introducing opportunities for members of the same sex to imagine common bonds.

Patriarchy and family structures manifest themselves in other ways as well. Large families are often discussed with pride, particularly in death notices and obituaries. Letter writers also often report on births, especially births that result in a couple becoming parents (or grandparents) for the first time are often noted as such. Those reports typically give the names of parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents. Young people in the community are often referred to as a group—sometimes called “the youth” or “the youngie”—and their names appear in scribe letters less frequently than do those of older community members. Old age is a virtue, and elderly people who can still fill their assigned social roles and take care of themselves are often revered. An Ohio scribe described the ladies of Plain City,

Those elderly ladies are a plucky bunch attesting to the fact that a 93 year old furnished the church lunch complete with snitz half moon pies, baked fresh Sat. evening to be at their best for Sun. lunch. (F. L. Miller, 2010)

Because they have accumulated knowledge over their lifetimes, the elderly are seen as upstanding examples for others, as illustrated by an Illinois scribe who described two sermons that touched on “what a blessing a sweet old grandmother can be at home, in church, or in the community. And this good virtue does not just start at an old age but when she is a young mother” (H.O., 2010). Scribes occasionally refer to their parents simply as “mom” or “dad” without providing any names, another practice indicating the status of older community members in Amish culture.

The value of hard work and the importance of “staying busy” also are frequent themes in scribe letters. They are important parts of traditional Anabaptist culture and themes around which Budget readers can coalesce. The notion that the routines of everyday life make for a “busy” existence is an important aspect of Anabaptist religious beliefs (the Bible warns against idleness), and by extension, the Anabaptist lifestyle. Scribes themselves often connect the busy nature of their daily lives to their work for the newspaper. Scribes who do not submit letters regularly will sometimes apologize for being too busy to write. Work obligations are often seen as a way to justify the ending of letters—household work should take priority over writing, as one Pennsylvania scribe wrote after penning six paragraphs (282 words):

Well, am kind of news-less and have a pile of ironing to do, and the oil stove smoked in entrance yesterday so should wash off the walls again, which I did just before Christmas. At least it’s just the entrance walls, as the kitchen door, luckily, was closed. (Coblentz & Coblentz, 2010)

Another writer ended her scribe letter with this note: “Take a lesson from the clock, it passes time by keeping its hands busy” (Esh, 2010).

In addition to the value of “busy work,” the importance of sharing hard work also is emphasized in scribe letters. Often, those letters reflect not a single person toiling alone, but a family or community group laboring together, building bonds through shared effort, as did this group from Kentucky:

Monday evening most of the church men got together at Elmer’s to bale hay. . . . Wow! And bale hay they did! They worked at it till dark and still didn’t get it quite done. They stacked the bales in one of Elmer’s sheds and plan on selling it at Elmer’s sale for the school fund. Some of us ladies helped Elmer (Rosanna) quickly get some supper on for the hungry crew, afterward! Many hands make light work. (The Yoders, 2010)

That letter mentioned both men and women facing rather large jobs. By banding together to tackle those jobs, they maintain community. The social worth of not only working hard, but working together, is a value that is often heralded in scribe letters. The ability of a community to come together to sustain itself—and for individuals to do their part in that work—is a common theme in the national edition of The Budget. Along with one’s ability to attend church, one’s ability to work is often used as a measure of personal health, as was the case in this scribe letter: “A report on Allen Mast, who has cancer. He feels good, uses some natural remedies, and is able to work in his father-in-law’s harness shop (N&A Harness). He is able to come to church regular” (F. Yoder, 2011).

Although other types of work such as day labor, carpentry, and factory jobs are mentioned, farming is typically the central work focus in most scribe accounts. Those accounts emphasize farming and a rural lifestyle that helps national edition readers—even those who may not farm—take part in an imagined Anabaptist community based on traditional values tied to the land and nature. Writers also suggest that the culture exists in harmony with nature. Scribes often discuss songbirds, flowers, weather, gardens, and crops in the context of an idyllic, natural environment. Every national edition includes reproductions of drawings submitted by Amish and Mennonite children. Those drawings frequently depict farm scenes or other rural activities, such as hunting. A majority of the letters mention specific crops being harvested in that community at that time. During winter months when there is little to harvest, letters sometimes reference “seed catalogs” as being important—the shared experience of planning for the forthcoming growing seasons. Other aspects of farming discussed, such as the sale of farmland or the local prices of crops, can serve multiple purposes. That information helps reinforce the importance of agrarian life in the imagined Anabaptist community, and it can also provide a competitive edge to the farmers who read the newspaper (although that was never expressly stated in the letters reviewed here).

Farming is often portrayed as a family activity. The importance of keeping farms in the family is often mentioned, such as one letter from Pennsylvania:

This is the third generation Amish farming on that farm, the only one I can think of in Brush Valley. There are several places in Sugar Valley where the 3rd generation is farming. They had more older people moving, which is a very good idea. (C. J. Stolzfus, 2010)

Describing efforts to buy a large piece of land, a Tennessee scribe noted the importance of the agricultural lifestyle:

Our community has been looking for land to buy to start a new community for several years now without much success, at least in part due to the fact that what we were looking for is rather difficult to find. We are looking for 300 plus acres with good part tillable and of reasonable soil quality, preferably within horse and buggy driving distance from here, and all of that at an affordable price where we can hope to continue sustaining our families in an agricultural based lifestyle. (Martin, 2010)

The importance of finding a place where families can live in “an agricultural based lifestyle” is something that other writers refer to, even when that lifestyle does not dominate their personal lives. Scribes who find themselves in other settings temporarily described how they missed the simple rural lifestyle, as was noted by a couple who were staying in a hospital with a sick child: “A person has a hard time to think anything else besides this hospital life. It is something quite different than a country life!” (J. Schwartz & Schwartz, 2011). Letters often include jargon related to farming and Anabaptist lifestyle. Many of those references would be unfamiliar to readers who have little or no background in agriculture. For example, a New York scribe reported, “Spelts is being cut and oats are turning yellow. Early field corn is coming in tassel” (D. A. Miller, 2010). A Kentucky scribe noted the struggles of a large-scale tobacco farmer as follows: “Since the government bought up all the base 2 years ago it is now more of a risk to plant [tobacco] and have a market without a contract” (D. V. Miller, 2010). Readers unfamiliar with spelt wheat, the harvest of corn, or growing tobacco might find those passages difficult to understand. However, readers rooted in a farming tradition would likely comprehend the jargon.

Farming is not as commonplace in Amish life as it once was (Elder, 2014; Kraybill et al., 2013). However, the agrarian lifestyle is still important, even for scribes who do not work the land. One scribe from Michigan wrote,

It is a fall morning of 45°, though we’ve had temperature in the 70s this week and has been rainy some also. The 2 families that farm have been busy chopping corn and hauling out loads of silage. A lot of this corn was planted on our land. (Wagler, 2010, emphasis added)

Another writer in Pennsylvania explained,

We are just grateful that the hay is in, since John [the scribe’s husband] doesn’t have a lot of time to do it. I would be ready to call it quits as far as making hay, but he enjoys it and gives him something else to do beside sit in a truck all day! I actually did get out of helping this year since I was at work when he made it home to bale it. (Wengerd, 2011)

Farming is discussed in each of those letters, but the practice is not central to the economic lives of either scribe. However, the letters suggest that one need not be consumed by farming, or even take part in it, to be a part of the imagined community. By recognizing the importance of agriculture in Anabaptist identity, readers build connections to the cultural significance of an agrarian lifestyle and the values they associate with that lifestyle, such as dedication, sacrifice, and hard work.

Scribe letters address the importance of keeping other traditions alive as well. Distinctive dialect and traditional phrases are seen in many scribe letters, allowing readers to build connections with one another through the use of words such as “gma,” “youngie,” “nava huckers,” “maude,” “bestelt,” and “fremte.” ¹⁰ Speaking (and occasionally writing) in Pennsylvania Dutch (a German dialect) is another way to build imagined community around traditional language. Every Budget national edition includes a column written in Pennsylvania Dutch. Scribes also often discuss their use of the language as a way to connect with other Anabaptists, as did this Colorado scribe:

An Ohio load stopped hubby out by the road and the driver asked, “Gleichsh du eppleseise?!” ¹¹ An unusual saying to us, but guess not in Ohio. After asking for directions to Eli Mast’s home they proceeded there. Not finding Eli at home they left a note of thanks for the use of his rest room. Eli reported they used an unusual amount of toilet tissue for a one time pot stop. Looks like Eli has friends who also like to play tricks. (R. C. Yoder, 2010)

An ability to recognize the Pennsylvania Dutch phrase is crucial to understanding the anecdote. Other writers also share experiences through the traditional tongue:

We continue having beautiful fall weather but would be glad for a good soaker! This morning when I drove the children to school up Paul Overholt’s driveway I could hardly see from the “shtaab.” The word “dust” just doesn’t say it like the Pa. Dutch. (P. Yoder & Yoder, 2010)

Sunday morning there were these 2 grandfathers asking the 2 grandmothers about walking to church or driving? The grandmothers replied, “It’s a nice morning, let’s walk.” Grandfather replied, “Vel ich musz done der gahl ab chatta” (Then I must unharness the horse). (Stutzmans, 2011)

Many writers provide translations or otherwise recognize that some readers may not understand those passages. By including them, however, scribes build imagined community around traditions that, as a practical matter, may not be part of daily life for many readers.

The frequent repetition of traditional values in scribe letters reflects an understanding that those values are integral parts of The Budget’s community of readers. Their inclusion serves as a reminder of shared commonality. Aspects of Amish and Mennonite life, such as gender roles, language, appreciation for hard work, and relationship with God (developed in the next section) are key to the social structure in many Anabaptist communities. A close reading of Budget content suggests that those values are distinctively (but not necessarily exclusively) ours. The repetition of such seemingly simple benign aspects of life is of no small consequence. Billig (1995) noted that small words and concepts, rather than grand memorable phrases, “offer constant, but barely conscious, reminders of the homeland, making ‘our’ national identity unforgettable” (p. 93). Repetition also establishes a fixity of those shared ideals that, as economic trends in Amish communities show, are in many cases quite fluid.

Spirituality and Worship

The Budget’s guidelines instruct scribes to “[i]n general, omit items that could be considered ‘preaching,’” including sermon topics and phrases such as “Lord Willing.” Direct references to specific religious beliefs and practices were relatively rare among the sampled letters and were most common in letters written by missionaries. However, faith permeates every aspect of Amish life, including scribe letters. Through references to community events and observations about the world, scribes frequently illustrate the centrality of Godliness in their everyday lives. The national editor elaborated,

If you read the letters . . . you get a feel for God, you get a feel for who these people are, how they view God, how they live by God and the Bible with their sense of community, helping, that kind of thing. The religion part of it comes through even if it’s not preached as “this is what you do.” I’ve had English people say they get that feel, they have that sense of their commitment to God, community, church, family. So even if we don’t preach in our paper, it’s actually preaching. (F. Erb-Miller, personal communication, March 30, 2012)

Perhaps the most overt illustration of the importance of faith in scribe letters can be seen in the emphasis on worship services. Reports about regular worship services—sometimes referred to as “gma” or “gmay” by more orthodox writers who use Pennsylvania Dutch—were included in most of the scribe letters in the present sample. Those reports often appeared fairly early in the letters and include information such as where services were held, who visited, and who was absent. Cancellations of services due to bad weather or funerals are reported. Old Order Amish services are held in private homes, so letters often note where upcoming services are to be held. Old Order Amish church districts are often identified by the bishop’s name. Mennonite sects that worship in church buildings are usually identified by congregation name. Both groups often report the same basic worship service information. The inclusion of that information, and its prominence in letters, helps reinforce the already-important role of faith among Anabaptist readers; the description of religious practices underlying other aspects of their commonality will be agreeable to the vast majority of Budget readers and reinforces a “commonly understood sense of ‘us’” (Billig, 1995, p. 102). Regarding some matters of faith, Budget readers would disagree. However, those aspects of spiritual life were not central to the letters. Rather, letters focused on views of God and spirituality broad enough for most readers to recognize and appreciate.

Many scribe letters either begin or end with inspirational quotes or statements. Whether these quotes are humorous or serious, they almost always carry a spiritual or inspirational message. The passages reinforce a value system familiar to The Budget’s Anabaptist readers, regardless of sect, age, or geographic locale. In some cases, those quotes speak specifically to religious beliefs or activities. For example,

The prayers that carry the most weight and are of rarest beauty are those in which we don’t demand but just report for duty. (Zehr & Zehr, 2010)

We should follow where He leads and swallow what He feeds. (Schrock & Schrock, 2010)

Only when we have knelt before God can we stand before men. (Overholt & Overholt, 2010)

Quotes directly referencing God or spirituality occurred with some regularity. Nonetheless, quotes more often referenced faith more subtly by emphasizing values underpinned by the Anabaptist faith system, such as loving one’s neighbor, humility, a realization that God controls the world, and proper perspectives on one’s place in the world. For example, the following were used to conclude letters that appeared in the February 10, 2010, national edition:

When you think life is tough, take time to think of someone whose situation is worse than yours. (L. Stutzman, 2010)

Friendship is something the blind can see and the deaf can hear. (J. Yoder & Yoder, 2010)

An empty heart is a far greater misfortune than an empty purse. (Zehr, 2010)

Although those quotes are not overtly religious, all of them emphasize values that are rooted in the Amish and Mennonite faiths. By bookending their letters with such messages, scribes reinforce fairly broad religious beliefs in ways that would appeal to almost any Anabaptist reader, regardless of sect.

Mentions of church services and the inclusion of inspirational quotes and statements are common, almost structural elements of scribe letters. Other, less formulaic means of storytelling also convey the distinct value systems of The Budget’s Anabaptist readers and writers. Faith is often expressed through stories about everyday life occurrences, such as the weather, crop harvests, or illnesses. For example,

Winter Wonderland! Tree branches are hanging down because of their heavy load. We humans could never so quickly and prettily frost the outside world. (Hershberger, 2010)

Leroys and Ed Schrocks came home from Crab Orchard, Ky. on Tues. after visiting Joseph Yoder, their grandson and nephew. Lots of prayers have gone up on behalf of this young man that is so critically injured, which is a reason he is still here. (N. Miller & Miller, 2010)

In those examples, scribes emphasize God’s power in everyday life, a belief that would be familiar to the majority of The Budget’s Anabaptist readers.

Similarly, scribe letters reflect the notion that hardships bring individuals closer to their God. That value is often expressed directly, particularly when it relates to health problems or difficulties created by the weather. For example,

Little 6 month old Emma (Andy) Schwartz came through her open heart surgery well and was doing as good as can be expected. Poor little girl, hopefully God is sparing her the pain that seems so unfair to her! But, God is in control and maybe she isn’t suffering as much as the parents and family. At such times one feels so small as we realize it is all in the hands of a higher power. (Schmidt, 2010)

We were refreshed with .3″ of rain this week, while others got as much as 2″. Eva picked our first peas today, and said the prospects for a bumper crop like last year are not too likely. With our present water shortage, nothing is busting its shirt at the moment, but the summer is not over yet, and we still live in hope. The Lord has never yet forsaken the righteous, although we certainly can’t claim that rank either. (E. D. Burkholder, 2010)

Each example expressly recognizes a faith that God will provide fitting outcomes to difficult situations. Similar ideas can be expressed without direct references to God. For example, because of the physical nature of traditional Anabaptist life, an average national edition of The Budget includes accounts of farm- and work-related accidents. Often, readers are reminded that accidents that did not result in loss of life or serious injury could have been worse. For example,

Ben Troyer also had a minor accident that could’ve easily been worse from having a wire on a feeder made from wire panels hitting his face just below his eye towards his nose. It knocked his glasses off and also bled quite a bit. (J. Troyer & Troyer, 2010)

Elsie Yoder (Melvin L.) had an unpleasant experience the other week when going on Road 450. Her horse shied from a semi-gravel truck. He took the ditch and overturned the buggy. Elsie wasn’t hurt much, but had a very sore shoulder for awhile. The buggy needed some repairs, too, so could’ve been much worse. (Borntragers, 2010)

When discussing accidents, scribes also sometimes used words such as “mishap” and “setback” to describe injuries that did not kill or incapacitate, even when the injuries required stitches or trips to the hospital. By observing that seemingly bad conditions could always be worse, Budget scribes reinforce the importance of faith and the presence of God’s mercy.

Humility—another core value in the Anabaptist belief system—is expressed in a number ways. One of the more common methods scribes use to remind readers of the importance of remaining humble is through the use of humorous stories and anecdotes from their home communities. Often, those humorous stories involve community members who were involved in minor accidents that resulted in embarrassment more than injury, moments when a child got the better of an adult, or incidences of youthful indiscretion that did not involve moral violations. In some letters, such as the following, the main character in the story (the one who finds himself or herself embarrassed) is clearly identified:

One day last week our son Joshua decided to take his paintball gun to work. Guess he thought some excitement on their break would be fun. The crew was busily working inside the new house they are building when their boss, Ervin Miller, comes inside looking for something. He smelled juicy fruit gum and upon seeing the open bag of yellow paintballs grabs two of them and pops them in his mouth. Too late he discovered they were not what he was smelling. The crew wished so bad they could’ve seen the yellow juice he had to spit out, as he later told them the story, and wondered whose paintballs those were. The juicy fruit smell was for real as one of them was chewing that flavor gum. So next time you meet Ervin remember to ask him what flavor yellow (paintballs) gum balls are? (I. Miller, 2010)

In other cases, the main character is not identified by name, as in this account:

One lady had an embarrassing moment on Christmas morning when she came to church. She had a blue dress on and a black apron. Such things happen if it stays dark so long. (J. Stutzman, 2010)

In other letters, only members of the immediate community would easily be able to recognize the potentially embarrassed party, as in the following anecdote:

When Elis were here, their girls and more of our granddaughters went to son Marvin’s cabin to camp. In the middle of the night 2 boys slipped out of the house and went over to scare the girls. When they were outside the cabin, sounding like a wolf, the girls all went out to see the wolf. The boys took off, but the one boy got caught in the barb wire fence. Now the girls were the wolf. If you want to know how he got loose, ask Joseph. (R. J. C. Yoders, 2010)

By sharing their own embarrassing stories and those of others, and by encouraging proximate acquaintances to ask about those stories, letters actively reinforce humility in their communities and emphasize the value of humility among the broader readership. Those stories illustrate the value of dialog and social interaction as a way of creating meaningful bonds and memories that can be shared by families and/or communities. The importance of building memories—even bad ones—is sometimes expressly stated in stories of personal misfortune, as did this story of a family trip:

We toured a part of Mammoth Cave and visited Abraham Lincoln’s birthplace and boyhood home, but the trip was made even more memorable by a flat tire, rain-drenched camping, and running out of gas! (P. Miller, 2010)

Finally, scribe letters often reflect an ongoing cycle of life under the control of an all-powerful God. When scribes refer to the changing of the crop seasons, the passage of months and years, and the transition from winter to spring and spring to summer, they remind readers that the march of time is inevitable. When they write of time, scribes often do so in a way that reminds readers that it is fleeting. For example,

Feb. 5—Today 23 years ago something special was going on at my parents’ home in Ky. . . . [sic] our wedding! Contrasting with today’s snowy weather, that day was very mild, sunny and springlike. I do wonder where all that time went so fast! (Kilmer, 2010)

Individual geographically bounded Anabaptist communities are structured around Ordnung that set out specific guidelines for what practices are and are not spiritually acceptable in those communities. The broader imagined community fostered by The Budget is based on the much larger cultural system that preceded and made possible those distinct local traditions. That more general understanding of faith’s role in daily life and social structures allows readers to bond over commonality without dwelling on distinctions that might divide them. In ways direct and subtle, scribe letters remind readers of The Budget’s national edition that their existence should be a faithful, reflective one. The prominence of religion in the letters reflects a basic theme that most readers of The Budget likely would identify with and connect to, regardless of their geographic location.

Outward Symbols of Community

Many of the dominant themes of plain life that emerge in The Budget would be familiar to almost any Anabaptist reader, regardless of his or her sect. However, within Anabaptist life, there are a variety of distinct belief systems, and those systems separate sects from the ultra-conservative Swartzentruber Amish to the more modernized Mennonite Christian Fellowship. Those distinctions can be seen in the melting pot of letters that make up The Budget’s national edition. If a Budget scribe critiqued the belief systems or practices of other Anabaptists, such as whether they evangelized or how they traveled, it would violate the newspaper’s editorial policy regarding religious content and would result in the offending section being edited out of the letter. It would also go against the belief system of many Anabaptists if it were to be viewed as inappropriately judgmental or proselytizing. That is not to say that Budget readers do not occasionally object to the content of some letters on faith-based grounds or that they will always refrain from making those objections known. The Budget’s publisher recalled one instance in which a conservative Amish reader contacted him to complain about the inclusion of letters from international missionaries typically affiliated with more liberal Anabaptist groups. However, such complaints are rare (K. Rathbun, personal communication, March 30, 2012). Several common themes allow readers to distinguish different sects. In most cases, those distinctions are made through the expression of practices or traditions. Scribes occasionally use those same outward expressions to separate Anabaptists from non-Anabaptists, again, the “English.”

In some cases, sects are clearly distinguished in the subheadings of letters. That practice is most common among Mennonite writers who identify their local community by providing the name of their church. Distinctions are occasionally made within letters when both Amish and Mennonite people are involved in the news. That practice is fairly rare; it is most common in letters from Pinecraft, Florida, where many Amish and Mennonite families vacation during the winter. Letters from Pinecraft often refer to Amish and Mennonite church activities separately. In some cases, scribes who have encounters with members from other sects write about the differences and their reactions, as did one scribe from Kansas:

We’ve been hosting a 14 year old Mennonite girl from Newton last week and this week. She has no desire to join the Amish that I’m aware of, but her love of reading Laura Ingalls Wilder books and more recently, books about Amish characters, got her thinking it would be interesting to live a plain lifestyle. . . . I must say I was not immediately willing and rather skeptical of the whole idea, but hearing occasionally of her burning desire I gave in to a 4-day trial period. I was pleasantly surprised when Miss Epp came, in a dress as I’d requested. She’s quiet, gracious, polite, but opened up more later and has told me lots about her family and her life, and she’s willing to work, helping with whatever I’m doing. . . . I’m finding that I enjoy her company, she does not make me nervous, but it’s being a neat experience. I don’t think of her as an “English intruder,” but a soul that is just as precious to God as myself. . . . Life in town is quite different than out here in the country on a busy farm, but she loves the quiet peacefulness. (Knepp, 2010)

Generally, however, distinctions between Amish and Mennonites—and among the various sects within those groups—are much more subtle, and they are often based on language and daily practices. Differences are clear between more traditional Old Order writers who use Pennsylvania Dutch or other traditional phrases and others who use modern language. For example, modernized writers might refer to “girlfriend” or “boyfriend,” whereas a more orthodox sect’s scribe might use the more traditional phrase “special friend.” Scribes discuss evangelism, computer use, and education in ways that distinguish reformist groups from more orthodox sects. Perhaps the most common way writers differentiated their groups was through the description of travel. Rather than simply writing that community members “traveled” or “went” from one point to another, scribes often detailed the mode of transportation in ways that give hints about their communities’ beliefs. Not all Anabaptists eschew modern transportation: Some sects allow members to own and use motorized vehicles, and many others allow members to ride with “English” drivers or to use public transit such as busses, trains, and airplanes. Phrases such as “buggied,” “went with a driver,” “traveled by bus,” “drove,” and “traveled by air” help Amish and Mennonite readers recognize the relative diversity of the broader Anabaptist society.

Scribes also write with some regularity about their interactions with “the English.” Typically, the English are not mentioned by name in scribe letters, and their status as non-Amish people is often noted: Scribes write about “my English neighbor” or “an English store,” or discuss activities at a “non-Amish farm.” The following example is also typical: “A couple from Pearisburg, Va. was at the singing tonight. They were neighbors to Andy and Caroline there and came out here to travel back east with them next week. They’re not Amish” (B. Miller, 2011). Non-Amish individuals are sometimes named in when they have a direct connection to the local community. Often, they are in business with the local Amish, or they may be “drivers” paid to chauffer Amish people who object to driving on spiritual grounds. When they are named, their status as English is still noted, as was the case in this example:

Yesterday, Oct. 6, word came that Mrs. Sarah (Jake) Graber (non-Amish) also passed away after a short illness. . . . She had been a driver for several teachers and special ed students. (Jess & Jess, 2010)

Letters reflect how the comings and goings of the English are important to Amish and Mennonites. Scribes sometimes discuss the agricultural work of non-Amish farms, often comparing it with those in their own communities, as did a scribe from Ohio describing some planning of crops: “The English used nights also, but the Amish could not do it so fast, as Mon. and Tues. were very hot and humid and horses not used to it” (N. J. Stutzman, 2011). Scribes are also particularly interested when land changes hands between Amish and non-Amish. For example,

Our own farmland sold for $1,675.00 per acre. We rejected a $25,000 bid on the building site. Many of the homes were newly built and none brought their money’s worth. There were no plain group ¹² buyers. To the general population buildings hold little value. (Helmuth, 2010)

We stopped at Ickesburg Store for some supplies. The store has now changed hands since last Dec. It is now occupied by Amish. (Horning, 2010)

Writers also sometimes detail their personal interactions with the English, including incidents in which their value systems clash with those of the non-Amish world in which they live. For example, one scribe described being asked to testify in court (the scribe refused on religious grounds), and another recalled explaining to an English person why the Amish did not salute the American flag. ¹³ At times, scribe letters suggest that Anabaptist life is better than English life. For example, one missionary wrote, “I liked one of our church members comments when she told me she feels sorry for the unbelievers in our midst that do not understand our way of grieving” (R. Miller, 2011). Such references were fairly rare, however, and they came most often from missionaries describing the people to whom they were ministering. Those scribe letters differentiate the writers and their communities from the English, but did not directly challenge the beliefs of other Anabaptist readers.

More often, scribes say it is best to be open and accepting of the English. Outsiders are not typically written about in an overtly negative light, but scribes clearly differentiate the English outsiders from the newspaper’s primarily Amish and Mennonite audience. In some cases, those distinctions are fairly easy to recognize, as was the case when a New Mexico scribe described selling a puppy to a non-Amish couple from Albuquerque: “At last the folks pulled up in their late model Ford Explorer with its ‘Obama ‘08’ bumper sticker. The white-haired man tottered forth holding Tommy, a politically correct, neutered white male, on a leash” (Coon, 2010). The scribe went on to note the English couple’s struggle to deal with his more rambunctious dogs. At the end of the letter, the scribe observed, “I’m sure that Tommy and Tara [the other puppy] are best friends now. It’s just that, in spite of what some dogs owners think, dogs are—well—dogs.” In the same issue, another scribe described an interaction with some Pakistanis:

We have done a lot of chicken butchering in the past (over 5,200 birds), but never before did we butcher some for people like we did this week. They are from Pakistan, but live in the states now. Anyway, they came out to bless the chickens as they were dying! And we couldn’t chop the heads off, they wanted to just have a slit cut into the neck and bleed them slowly. Meanwhile the man was going to each chicken, blessing it in his own language, sounding more like “La La La!” Needless to say we were happy when the blessing was done and they went out the drive! The women wears a black scarf wrapped around her neck and head. (W. Yoder, 2010)

More often, however, the English are written about in a more neutral or positive light. For example, a scribe mentioned hosting for two weeks two children from New Hampshire: “We make furniture for their store. . . . They have never been around Amish much and are having a great time. (Beachy, 2011)

Another mentioned an English visitor in church, a college student who is studying culture:

I believe these students do this once a year or so, going to different Amish homes trying to learn more of our lifestyle. Hopefully, they don’t need to experience a “culture shock” while adjusting to our way of life during this short period of time. This girl yesterday was dressed like the rest of us and one would never have guessed that she’s not used to wearing a head covering, a long skirt, and our traditional church clothes, except for the revealing fact that she could not understand our Pa. Dutch dialect. I find this all rather interesting and think I could use one of these girls myself at this time to help me out with small tasks, but better yet even just to keep me company! (J. Miller & Miller, 2010)

In each of those examples, the distinction between Anabaptist and non-Anabaptist is important, even though the interactions are generally cordial. Scribes make a conscious effort to share stories about their interactions with English people and to share those stories from distinctly Anabaptist points of view. By making the distinctions, Budget scribes reinforce the notion that readers are “in the world, but not of the world” (J. A. Hostetler, 1980, p. 93), a notion that is central to Amish faith and an idea that is important in the reinforcement of a broader imagined community.

To Anderson, all “imagined communities” were naturally limited: “Even the largest of them, encompassing perhaps a billion living beings, has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations” (B. Anderson, 1983, p. 7). By making note of the things that make them different from others, Budget letters help set those boundaries for the newspaper’s readers. Through its user-generated content, the newspaper acknowledges that differences exist among its vast community of readers. The placement of those lines, a task handled more by scribes than the newspaper’s staff, has had significant economic consequences for the newspaper in the past—its largest competitor for Amish readers was formed by a group who believed The Budget’s content had strayed too far from traditional Old Order values (Barry, 2006; Nolt, 2008). Budget letters reflect the range of attitudes toward worship, evangelism, education, travel, and technology that exists among its readers, but they do so carefully and subtly. As Amish populations have grown in size and diversity, many community members find themselves in place-based communities that reflect complex “moral geographies” (Kraybill et al., 2013, p. 116). Kraybill, Johnson-Weiner, and Nolt underscore that “potent signs of cultural resistance” such as dialect, dress, and horse and carriage transportation are important signifiers that “the Amish are still Amish,” despite other cultural changes (Kraybill et al., 2013, pp. 132-133). This study extends their argument to the broader Anabaptist readership of The Budget. Distinctions among Anabaptist groups are often described in ways that establish the writer’s practices and preferences without alienating readers who might have different practices or preferences. When scribes write that “we traveled by buggy,” “we flew,” or “we visited our child in college,” they describe local decisions about which no public judgment is generally passed. Broader signifiers of commonality, such as faith in God and reverence for rural lifestyle, establish broader communion and divide insiders from outsiders.

Distinctions between The Budget’s Anabaptist readers and the rest of the world (vis-á-vis “The English”) are more likely to draw readers into a broader fold by drawing comparisons with outsiders. In the examples above, Amish and Mennonite writers referred to the perceived or witnessed ways their own religious practices, political involvement, attitudes toward animals (and, by extension, nature), work ethic, and spiritual fulfillment differed from the English people they encountered in their daily lives. These comparative passages may serve to create broader social/cultural boundaries that separate The Budget’s Anabaptist Us from a more worldly Them.