Examining Marital Violence in India

Abstract

Marital violence has been recognized globally as a grave public health concern with devastating consequences affecting the physical, reproductive, sexual and psychological health of women. This article is a narrative review about marital violence in India, an understudied subtype of domestic violence. We include both theoretical and empirical studies of legal definitions, incidence and prevalence, correlates of marital violence and the consequences of such violence on survivors (N = 18). In addition to examining the sociocultural context and correlates of marital violence in India, we discuss the implications of current knowledge and recommendations for reducing and responding to marital violence.

Keywords

marital violence India dowry burning violence against women

Key Points of the Research Review

There are limited studies that examine the nature and extent of marital violence in India and even fewer that specifically focus on the sociocultural context of marital violence in this predominantly patriarchal nation.

Often categorized as a subtype of domestic violence, some of the most common forms of marital violence in India are marital rape, dowry-related violence and deaths, and wife battering.

Due to cultural stigmatization associated with being a survivor of marital violence against women, women in India often experience secondary victimization at the hands of family members, friends, and the community.

There is a lack of empirical evidence to demonstrate that the practice of dowry and traditional norms in the institution of family and marriage lead to marital violence.

Marital violence causes severe short- and long-term negative consequences on the physical, psychological, and financial well-being of the affected women in India.

Introduction

Violence against women (VAW) has been recognized as a global public health concern that varies in severity, type, and impact on women (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Krishnan, 2005a, 2005b; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005; Vindhya, 2000). Even though women’s organizations, feminists and researchers have initiated paradigm shifts in understanding and ending VAW in India, it remains one of the worst forms of oppression faced by women. Such violence impedes women’s development and well-being and is a violation of their human rights (Johnson & Johnson, 2001).

Because no literature review on marital violence in India exists, this article addresses this gap. Empirical evidence exists mainly on risk factors (see Bloch & Rao, 2002; Khosla, Dua, Devi, & Sud, 2005; Koenig, Stephenson, Ahmed, Jejeebhoy, & Campbell, 2006) and consequences of marital violence in India (Chowdhary & Patel, 2008; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005). Such information comes from various sources including multisite studies, structured interviews, health records, self-reported surveys, and case studies.

We first review the sociocultural context of marital violence that explains the commonly held myths and attitudes about this form of violence in India. This includes the background and definitions regarding the dowry system in India and marital rape. Second, we examine the extent and nature of marital violence based on law enforcement reports and empirical studies of specific subtypes of marital violence in India, including the limited available national survey data. Third, we address the primary correlates and consequences of marital violence within India’s sociocultural and historical context. Finally, we discuss implications and recommendations for research and practice, in terms of resources and services available to survivors seeking help from abusive spouses.

This simple narrative review focuses on marital violence committed against adult women occurring between heterosexual married couples. The focus on women does not deny related problems of male victims of marital violence, the impact of marital violence on children (especially female minors), or violence against children in India. However, as violence against minors and males in India is different in terms of its etiology, consequences, and response strategies, it requires separate consideration.

Studies included here focused on various types of marital violence, both current and long term, experienced by women over age 15 and perpetrated by their husbands and in-laws; namely (a) physical violence, (b) sexual violence, (c) psychological violence, and (d) economic violence (see Table 1). In this study, we reviewed literature on marital violence in India from 18 identified studies from 1999 to 2011. Of these 18 studies, 15 were empirical studies while 3 were theoretical or/and policy based. In addition, this review covers the sociocultural context, definitions and prevalence, and correlates and consequences of marital violence in India. To identify relevant studies, we examined several article databases including: JSTOR, Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost, and Google Scholar using either terms or phrases such as marital violence, spousal abuse, spousal violence, marital rape, dowry, laws—VAW-India, and India violence against women. The search included peer-reviewed research articles, literature reviews, and other empirical studies and reports in online scholarly databases and reports from research organizations like the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW).

Table 1.

Summary Table of the Studies Reviewed.

No.	Authors	Types of Violence Studied	Study Sites	Sample and Methods	Significant Findings
1	Babu and Babu (2011)	Dowry deaths: death of a married woman murdered by her husband and/or in-laws Suicide-related dowry: suicide with dowry as principal cause	Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Tamil Nadu (15 states)	Multivariate regression analyses National Crime Records Bureau (2007), NFHS-3 (2005–2006), Planning Commission of India, Census of India 2001—data from 15 states were selected	74% increase in dowry deaths from 1995 (N = 4,648) to 2007 (N = 8,093) 31% increase in dowry-related suicides from 1995 (N = 2,407) to 2007 (N = 3,148)
2	National Crime Records Bureau (2011)	Domestic violence: cruelty by husbands and relatives (Section 498-A Indian Penal Code)dowry death: as per Section 302/ 304, Indian Penal Code	35 cities and megacities in India (megacity identified as having a population of more than 100,000 or more based on latest census) Nationally representative sample	Quantitative data analysis of the National Crime Statistics derived from police station reports from these megacities	5.4% increase in torture cases by husband and relatives reported from 2010 (94,041 cases) to 2011 (99,135 cases) in India 2.7% increase in dowry deaths from 2010 (8,391 cases) to 2011 (8,618)
3	Dave and Solanki (2000)	Cases of domestic violence identified through the reports made by women to the Special Cell Records included written statements by women about experiences and interactions with family	City of Mumbai The Special Cell for Women and Children records (Mumbai Police and TISS partnership)	Analysis of 2,930 Special Cell records and 1,071 noncognizable offenses from precoded questionnaire Also, textual analysis of in-depth case studies and field notes 15 criminal cases registered under Section 498A also analyzed	37.2% of women from records were aged 24–34, 28.2% were 18–24 years 64.1% women were married; 22.9% divorced/separated. 45.9% homemakers; and 29.6% service professionals
4	IIPS and Macro-International (2007)	Spousal violence defined as violence perpetrated by partners in a marital union, assessed by asking questions. For example, does/did your (last) husband ever do any of the following things to you: (a) slap you? (b) twist your arm or pull your hair? etc.	All 29 states of India Nationally representative study	Shortened, adapted version of the Conflict Tactics scale (CTS-2) to measure spousal violence with no/yes responses to questions Data from the NFHS (2005–2006) analyzed. Of sample of 124,385 women (ages 15–49), 69,704 were married women	54% of women believed it is justifiable for a husband to beat his wife for some reasons 1/3 of married women reported some form of spousal physical abuse (e.g., slapping [34%], hair pulled or arm twisted [15%], emotional violence [16%]) 10% of 69,704 married women reported husbands physically forced them to have sex
5.	INCLEN (1999)	Domestic violence is “any act of verbal or physical force, coercion, or life threatening deprivation directed at an individual woman or girl that causes physical or psychological harm, humiliation, or arbitrary violation of liberty, and that perpetuates female subordination”	Seven sites of India: Bhopal, Delhi, Chennai, Lucknow, Nagpur, Thiruvananthapuram, and Vellore Nationally representative study	Large 2-year multisite, population-based survey Random sample of 10,000 households surveyed with at least one woman 15–49 with at least one child under 18 living in household. Study assessed lifetime and current past 12-month prevalence of physical and psychological violence	Among married women, 10% experienced hitting, kicking, or beating in past year. Of those reporting physical violence, 50% experienced violence when pregnant 17% reported their husband was sexually involved with other women, and 82% reported husband’s infidelity as the reason they quarreled
6.	Rao, Indhu, Chopra, Nagamani, and Padaki (2000)	Records from not-for-profit organizations: types of violence reported, apparent causes of violence, women’s immediate needs, past support sought. Written narratives of women’s and caseworker perspectives on domestic violence and services provided Types of violence studied: (a) physical violence, (b) abuse of loved ones, (c) mental and psychological violence, (d) cruelty and torture, and (e) abuse from in-laws	City of Bangalore in state of Karnataka Two nongovernmental organizations, Vimochana and Janodaya selected and the Family Counseling Cell at Tilak Nagar Police Station and Police Commissioner’s Office	Quantitative secondary data analysis of 208 records and qualitative analysis of six interviews with caseworkers from three community domestic service organizations and one police station from 1996 to 1998	Of 208 cases, 94% reported physical violence, 75% reported mental and psychological violence, 24% reported acts of cruelty and torture 12% reported abuse of loved ones, and 5% reported in-laws abuse “Excuses” or “causes” of abuse given by women noted in records: 52 said dowry and 62 said tensions resulting from money or demands for her money
7.	Panchanadeswaran and Koverola (2005)	Physical violence Life-threatening violence Psychological violence Sexual violence	City of Chennai in Tamil Nadu state	Purposive sampling technique 90 abused women (aged 18 or older) seeking help to prevent violence by their husbands interviewed about abuse characteristics, consequences, and help-seeking behavior In-depth, face-to-face interviews, 60–90 min in length	44% reported abuse within a month after marriage. 79% reported violence on a daily basis, 23.3% were battered during pregnancy 47.8% were threatened with knives and other sharp dangerous instruments, 40% were burned or threatened by husbands and in-laws with fatal violence 31.1% of women reported some form of sexual violence
8.	Chhabra (2008)	Sexual violence during pregnancy	Unknown—information not reported?	Semistructured questionnaire with open-ended questions 2,000 pregnant women who had reported for antenatal care were interviewed—500 in first trimester, 600 in second trimester, and 900 in third trimester	Most husbands perpetrating sexual violence were either 30–39 years (53.5%) or 20–29 (44.5%) 30.7% of women were forced to have sex when pregnant, 19% first trimester, 39% second trimester, and 42% third trimester
9.	Tichy, Becker, and Sisco (2009)	Relationship violence between husband and wife using CTS-2 Examples included: a husband grabs his wife, calls wife stupid, has financial control in relationship and often refuses wife’s requests for money, pushes wife up against the wall in an argument when she is disobedient, burns, or scalds wife, makes wife have sexual intercourse with him even though she does not want to, etc.	Flyers posted in public locations of rural areas of Tamil Nadu including Chennai Metro, Mahabalipuram, Nungambakkam, Adyar, and Mylapore	64 currently or previously married women (18+ years) were surveyed (a) Demographics (b) Relationships Values Misperception Survey—level of agreement or disagreement about whether 11 acts are relationship violence (c) Revised CTS-2 (d) Posttraumatic Stress Diagnostic scale	63 women experienced some form of violence, while 58% failed to recognize their experience as abuse, 50% sought help for abuse The more abuse women experienced, the more likely they are to label and acknowledge it as abuse (r = 0.76, p < .0001) Women who experienced one form of abuse last year are more likely to have experienced others as well
10.	Panda and Agarwal (2005)	Physical and psychological violence—current and long term Long-term physical violence, current physical violence, and both long-term and current psychological violence	Household survey conducted in city of Thiruvananthapuram in the state of Kerala in 2001	502 ever-married women of ages 15–49 completed household survey—302 from rural areas and 200 from urban areas	Long-term physical violence: 61% of 179 women were hit, kicked, slapped, or beaten by husband and faced all four types of violence Long-term psychological violence, 1/5th had all six forms and 77% of them reported three or more incidents during marriage Physical violence during pregnancy was higher in rural areas
11.	Koenig, Stephenson, Ahmed, Jejeebhoy, and Campbell (2006)	Physical violence and sexual violence	Four districts in the Northern Indian State of Uttar Pradesh	Multilevel modeling Male Reproductive Health Survey, a component of a stratified, multistage cluster sample survey 4,520 husbands surveyed about perpetration of violence against wives	Husbands reported perpetrating physical violence (25.1%) or sexual violence (30.1%) against their wives in previous year Recent incidents of physical violence were less likely to occur among more educated wives and by husbands with greater education (7+ years education) than those with less education Women married to more educated husbands (7 + years education) reported greater odds of coercive sexual relations
12.	Visaria (1999)	Domestic violence: examines violence within women’s homes by their spouses and relatives	Five rural villages in the Kheda district of central Gujarat state	346 women were surveyed from 1996 to 1997 Five focus group discussions and 36 in-depth interviews with a subset of eligible surveyed women	Women from scheduled castes (81%) had the highest incidence of marital violence greater than women from lower caste (77%) 42% reported physical beatings or sexual assault; 23% suffered abusive language, belittlement, and threats
13.	Krishnan (2005a, 2005b)	Marital violence as defined and reported by participants	Study conducted in a taluk (an administrative subdivision) of Chickmagalur District, located in central part of Karnataka State	Ethnographic and participant observation from 1997 to 1999 20 semistructured and open-ended interviews and six group discussions with adult women and men from major local caste (ages 25–45)	Women reported range of violent experiences from verbal abuse, beating, and burning Women from poor and lower-caste families were not hesitant to raise the topic of marital violence, while women from higher caste, well-off families were reluctant to discuss violence and family dynamics
14.	Chowdhary and Patel (2008)	Spousal violence Lifetime violence assessed including all sexual, verbal, and physical forms of violence	State of Goa, smallest state in India located on west coast	Structured interviews with 1,750 married women attending a primary health center from 2001 to 2004 Lab tests for anemia and STDs were done and baseline measures of nutritional status and menstrual health	Of 1,750 married women, prevalence of health problems: dysmenorrhea (29.57%), low body mass index (28.8%) and anemia (19.3%), nonmenstrual abdominal pain (15.6%), and abnormal vaginal discharge (13.6%)
15.	Jaswal (2000)	Domestic violence defined as verbal, physical, and emotional abuse against adult women in the family setting	City of Thane in Maharashtra Sites included rural primary health center, one urban health post, one urban maternity hospital, the urban clinic, and the corporation hospital	The Department of Medical and Psychiatric Social Work at TISS in Mumbai analyzed 689 female patient records from clinics and health facilities from 1997 to 1999 In-depth interviews with 23 women followed by four focus groups	About 30% of women had attempted suicide or suffered fatal abuse due to marital violence 77.8% of probable violence cases were in hospital wards, and 20.8% were admitted to emergency rooms Almost half of the women reporting to hospital who likely experienced domestic violence were between 18 and 30 years old

Note. IIPS = International Institute for Population Sciences; INCLEN = International Clinical Epidemiologists Network; NFHS = National Family Health Surveys; STDs = sexually transmitted diseases; TISS = Tata Institute for Social Sciences.

Sociocultural Context

The incidence of marital violence of men toward their wives varies across cultures, as do the underlying causes. Studies demonstrate that individual and community factors, and societal responses may be linked to marital violence (International Clinical Epidemiologists Network [INCLEN], 1999; Prasad, 1999; Vindhya, 2000). Nonetheless, there is a need to explore the social institutions within which violence occurs, namely marriage and family in India. In order to define marital violence within the legal system and using a human rights framework, we first analyze the institution of marriage and family in India which may have led to commonly held myths about marital violence.

Role of Marriage and Family in India

In many traditional communities like India, marriage guarantees women a special status and married women are socially validated (Nanda, 2000). Traditional Indian society is characterized by “arranged marriages” in which respectable matchmakers such as family priests and relatives create matrimonial alliances between two families. Although the bride and bridegroom may be consulted regarding the alliance, the parents have the final say about approving the alliance (Nanda, 2000). In most cases, the bride and bridegroom may not get to spend much time with each other before making their decision. For example, in a study by Banerji, Martin, and Desai (2008), in a sample of 21,000 ever-married women (ages of 25–49 and entering marriages between 15 and 24 years), 86% of the women whose consent was not considered by their parents reported meeting their husbands for the first time on or around the wedding day, whereas 57% of respondents consulted by their parents reported meeting their husbands on the wedding day (Banerji, Martin, & Desai, 2008). However, caste, social status, socioeconomic status, and religion all play pivotal roles in the decision-making process for arranged marriages in most traditional societies in India (Nanda, 2000). Thus, understanding the role of marriage and family in India provides an in-depth perspective about traditional gender roles and relations in marriages.

In addition, scholars like Derne (1994) suggest that it is important to understand how gender inequality is reinforced and maintained in India through male dominance and the need to control women. The focus on men within patriarchal families restricts women to household duties and exerts family control over arranged marriage decisions and women’s sexuality (Derne, 1994; Tichy, Becker, & Sisco, 2009). However, the Indian marriage system is experiencing some drastic liberal changes due to the impact of globalization on lifestyle, values, and social processes. According to Kumari (2009), the transition is taking place from traditional patriarchal “joint extended families” to modernized independent “nuclear families” in India. The joint family is comprised of extended family hailing from three to four generations all living in one household while the nuclear family contains a single family belonging to one generation. Similarly, change is also taking place in the form of transition from traditional “arranged marriage” to “contemporary self-selected partner marriage.” Family structures and gender roles are clearly defined in India. For example, the traditional Indian society boasts of the system of joint family, subordinate roles for women in the household, patriarchy, and hierarchy (Derne, 1994; Nanda, 2000; Tichy et al., 2009). However, despite the societal transition to more liberal norms, it can be argued that marital violence is a subtype of family violence in India and despite the changing family dynamics, it is still prevalent and often overlooked (Kumari, 2009; Segal, 1999).

Rape Myths and Beliefs

In most societies, people believe in and may express rape myths toward women victims of sexual violence (Ryan, 2011; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010). Das (2010) explains that women affected by marital violence perpetrated by their husbands may face a double-edged sword due to cultural barriers and rape myths. For example, one of the common stereotypes relevant in India is that rape cannot happen within marriage. In addition to not knowing that they have been raped or victimized, the trauma and psychological aftermath faced by these women is often trivialized by society. For instance, Das argues that it may be commonly believed that “stranger rape” is more traumatic than “marital rape,” due to sexual intimacy expected among married couples that leads to minimizing effects of rape in marriage. In brief, Das (2010) and Chowksey and Srivastava (2010) explain that traditional culture, conservative attitudes, rape myths, male dominance, and loopholes in the legal system are some of the factors likely contributing to India’s neglect of marital violence. However, there is a lack of empirical evidence demonstrating the prevalence of marital violence-related rape myths in India.

Hence, the sociocultural and historical context, and commonly held beliefs and attitudes toward married women in India play a critical role in influencing the organizational and societal responses and reactions to survivors of marital violence. For instance, if survivors of marital violence are approached by organizations insensitively, then the survivors' feelings of helplessness and guilt can be aggravated (Buzawa, Buzawa, & Stark, 2011; Campbell, 2008; United Nations Population Fund, 2007). In addition, family matters are perceived as personal, thus outsiders should not intervene in them. There is a “culture of silence” associated with violence within the home (Shirwadkar, 2009). This often leads to an apathetic insensitive criminal justice system response to victims (Prasad, 1999). Survivors’ revictimization experiences are augmented through sociocultural practices and interactions with various institutions and agencies of the society (e.g., family, religion, education, health care, political parties, media, criminal justice system, and state; Buzawa et al., 2011).

Only in the past two decades has marital violence been addressed by social scientists (Anson & Sagy, 1995). Research on marital violence in India is viewed as threatening the traditional patriarchal family’s role as a primary form of social organization and support in society. The topic of marital violence often engenders strong cultural and family resistance due to the sensitive and intimate nature of marital violence (see Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005; Prasad, 1999). In addition to stigma and shame for the victims of marital violence, the traditional rituals of dowry practice in India play a pivotal role in contextualizing the risk factors and cultural practices that trigger marital VAW (see Babu & Babu, 2011; Bloch & Rao, 2002).

Although marital violence includes physical, psychological, economic, and sexual violence, only the highly overt forms of violence such as physical and sexual violence are usually addressed seriously. Survivors often have to experience secondary revictimization as they attempt to seek help and justice (Ahrens, 2006; Campbell, 1998, 2008). Hence, the repressed and subordinate status of women in a patriarchal framework and rigid family dynamics are likely to reinforce marital violence in India. The next section explores distinct forms of marital violence and how each type has been legally defined in India.

Legal Definitions and Manifestations of Marital Violence in India

There is no single widely accepted definition of marital violence in India. In the literature reviewed, researchers have used the terms domestic violence, spousal violence, spousal abuse, and violence against women in their studies. Nonetheless, all of these studies included married women and examined different forms of marital violence. Hence, we have used these terms above interchangeably with “marital violence.” Domestic violence is a broader term and focuses on violence within the domestic sphere, including relationships ‘such as’ between roommates, parent–child, siblings, cohabitating partners, and married couples. Even though cohabitation among unmarried couples is not illegal in India based on a decision by the Supreme Court, it may be still discouraged and looked down upon by the conservative region of the nation (Smith, 2010). However, in this study, the term marital violence is defined as violence (physical, psychological, sexual, or/and financial) taking place in a heterosexual marriage by the husband and his family members against his wife.

The most comprehensive legal definition covering marital violence is that proposed by the Indian Penal Code (IPC). The Section 498-A of IPC states the criminal law on domestic violence in India and is applied exclusively for marital situations between heterosexual couples and does not include offenses of domestic VAW in other relationships (National Alliance of Women, 2006). According to the IPC, Section 498-A, the criminal law on domestic violence states that:

Whoever, being the husband or the relative of the husband of a woman, subjects such a woman to cruelty shall be punished with imprisonment for a term, which may exceed to three years and shall be liable for a fine. “Cruelties” in this law means: (a) any willful conduct which is of such a nature as is likely to drive the woman to commit suicide or to cause grave injury or danger to life, limb or health (whether mental or physical) of the woman or (b) harassment of the woman where such harassment is with a view to coercing her or any person related to her to meet any unlawful demand for any property or valuable security or is on account of failure by her or any person related to her to meet such demand. (Mathur, 2004, p. 23)

In order to better protect women from all kinds of marital violence not covered by this law, some organizations like the Lawyers Collective played a pivotal role in bringing about drastic changes in these laws criminalizing domestic violence. The Lawyers Collective is a nongovernmental organization formed in 1980 in New Delhi and Mumbai (then called Bombay). This organization was formed by women lawyers and included lawyers, law students, and “people committed to the rule of law” (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004, p. 96). The Lawyers Collective launched the women’s movement initiating political action to implement laws preventing domestic violence in 2000. On International Women’s Day in 2002, the public was informed about the Protection from Domestic Violence Act by the Indian Parliament. This agency proposed drastic changes as the women’s movement had rejected the Act entirely. The Parliament’s original version of the Protection from Domestic Violence Act completely condoned the patriarchal system through protective measures for the husband by advocating the sanctity of marriage and legitimizing wife beating. The Act did not protect women in their marital or natal (birth parents or family) household and thus failed to challenge the patriarchal legal and governmental institutions in India (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004).

While India may share common subtypes of marital violence with other cultures such as family and domestic violence, sexual coercion and wife battering, this review categorizes the subtypes of marital violence as dowry-related violence and marital rape which are relevant in India.

Dowry-Related Violence

A dowry in India can be defined as “the property given to the daughter by her parents and family to take with her into marriage” (Johnson & Johnson, 2001, p. 1056). Dowry plays a significant role in the institution of marriage within India, as a father’s voluntary gift to her daughter during her marriage ends up being a compensation to the bridegroom and his family (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004). Kumar (2003) points out that the “practice of giving dowry is an ancient tradition and involves an ongoing series of gifts both before and after the marriage to appease the husband and the family” (p. 31). The modern version of the dowry system in India can be traced to the caste system, especially upper-caste practices of kanyadhan (meaning—gift of the virgin bride to the groom), varadakshina (gifts voluntarily given to the groom by the bride’s father), and stridhan (voluntary gifts given to the bride by relatives and friends of the bride; Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Srinivasan & Lee, 2004). Giving away an acceptable dowry amount from the bride’s parents to the bridegroom’s family may also symbolize their social status within society (see Bulbeck, 1998; Stone & James, 1995). It is possible to view dowry as a complex bargaining process between the groom and bride’s family. When compared to either the Muslim or the Christian community in India, the dowry system is more prevalent in the Hindu community (Kumar, 2003). Social customs such as dowry play a critical role in reinforcing the subordinate position of women in India. If these traditional norms are not followed by women, they are bound to face humiliation, alienation, and some form of marital violence (Tichy et al., 2009).

Dowry plays a major role in triggering marital violence in different parts of India mainly due to the negotiations and bargaining to obtain a substantial amount of wealth by the groom and his family (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004). In situations where the dowry demands are not met, young brides often face major physical and psychological harassment and torture by their husbands and in-laws (Kumar, 2003). Arrangements for the dowry amount can differ across families and sometimes the complete dowry may be given to the bridegroom prior to or on the wedding day. But sometimes, the bridegroom and his family demand more and are not satisfied with the amount. Women are found to be more likely to experience marital violence if they give relatively smaller dowries, whose in-laws have been dissatisfied with their dowries and those who have encountered post-wedding dowry demands (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Rocca, Rathod, Falle, Pande, & Krishnan, 2009; Vindhya, 2000).

Hence, scholars like Kumar (2003) and Prasad (1999) have explained that violence has been used as instrument of terror by the bridegroom and his family, who use it to demand further transactions from the bride after the wedding day. This vicious cycle of harassment and torture worsens especially if the bride’s parents are unable to offer the complete dowry prior to the wedding day. Often unable to bear the harassment and violence, these women may be killed or compelled to commit suicide through self-immolation (Kumar, 2003; see Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Rudd, 2001; Vindhya, 2000).

Dowry burning of a married woman is basically the act of dousing the wife/daughter-in-law with kerosene and lighting her on fire until death by the husband and in-laws. Other “accidental” reasons such as kitchen accidents have been given to justify dowry burning. Because of these explanations, such incidents fail to draw the attention of the judicial system (Johnson & Johnson, 2001; Vindhya, 2000). These extreme forms of violence also include “burnt wife syndrome” in which the husband throws acid at his wife mainly on her neck and face for alleged undesirable behavior and “dowry deaths” when a husband’s dissatisfaction with the wife’s dowry leads him to abuse his wife until he kills her (Babu & Babu, 2011; Tichy et al., 2009).

Dowry-related violence and deaths in India affect women’s physical health and are a major cause of women’s increased rate of mortality (Babu & Babu, 2011). Like other forms of VAW, dowry-related harassment or dowry-related violence is underreported (Panda & Agarwal, 2005). Like marital violence, the act of dowry has also been criminalized in India but unfortunately, the law has been not strictly enforced and followed by law enforcement officials, so the practice of giving dowry as well as dowry-related burning still occurs today (Babu & Babu, 2011, Vindhya, 2000). In 1961, the Dowry Prohibition Act was implemented forbidding the giving and receiving of dowry in India, but this law was ineffective, which led to 1984 and 1986 amendments to the Dowry Prohibition Act (Johnson & Johnson, 2001).

The second amendment in 1986, the “Dowry Death” statute, section 304 of the IPC made it a crime by the husband and his relatives if a woman died of nonnatural causes within 7 years of marriage and if her husband and his relatives had harassed her just before she died. Unfortunately, these amendments have not been successful in decreasing the rate of dowry-related and marital violence in India (Greenberg, 2003). For instance, Greenberg (2003) highlighted an increase in the rate of dowry deaths and cruelty by husbands against their wives following the amendments. Thus, studies show that even the criminal justice system favors reconciliation and compromise by the abused woman in cases of marital violence. Criminal justice system personnel often prioritize continuation and stability of marriage over safety of abused women (Greenberg, 2003; Vindhya, 2000). Women are likely to experience insensitive and harsh responses by the criminal justice system if they intend to report a dowry harassment or report marital rape. Marital rape is also overlooked by lawmakers and the criminal justice system (Chowksey & Srivastava, 2010). To summarize, studies show the dowry system contributes to marital violence and poses a significant risk of death for women, especially if they are unable to afford the dowry.

Marital Rape

Das (2010) defines marital rape as “unwanted intercourse by a man on his wife obtained by force, threat of force or physical violence or when she is unable to give consent … the words ‘unwanted intercourse’ refers to all sorts of penetration (anal, vaginal or oral) perpetrated against her will or without her consent” (p. 62). According to Das, marital rape can be categorized as rapes involving violence, those using coercion to control the victim, and sadistic rapes.

In the United States, stranger rapes are treated more seriously than acquaintance or intimate rapes (e.g., boyfriends and husbands; Stermac, Del Bove, & Addison, 2001); but sexual assaults are more commonly perpetrated by known offenders (Ullman, Filipas, Townsend, & Starzynski, 2006). Das (2010) asserted that women are at a higher risk of being raped by their partners if they are married to dominant men who objectify them, are in physically abusive relationships, are pregnant, or are sick, separated, or divorced.

The subordination of women in society has been reinforced by the lack of awareness and trivialization of marital rape and sexual coercion in criminal and civil law in India (Chowksey & Srivastava, 2010; Das, 1010). According to Waldner, Vaden-Goad, and Sikka (1999), sexual coercion that takes place between intimate partners is likely to occur within a marriage because couples in India may not date due to the predominant practice of arranged marriage approved by the elders in the family. This usually leads to women having limited social life and interaction with the opposite sex (Hindin & Hindin, 2009). Women who engage in premarital sexual relations may feel shame and guilt, since the society only approves of sexual relations in married couples (Subaiya, 2008). In addition, Hindu Laws clearly emphasize that it is the wife’s duty to submissively obey her husband and stay under his protection (Agnes, 1992). Besides rigid gender relations and “double standard” gender norms expected from women, laws against marital rape in India further aggravate the trauma experienced by survivors of marital rape, thus reinforcing revictimization (Chowksey & Srivastava, 2010; Das, 2010). For instance, Gable, Gostin, and Hodge (2008) point out that perpetrators of marital rape are not adequately punished for their crime due to major loopholes in the law. According to Section 375 IPC, a husband is not guilty of rape if he has nonconsensual sex with his wife aged 15 or older. The punishment is less severe for marital rape even if sexual violence is reported and the offender is prosecuted.

Thus, the offense of marital rape in India has not been adequately accounted for in the law and criminal justice system. Basu (2005) argues that “the law does not punish rape within marriage if the woman is over fifteen years of age … forced sexual intercourse is an offense only when the woman is living separately from her husband under judicial separation/custom; [and] it must be remembered that situations of marital rape occur within the confines of the home, therefore there are no witnesses to the crime” (p. 8). Thus, this indicates that if the husband engages in nonconsensual sex with his estranged wife living separately under a separation decree, this forced sexual intercourse will be considered a criminal offense punishable by 2–7 years imprisonment. The Women and Child Development Ministry and the National Commission for Women (NCW) recommended amendments to certain clauses of the IPC, the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973; and the Indian Evidence Act, 1872. The Criminal Law Bill (Amendment) has been drafted and proposed by the Department of Legal Affairs, which accommodates and recognizes new categories of sexual offences such as sexual assault in any form, including marital rape (Pandey, 2010).

Consequently, there are several organizations in India such as the NCW that have strongly recommended criminalizing marital rape in laws. For instance, the Commission proposed that sexual intercourse by a husband with his own wife against her consent should be criminalized as sexual assault (Das, 2010). Despite rigorous legal actions and amendments to the laws to deter marital rape, many survivors feel guilty and distressed. Das (2010) states those survivors’ experiences of being told that their victimization is “not a real rape” and encountering victim-blaming attitudes may lead to less filing of complaints and reporting to police. Social stigmatization, cultural traditions, and gender bias are structural hurdles that discourage women from reporting acts of sexual violence, especially experiences of marital rape (Prasad, 1999).

Studies on rape and sexual coercion in marriage demonstrate the urgent need to develop clear and comprehensive definitions criminalizing any form of unwanted marital sexual experience. In addition, traditional norms and societal expectations embedded in the roles of the submissive wife and dominant husband in India both serve to condone marital sexual violence. We will now review trends and patterns of marital violence in India, using data from police, research studies, and representative samples from health agencies in India.

Incidence and Prevalence of Marital Violence

This section examines the legal definitions and reports and statistics on marital violence from law enforcement agencies and crime reports in India. A majority of the studies reviewed in this essay utilized surveys and interviews as a method to study the prevalence and nature of marital violence. However, few studies focused on secondary analysis of official records and women’s narratives from police agencies and law enforcement units in India.

Law Enforcement Agencies

The National Crime Records Bureau (2011) annually compiles and publishes national crime statistics since 1953 in all states and territories in India. According to a report published in 2011, “Crimes in India,” the IPC rate of torture cases (cruelty by husband and relatives) against women accounts for 43.4% of total crimes against women (N = 2, 19,142). Among the total crimes against women in 2011, there was a 5.4% increase in torture cases by husband and relatives reported from 2010 (94,041 cases) to 2011 (99,135 cases) and a 2.7% increase in dowry deaths from 2010 (8,391 cases) to 2011 (8,618).

The Mumbai Police and the Tata Institute for Social Sciences (TISS) partnered to create the Special Cell for Women and Children in 1984, a coalition between law enforcement and the women’s movement. In a study of Special Cell records, the TISS researchers included data of approximately 3,000 Special Cell case records from 1990 to 1997 that included written statements by women and social workers of interactions and discussions with women and their families from three Special Cells located in different parts of the city of Mumbai. Field notes from researchers’ participant observations of the Special Cell and 2,930 records from the Special Cell, 1,071 records from the noncognizable offenses register, and 15 criminal cases were analyzed (Dave & Solanki, 2000). In this study, the term domestic violence was identified as a cognizable offense from Section 498A of the IPC. Both physical and mental cruelty against women within marriage are recognized under this law, and an accused person can be arrested without a warrant. The term cognizable cases referred to criminal offenses that may result in (a) either the death penalty or lengthy imprisonment and (b) undergo investigation and trial in a Sessions Court; while the term noncognizable criminal cases refer to cases that (a) may bring severe punishment and (b) can involve a hearing or dismissal by a magistrate without a trial (p. 2). The analysis of Special Cell records showed that 60% of women reported violence within joint or extended family households, mostly by husbands. Field notes indicated that battered women are in an environment that condones violence due to active encouragement or tacit approval by the husband’s family members. In two thirds of cases, the woman accused the husband; while in nearly one third of cases, the woman’s mother-in-law was named as the husbands’ accomplice (Dave & Solanki, 2000). Hence, these findings suggest that women in India have no immediate social support, as they experience marital violence from multiple perpetrators in the household.

Representative Prevalence Studies

Large multisite representative health studies indicate that marital violence in India affects women across all castes, socioeconomic status, religion, education and employment, and geographic regions. There is a lack of official national surveys focusing on marital violence in India, thus suggesting the need for additional research. However, representative multisite surveys conducted by International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) and INCLEN also provide a deeper insight into the prevalence of marital violence and other forms of VAW in different parts of India. For instance, the Indian Ministry of Health and Family in collaboration with IIPS have conducted three National Family Health Surveys (NFHS) between 1992 and 2006 (IIPS and Macro-International, 2007).

Although these surveys provide nationally representative data on various population and health indicators, the 2005–2006 NFHS-3 was the first nationally representative survey that included questions about spousal (marital) violence in a sample of 69,704 married women. Spousal violence in this study is referred to violence perpetrated by partners in a marital union and has been measured using a shortened and adapted version of the Conflict Tactics scale. The survey findings showed that one third of married women ages 15–49 in India experienced some form of physical marital violence. Physical violence is measured with questions such as: (does/did) your (last) husband ever do any of the following things to you: (a) slap you? (b) twist your arm or pull your hair? (c) push you, shake you, or throw something at you? (d) punch you with his fist or with something that could hurt you? and so on. More specifically, 12–15% of married women reported either having their arms twisted, being pushed, shaken, kicked, dragged, or beaten up. One in three married women reported being slapped by their husband. Sexual violence experienced by married women is measured with questions such as if they were forced into having sexual intercourse when she did not want to and was forced to perform any sexual acts. In terms of sexual violence, approximately 10% of these women had experienced forced sex and one in seven had reported physical injuries due to marital violence. In addition, emotional violence is measured in terms of marital control exercised by the husbands. For example, women were asked questions if their husband gets jealous or angry if she talks to other men, frequently accuses her of being unfaithful, and so on. Among the sample of 69,704 married women, 26% reported that their husbands showed jealousy or anger if the wife talked to other men, followed by the next most common controlling behaviors such as the wife not being trusted with money (18%) and not being allowed by their husbands to meet her female friends (16%). More shockingly, 54% of the women believed it is justifiable for a husband to beat his wife if the woman disrespects her in-laws or neglects her home and children (IIPS and Macro-International, 2007).

Indian members of INCLEN conducted a large 2-year multisite, population-based survey of domestic (marital) violence in India in 1997. In this study, the term domestic violence has been used and was defined as any act of verbal or physical force, coercion, or life-threatening deprivation directed at an individual woman or girl that causes physical or psychological harm, humiliation, or arbitrary violation of liberty, and that perpetuates female subordination. A random sample of 10,000 households were surveyed that had at least one woman age 15–49 years with at least one child under 18 living in the household. This study assessed lifetime and current past 12-month prevalence of physical and psychological violence. Approximately 43% of women reported experiencing at least one kind of psychological violence and 40% at least one form of physical violence. Among married women, about 10% reported experiencing hitting, kicking, or beating by husbands in the past year. Of those reporting physical violence, approximately 50% experienced violence when pregnant. In addition, sexual control was used as an instrument of emotional violence by the husbands. For example, 17% of women reported their husbands being sexually involved with other women, while a majority of women (82%) reported their husband’s infidelity as the reason of quarrel (INCLEN, 1999). Men’s sexual aggression against their wives in India may not only manifest in various forms of sexual assault and other unwanted sexual experiences by husbands but also through dominance and sexual control over women. The next section reviews studies conducted by researchers and social service agencies of incidence and prevalence of various subtypes of marital violence in India.

Social Service Agency and Other Empirical Studies

Researchers and social service agencies have also conducted studies on the nature of marital violence, its trends and patterns and the abused women’s experiences in India. For instance, studies by Chhabra (2008), Panchanadeswaran and Koverola (2005), Panda and Agarwal (2005), and Tichy, Becker, and Sisco (2009) use semistructured questionnaires or/and surveys or in-depth interviews to examine the definitions and prevalence of marital violence reported by married women in India. However, one must note the differences in the demographics of the population sample used in these studies. For instance, the sample recruited by Panchanadeswaran and Koverola included abused married women, and the study by Chhabra included pregnant married women. While, Panda and Agarwal and Tichy et al. recruited a broader representative sample, in which married women were a part of the sample.

Marital violence was assessed and measured using variables such as physical, psychological, and emotional violence, both current or/and long term. Panchanadeswaran and Koverola (2005) conducted a study of 90 abused South Indian women using semistructured questionnaires followed by in-depth interviews. In this study, “physical violence” included slapping, beating with objects, kicking, and acute battering during their pregnancy. While “violence endangering lives” included threatening the women with knives, threatening or attempting to burn and choke the women with rope or chord. “Psychological violence” referred to insulting the women in presence of others, disallowing her to interact with parents and children, threat of death, and financial deprivation. Finally, “sexual violence” in this study referred to forced sex, sexual pervasions, or sexual abuse by male relatives. More than 44% reported experiencing abuse within a month after marriage. Approximately 79% of the 90 abused women experienced violence on a daily basis and 23.3% experienced brutal incidents of battering during pregnancy. Further, 47.8% of these women reported being threatened with knives and other sharp dangerous instruments and 40% had been burned or threatened by husbands and in-laws with fatal violence. Other psychological violence included husbands disallowing communication with women’s own parents and/or children (82.2%), “economic deprivation,” (61%) and “severe emotional trauma” (33.3%). Approximately 90% of the women reported being insulted by their husbands in front of others and 82.2% women were not allowed to interact with their families and children. Furthermore, 31.1% of the women reported experiencing some form of sexual violence (Panchanadeswaran and Koverola, 2005). These findings demonstrate that married women may face either one or several forms of marital violence in their lifetime, a pattern that suggests chronic and vicious violence.

Panda and Agarwal (2005) conducted one of few studies using the term “marital violence” that examined the role of women’s property status in India as a predictor of violence against them. A sample of 502 ever-married women 15–49 years of age were administered a household survey, with 302 respondents from rural areas and 200 women from urban sites. This study was conducted in the city of Thiruvananthapuram in the state of Kerala in 2001 and surveyed women about a range of household level and individual variables. For example, factors like the household’s consumption expenditure and employment status of respondents were assessed. Long-term physical violence was measured with four types of behavior: slapping, hitting, kicking, and beating. Current physical violence included six types such as slapping, kicking, beating, threats or use of a weapon, and forced sexual intercourse. In addition, both long-term and current psychological violence were measured in terms of six types: insults, belittlement, threats to the women or relative, made her afraid, and threat of abandonment.

In terms of long-term physical violence, Panda and Agarwal (2005) found that 61% of the 179 women who had reported being hit, kicked, slapped, or beaten by their husbands, had also experienced all four types of violence. In addition, 90% of the respondents who had experienced long-term physical violence had suffered at least three types of violence and 68% reported three or more incidents of violence. In terms of long-term psychological violence, nearly one fifth experienced all six forms and 77% of them reported three or more incidents during their marriage. Physical violence during pregnancy was found to be higher in rural areas. For example, 56% of the rural women reported being slapped, kicked, hit, or beaten. Also, in terms of current violence reported in the past 12 months, the analysis showed that 29% of 443 currently married women had experienced some form of physical violence, while 49% had experienced some form of psychological violence. Thus, sexual violence may be a lifetime experience for women in India, as they are not even spared during pregnancy.

The study by Chhabra (2008) also supports the finding that sexual violence in marriage is likely to increase during the later stages of the women’s pregnancies. Chhabra interviewed a nonrandom sample of 2,000 pregnant women in India and found that 30.7% were forced to have sex when pregnant, with 117 (19%) during first trimester, 240 (39%) during second trimester, and 258 (42%) during third trimester of pregnancy. These findings indicate that marital rape not only affects their reproductive and sexual health but also leads to trauma and psychological aftermath. Hence, the studies reviewed so far assess and measure the different forms of marital violence in terms of physical, psychological, and sexual violence experienced by women. While studies by Chhabra and Panda and Agarwal (2005) highlighted the prevalence of sexual VAW by their husbands; the study by Tichy et al. (2009) aims to study the relationship between the women’s perceptions of marital violence and their abusive experiences.

Although there have been studies examining what “reasons” or “excuses” abused women provide to justify the violence perpetrated against them by their husbands (INCLEN, 1999; Rao, Indhu, Chopra, Nagamani, & Padaki, 2000), there have been not many studies that examine perceptions of marital violence by married women and how they relate to their experiences and help-seeking behavior. Examining the definitions and perceptions of marital violence by married women in India may play a critical role in highlighting the loopholes in the legal and judicial system, and hence needs further research. Tichy et al. (2009) recruited a sample of 64 women (currently or previously married), at least 18 years of age, both from urban and from rural areas of South India to examine the correlation between women’s abusive experiences and perceptions of marital violence. All 64 women except for one experienced violence, and 78% agreed that marital violence is a social problem to a certain extent. In addition, women who have experienced a higher incidence of violence were more likely to label their experiences as “abuse.” In summary, women who do not realistically perceive their abuse are less likely to seek help. Hence, this study provides important findings about how women define and perceive their own victimization as marital violence and how it may affect their help-seeking behaviors.

The ICRW has supported and published extensive empirical research by scholars on different aspects of VAW in India in collaboration with nonprofit organizations. Dave and Solanki (2000) and Rao, Indhu, Chopra, Nagamani, and Padaki (2000) used official records from nongovernmental organizations and law enforcement agencies in their studies. Rao et al. (2000) of Hengasara Hakkina Sangha, a nongovernmental organization in India, conducted a study using records (N = 208) and stakeholder narratives from three community domestic service organizations and one police station from 1996 to 1998 based in the state of Karnataka.

In the study conducted by Rao et al. (2000), the types of violence reported, apparent causes of violence, women’s immediate needs, and support sought in the past were identified from the records of the not-for-profit organizations and police station reports. The written narratives of women and caseworker perspectives on domestic violence and services provided were analyzed. The following types of violence were studied: (a) physical violence—includes slapping, kicking, hitting, beating with hands or fist, violence during pregnancy, use of a weapon, and sexual violence, and so on, (b) abuse of loved ones—includes physical or mental cruelty and abuse to complainants’ children or her parents, (c) mental and psychological violence—such as threats, verbal abuse, harassment including insults, threats for dowry and income, humiliation, and threat of death, (d) cruelty and torture—confinement and deprivation, control of her outings, abandonment, theft, or destruction of property, and (e) abuse from in-laws physical or psychological violence directed toward the women by one or both of her in-laws. The two nongovernmental organizations, Vimochana and Janodaya were selected for this study, in addition to the Family Counseling Cell located at the Tilak Nagar Police Station and Police Commissioner’s Office (Rao et al., 2000).

Based on a secondary analysis of 208 cases in Rao et al.’s (2000) study, 94% of women reported experiencing physical violence (e.g., slapping, beating, hitting, throwing objects, violence during pregnancy, use of a weapon, sexual violence, and attempts to poison or kill), 75% experienced mental and psychological violence (e.g., threats, verbal abuse, harassment, insults, threats for dowry and income, and threats to kill and humiliating actions); and 24% experienced cruel and torturous acts (e.g., confinement and deprivation, forcing to eat disgusting things, destruction of property, throwing her out of the house and desertion). In addition, 21% of the cases referenced sexuality as a precipitating factor for violence. For instance, women gave excuses for what triggered the violence such as actual or suspected infidelities by either partner, if they resisted intercourse by their husbands, their husbands remarrying another women and forcing their wives to have sex with other men.

Therefore, these studies indicate how women justify or provide excuses for their husbands’ violent behavior, perhaps because of the ways they perceive and acknowledge their victimization. In addition to individual- and family-level factors, we next review some critical macro-oriented correlates that may trigger marital VAW.

Correlates of Marital Violence

Several studies have documented multiple risk factors associated with incidents of marital violence such as economic instability, education and employment status, and inadequate dowry given by the wife (see Dave & Solanki, 2000; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005; Rao et al., 2000). This section explores some of the important correlates of marital violence, namely socioeconomic status, education and employment status, and caste.

Socioeconomic Status

In a study by Tichy et al. (2009), an analysis of the surveys completed by 64 women, of at least 18 years of age, from the state of Tamil Nadu showed that women of higher socioeconomic status were less likely to report (marital) violence affecting their own social class and more likely to have false perceptions about marital violence. Higher social status was related to less help seeking, less recognition of being abused; and less awareness that marital violence affects women of all social classes.

However, the next study suggests that women from all socioeconomic status are equally at a risk of experiencing marital violence., Dave and Solanki (2000) found that the women’s lower socioeconomic status increases the likelihood of experiencing marital violence. The analysis of Special Cell records showed 64.1% of 2,930 cases of marital violence were low-income women versus 21.3% in middle-income women. Although higher class women are less likely to report and acknowledge being abused by their spouses, this does not reflect the rates of violence they actually experience. Similar findings were reported by Panda and Agarwal (2005) in a random household survey of 502 women aged 15–49. Using per capita expenditure as an indicator of socioeconomic status, the study showed a lower incidence of physical and psychological violence (18.5%) was associated with higher economic status (>Indian rupees 12,000 per year, US$1 = approx. Indian rupees 49). However, it must be noted that the sample size, study site, demographic profile, and the methods used in these studies vary, thus making it difficult to accurately compare the findings.

Education and Employment

Studies show mixed findings on the role of education and employment status of the abused wife and husband on the probability of marital violence. Koenig et al. (2006) administered the Male Reproductive Health Survey to a sample of 4,520 married men in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Physical violence was measured with a question asking if the “husband had physically hit, slapped, kicked, or tried to hurt his wife during the year prior to the survey.” Sexual violence was measured with a single question asking if the “husband had physically forced his wife to pursue sexual relations during the year before the survey.” In this study, recent incidents of physical violence were less likely to occur among the more educated wives and husbands (7+ years of education) than those with moderate levels of schooling. Nonetheless, women married to more educated husbands (7+ years of education) reported experiencing higher risks of coercive sexual relations. These findings show that wives are more likely to be compelled to engage in sexual intercourse when husbands of higher education desire it. When women resist their husbands’ wishes, the husbands are more likely to use physical force and coercion. The next study by Panda and Agarwal (2005) shows how both the education level of the wives and the employment status of the husbands are likely to predict marital violence.

In the study by Panda and Agarwal (2005), a random household survey was administered to 502 women, ages 15–49 in the state of Kerala. The analysis found lower incidence of physical and psychological violence among highly educated spouses, but when wives are less educated than husbands, long-term psychological violence is higher. Husbands with regular employment are least likely to inflict physical and psychological violence, while unemployed husbands are most likely to inflict violence on their wives. However, women with regular jobs suffered less marital violence than those with temporary jobs. The findings also suggested that women with regular employment have higher social class, higher education, and urban neighborhood residence, whereas those with seasonal or temporary jobs may have lower income, education, and live in rural locations.

Nevertheless, studies show that both employment and education status of the husbands and wives are likely to be predictors of marital violence. Wives with better employment than their husbands experienced a higher incidence of physical violence. That was attributed to underlying negative consequences of unemployed husbands at home leading to strain, frustration, alcohol use, and use of violence for resolving conflicts (Panda & Agarwal, 2005; Visaria, 1999).

Caste

According to a major ethnographic survey project, “People of India” project conducted by Anthropological Survey of India, “the Indian society is primarily made up of endogamous caste groups variously estimated to number between 40,000 and 60,000” (Joshi, Gadgil, & Patil, 1996, p. 6387). The “scheduled castes” have been identified by the Indian Government in the 1950 Constitution as historically disadvantaged lower castes in terms of socioeconomic status. Members of scheduled castes rank at the lowest level of the caste system and suffer the greatest marginalization (Ackerson, Kawachi, Barbeau, & Subramanian, 2008; Srinivasan & Lee, 2004).

The caste system also plays an important sociocultural determinant in the prevalence of marital violence in India, in terms of women of scheduled caste (also known as the untouchable or dalit—the lowest caste in the hierarchy) seeking help to deal with their victimization. Visaria (1999) conducted a study from 1993 to 1997, in which 346 women completed questionnaires, followed by five focus group discussions and 36 in-depth interviews in rural Gujarat. Women from scheduled castes (81%) reported the highest incidence of marital violence followed by women from lower caste (77%). The impact of the women’s caste on marital violence may also differ across India due to hierarchical differences across subcultures. For instance, in a study by Krishnan (2005a), women from relatively poor and lower caste families were not hesitant to raise the topic of marital violence in their interviews, while women from the upper-caste families were very reluctant to talk openly about their family dynamics and marital violence they may have experienced.

In addition to the socioeconomic status, education level and employment status, and the caste; other demographic and sociocultural factors such as women’s age at marriage, insufficient dowry amount, shorter length of marriage, and alcohol abuse by husbands all increase the likelihood of marital violence (see Krishnan, 2005a, 2005b; Panchanadeswaran & Koverola, 2005; Panda & Agarwal, 2005; Rao et al., 2000). Therefore, not only are women affected by marital violence in India, but they may also be unable to acknowledge their abuse, understand factors causing the violence, and face barriers to getting help. These challenging circumstances and barriers while coping with their trauma and seeking help often result in both short-term and long-term consequences on their health and well-being.

Consequences of Marital Violence

This section reviews various consequences of marital violence for women. Marital VAW shatters the image of the home as a protected space for women. Thus, marital violence has physical, psychological, and economic effects on women and children. We will now review studies that of physical, psychological, and economic consequences of marital violence on women.

Physical Health

Studies show that marital violence leads to serious physical injuries in women. In a population-based cohort study, Chowdhary and Patel (2008) conducted structured interviews with 1,750 married women attending a primary health center in Goa. Multivariate analyses showed that the most prevalent health problems were dysmenorrhea (29.57%), low body mass index (28.8%) and anemia (19.3%), nonmenstrual abdominal pain (15.6%), and abnormal vaginal discharge (13.6%).

Psychological Health

Similarly, sexual coercion or sexual violence in marriage also has a negative impact on women’s psychological health. For instance, Desai (2005) suggests that absence of condom use in marital sexual coercion leads to a higher risk of sexually transmitted diseases and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) among women. HIV infection also causes social isolation, emotional abuse, and stigmatization of women by their families and society, especially if they have experienced some form of sexual violence. Women reported in interviews that when they tested positive for HIV, they often were accused of infidelity or thrown out of their homes by their abusive husbands.

Marital violence also leads to mental health problems, such as suicidal ideation, depression, shame, guilt, alienation from others, low self-esteem, and insomnia (Chowdhary & Patel, 2008; Kumar, Jeyaseelan, Suraj, & Ahuja, 2005). In 2000, Jaswal (2000) in collaboration with the Department of Medical and Psychiatric Social Work at TISS in Mumbai analyzed 689 female patients’ records from clinics and health facilities from 1997 to 1999. The findings indicated that 81.8% of women who might have visited the health facility due to marital violence. Out of those reported and possible violence cases, about 30% of women had attempted suicide or suffered fatal abuse due to marital violence. This finding indicates the serious nature of injuries reported in these records. Based on the analysis of 689 patients’ records, 77.8% of probable violence cases were in hospital wards, and 20.8% were admitted to emergency rooms. Surveys show almost two thirds of women were experiencing extreme psychosocial stress and 39% had experienced suicidal ideation.

Economic Costs

Few studies have been conducted on economic costs of marital violence at individual and societal levels. In one study, the average cost per household of lost labor due to marital violence was approximately 760 rupees (an estimated US$16) for each incident—constituting a vast majority of monthly household income. When time and money spent on health care for injuries are included, income loss was estimated to be about 2,000 rupees (approximately US$44). Thus, marital violence, which is typically chronic in nature, can lead to recurring costs that contribute to severe financial drain for families over time. Empirical research demonstrates that marital violence, particularly in India, is likely to increase absenteeism from work, decrease productivity, and lower earnings (INCLEN, 1999). Therefore, marital violence not only harms the economy through indirect costs but also leads to serious public health problems including short- and long-term physical health problems, psychological problems, and increased risk of spousal homicide. In addition, survivors of marital violence suffer economic and financial harm due to job loss and delayed absence from employment.

Discussion

A growing body of literature demonstrates that marital VAW in India is a serious public health concern due to the trauma, psychological aftermath, physical injuries, and lack of social support. Although marital violence manifests in different forms across cultures, marital rape and dowry-related violence are highly prevalent yet overlooked due to the sociocultural context and ideological construct of gender roles in India (Vindhya, 2000). The high risk of mortality and long-term consequences of marital violence has led scholars, social service agencies, clinicians, women advocates, and law enforcement professionals to focus on incidence, correlates, and consequences of marital violence. In addition, scholars assert that marital violence in India can be partially attributed to stringent gender roles in marriage and patriarchal family dynamics in the household (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004).

Although this review examines a range of empirical and theoretical literature on marital violence in India, it does not include any empirical studies on marital rape myths, availability of resources for abused women, help-seeking patterns, prevention and intervention programs, batterers’ intervention programs, or protective factors helpful to women in coping with their victimization. This is because of the limitations in research, as scholars have failed to assess these widely held beliefs and attitudes toward marital violence in India. Further, there is a lack of studies and discussions on the attitudes toward marital violence by college students, corporate professionals, and the abusive husbands’ families in India. Unfortunately, not all lawmakers and clinicians have been educated about marital violence, which leads to trivializing and minimizing the prevalence and impact of marital violence on women (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Prasad, 1999; Vindhya, 2000). Due to lack of awareness, stereotypes, rape myths and negative views of police, social service and health organizations, and survivors of marital violence can suffer ongoing and persistent abuse for years before deciding to seek help (Prasad, 1999). Survivors of marital violence are not likely to have complete access to the resources and social support needed after their trauma. In fact, these women have to go through various obstacles created by law enforcement agencies, the court system, and medical professionals (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Prasad, 1999; Vindhya, 2000). The secondary victimization encountered by the women affected by marital violence in India needs to be further explored and discussed as there are very few studies that explain the sociocultural context of secondary victimization.

Nonetheless, findings from law enforcement reports and representative sample studies by social service and health agencies show that the dowry system and other correlates such as socioeconomic status, education and employment of married couples also contribute to risk of marital violence (Ahmed-Ghosh, 2004; Babu & Babu, 2011; Dave & Solanki, 2000; Tichy et al., 2009). In most cases of dowry-related violence, husbands are not the only perpetrators inflicting abuse on wives, and women’s in-laws and extended family members are accomplices. Unfortunately, due to shame, stigma, guilt, lack of resources, and no social support, some abused women experience severe health consequences such as trauma, depression, and suicidal ideation (Chowdhary & Patel, 2008; Jaswal, 2000; Johnson & Johnson, 2001). Pregnant women are not protected and also face significant risk of such violence (Chhabra, 2008; INCLEN, 1999; Khosla et al., 2005).

This review has several limitations. First, measurement tools and operationalization of concepts used in the empirical studies were not standardized. For instance, the concept “marital violence” was not uniformly defined and measured across all studies. Hence, disparities in the operationalization of concepts make it difficult to compare definitions and prevalence of marital violence across the country. This limits the reliability of these studies for documenting the scope of such violence, although all studies do show evidence of the problem and its consequences. Second, studies had different sample sizes, varying demographics, and were conducted in either one site or several specific locations in India. Therefore, the findings from these studies cannot be generalized to the whole population and subcultures in India. There are few multisite empirical studies using nationally representative surveys examining the prevalence and correlates of marital violence, such as the NFHS by the Indian government. This finding demonstrates the need to further investigate the best methodologies for conducting research on marital violence. In that way, use of the strongest methods could help provide a detailed and comprehensive understanding of marital violence in India. Third, this review lacked anecdotal data from in-depth interviews with married women across age, religion, socioeconomic status, caste, education, and employment status. Narratives by Indian women affected by marital rape are needed for an extensive understanding of their experiences, especially while reporting to officials and seeking help. Fourth, there is not much literature on other critical discussions relevant to marital violence in India. For instance, scholars have failed to study the sociocultural factors and widely held beliefs and attitudes toward marital violence and survivors. It is critical to investigate the mentality, cultural stigma, and myths relevant to marital violence in India in order to prevent and intervene to stop this form of violence. In addition, scholars have briefly mentioned the ethical protocols they followed with participants in their studies. For example, assuring participants of confidentiality and anonymity, providing abused women with a list of resources and agencies for seeking help and support; and the context and circumstances under which women were surveyed or interviewed about their victimization. However, there are no studies or detailed discussions of the importance of taking into account ethical issues in marital violence research in India. Research is needed to identify barriers faced by scholars, such as cultural and language barriers and difficulty finding appropriate places to interview women affected by marital violence. There are several recommendations for research, practice, and policy to promote prevention and intervention programs for marital violence in India.

Recommendations for Research

There is an urgent need to conduct empirical research on correlates and risk factors for marital violence in India, because such data may lead to stringent enforcement of existing laws condemning all types of marital violence.

Further research needs to identify protective factors and efficient resources that abused women may have sought and found helpful in dealing with their trauma. This information will help social service agencies provide efficient, sensitive, and satisfactory help-seeking resources and social support.

Little empirical research exists on perceptions and responses of abusive husbands’ families regarding the prevalence of marital violence in their households. Examining this issue from men’s perspectives may help in creating intervention programs for abusive husbands.

Scholars must investigate the widely held beliefs, attitudes, and rape myths regarding marital violence in India, and pay attention to theoretical implications, ethical issues in conducting such research, and methodological considerations unique to this form of interpersonal violence in India.

Finally, it would be interesting to compare the prevalence and correlates of marital violence in matriarchal families as opposed to patriarchal households in India.

Recommendations for Practice

This review suggests that more services should be targeted to disadvantaged women who face higher risk of marital violence. For example, creating additional safe spaces such as the Special Women’s Cell for Women and Children in the city of Mumbai, India, and providing additional shelters, hotline crisis, and counseling services by women’s organizations are priorities. We also recommend screening women for marital violence during physician and nurse visits, and having a counselor and legal advisor available in such suspected cases.

Additional violence prevention and intervention programs must be designed in order to curb the occurrence of marital violence within the unique context of family dynamics in India. These programs must target norms and traditions condoning marital violence and engage men in preventing such VAW.

Engaging men and the community in efforts to promote healthy and meaningful dialogues about the impact of marital VAW may result in increased awareness and sensitivity.

Gender sensitivity training through workshops and seminars about how to deal with marital violence cases must be implemented for all professionals, organizations, and agencies in India serving women and children.

Recommendations for Policy

Most importantly, government officials, lawmakers, women's advocates, and international organizations like the ICRW and United Nations must address availability and accessibility of services, resources, and social support to survivors of marital violence in India. For example, funding and grant opportunities must be created in order to increase and enhance crisis hotlines, shelter services, women's police stations, counselors in hospitals and clinics, and the availability of women advocates to assist these survivors in coping with the trauma and abuse perpetrated by their spouses. Also, life and job skills training, employment assistance, and transitional shelters may help women who are abandoned and displaced by their husbands.

Most importantly, lawmakers, women advocates, legal aid cells, and women’s organizations should continue their efforts to make legal definitions of marital rape, sexual coercion by husbands, and dowry-related violence more encompassing and comprehensive. In addition, the judicial system must ensure strict enforcement of protection laws for women and their children affected by marital violence, as well as laws criminalizing any form of marital violence in India.

Footnotes

Acknowledgment

We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their comments and feedback.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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