Police Violence Exposure and Traumatic Stress Among Youth: A Systematic Review

Abstract

Youth exposure to violence increases the risk of poor mental and physical health outcomes lasting into adulthood. Traumatic stress is an outcome of particular concern as the physiological stress response impacts the developing brain. Recently, youth exposure to police violence has been conceptualized as an adverse childhood experience that may impact traumatic stress. To examine this possibility, we conducted a systematic review, drawing upon five databases to gather the existing quantitative and qualitative peer-reviewed research on exposure to police violence and traumatic stress in youth. Searches yielded 27 relevant articles utilizing various study designs: thirteen quantitative, thirteen qualitative, and one mixed method. Twenty-six of the 27 studies found evidence of a relationship between police violence exposure and traumatic stress in youth. Police violence was associated with youth traumatic stress across three types of exposures: direct, vicarious, and anticipated. Studies also explored differential impacts by race and gender. The review revealed current gaps in the literature, such as a lack of data on select sociodemographic groups (e.g., rural youth, LGBTQ+ youth) and potential protective factors (e.g., resilience and school connectedness). In line with the findings, we put forth a research agenda as well as policy and practice recommendations to improve police interactions with youth and mental health services for youth who have been exposed to police violence. Recommendations include improving systematic data collection to track all types of police violence exposure, creating spaces for positive police interactions with youth, and training mental health practitioners to support youth exposed to police violence.

Keywords

Police violence youth traumatic stress anticipated exposure vicarious exposure and direct exposure

Introduction

Exposure to violence is a potent social determinant of health (Jackson et al., 2019; Rivara et al., 2019). Individuals who have witnessed or been subjected to violence are at greater risk for mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Baskin & Sommers, 2015; Kilpatrick et al., 2003; Stansfeld et al., 2017; Turanovic, 2022). This association is especially concerning among youth ages 12 to 25, whose violence exposures can interfere with a healthy developmental trajectory as they transition into adulthood (Carr et al., 2013). Given recent calls from the Surgeon General and the American Academy of Pediatrics for an immediate response to the surge in youth mental health problems (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2021; Office of the Surgeon General, 2021) and rising rates of violence in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly in marginalized communities (Schellenberg & Walters, 2023; Schleimer et al., 2022), it is urgent to both prevent youth violence exposures and further investigate the mental health harms of these traumatic stressors to facilitate better treatment and support.

Whereas acute and tolerable stressors mobilize an adaptive stress response, traumatic stress occurs when a person is exposed to stimuli that overwhelm their coping capacities (Blaustein & Kinniburgh, 2018). Exposure to chronic and sufficiently intense levels of stress (i.e., trauma) triggers prolonged activation of the physiological response, leading to dysregulation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and negatively impacting the neurological and neuroendocrine systems (Bucci et al., 2016). These negative impacts are more profound for youth because their brains are still developing (Bucci et al., 2016; Dye, 2018); traumatic stress can thus disrupt healthy cognitive, emotional, and social development in childhood, with repercussions that extend into adulthood (Merrick et al., 2019; Moriarity et al., 2020; SAMHSA, 2022).

One form of violence that has significant potential to increase traumatic stress responses among youth is police violence. Police violence—defined as instances of physical, sexual, psychological, and/or neglectful violence “structurally mediated” by the system of law enforcement (American Public Health Association [APHA], 2018)—is increasingly recognized as a public health issue in the United States with growing public awareness and movements spotlighting this violence (Boudreau et al., 2022; Cooper et al., 2004; DeVylder et al., 2020; Haile et al., 2023; Robinson, 2020). DeVylder et al. (2020) recently proposed a theoretical framework identifying police violence as distinct from other forms of violence (e.g., physical assault). Notable features of police violence include the stigmatizing and state-sanctioned nature of the violence, limited options for recourse for victims, the pervasiveness of police presence in U.S. communities, and sizable ethnoracial and economic inequities in exposure.

There is increasing acknowledgment that young people are particularly vulnerable to police violence (Geller, 2021; D. B.Jackson, 2021; Kramer & Remster, 2018). Relative to other age groups, youth are more likely to come into contact with police (Harrell & Davis, 2018), which is in part due to the confluence of the widespread presence of police in schools (Hirschfield, 2018), youths’ extensive use of public spaces (Lieberg, 1995; Robinson, 2000), their greater involvement in delinquency (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1983; Rocque et al., 2015), and the ubiquitous deployment of proactive policing strategies in the United States (Majmundar & Weisburd, 2018). Further, police-youth contact occurs in a context of salient age, power, and status differentials that disadvantage youth (Testa et al., 2022) and may increase the likelihood that police-youth encounters escalate into violence (Stoudt et al., 2011). Finally, the critical developmental period of adolescence and emerging adulthood may make youth more sensitized to experiences of violence, increasing their vulnerability to worse health outcomes due to police violence exposures (Webb et al., 2022). While all youth possess characteristics that increase their vulnerability to police violence and harmful outcomes, Black and Latine youth are disproportionately exposed to police contact and violence (Geller, 2021).

Consistent with the DeVylder et al. (2020) framework, research on the mental health harms of youth exposure to police violence has proliferated in recent years (e.g., D. B.Jackson et al., 2019; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Webb et al., 2022). This research echoes the call to conceptualize youth police violence exposure as an adverse childhood experience (ACE) with significant potential to induce traumatic responses (D. B. Jackson, 2021). Further, with the proliferation of social media, today’s youth are more prone to indirect police violence exposures that may engender mental health challenges, adding to the urgency of preventing and responding to police violence (Jindal et al., 2022; Simckes et al., 2021).

Recent youth-focused health research has added more nuance to the conceptualization of police violence by including different types of exposures through which police violence can be experienced (Jindal et al., 2022; D. B.Jackson et al., 2021; Webb et al., 2022). Consistent with Haile et al. (2023), the current review explores three forms of police violence exposure to capture a broader spectrum of experiences: (a) direct exposure, in which youth are personally subjected to police violence (e.g., being directly threatened with or subjected to force; D. B. Jackson et al., 2019); (b) vicarious exposure through witnessing violence in person (e.g., neighborhoods, schools; D. B.Jackson et al., 2021), via social networks (e.g., knowing someone stopped by the police; Turney, 2021), or through media channels (e.g., news or social media apps; Tynes et al., 2019); and (c) anticipated exposure, the fear or expectation of a personal or vicarious violent encounter with a police officer (Alang et al., 2021). Direct, vicarious, and anticipated police exposures have been linked to youth mental health problems, including internalizing symptoms such as depression and anxiety (D. B.Jackson, Testa, Semenza et al., 2022), as well as externalizing symptoms like anger and aggression (Jindal et al., 2022). Examining different forms of police violence can build knowledge on the scope of exposures among youth, types of outcomes by form of exposure, and more responsive mental health care for youth.

Despite research assessing how varying forms of police violence exposure are related to diverse mental health outcomes, a systematic review and synthesis of studies focusing on traumatic stress responses to multiple types of police violence exposure is lacking, particularly with a focus on youth populations. Given the long-term impacts of traumatic stress on youth, assessing the current state of this literature is important to both prevention of and response to youth mental health needs. The objective of this systematic review is to take stock of the evidence of associations between multiple forms of police violence exposure and youth traumatic stress, recognizing that these exposures and their effects might pose unique challenges and thus warrant deeper investigation (Stoudt et al., 2011; Testa et al., 2022). We aim to clarify the different experiences of youth at the intersection of age, ethnicity, race, and gender identity to better elucidate associations between police violence exposure and youth traumatic stress. Synthesizing this body of literature will inform future directions for research, as well as policy and practice reform, to support the safety and mental well-being of young people.

Methods

The review was registered under PROSPERO number CRD42023393737. PRISMA guidelines were adhered to in identifying goals for the study and in defining search terms, study selection, and extraction methods (Page et al., 2021).

Definitions and Inclusion Criteria

This systematic review synthesized the literature regarding the relationship between police violence exposure and traumatic stress in youth. Police violence was inclusive of verbal interactions containing harassment, threats of violence, the use of racial slurs, intrusive behaviors such as frisking, and physical actions such as the use of force. Youth exposure to police violence was further characterized as direct, vicarious, or anticipated (see Supplemental Material Appendix). Articles reviewed were restricted to publication dates between January 1, 2012 and May 31, 2023, given the increase in civilian deaths by police starting around this time (since tracking began in 1999; Law Enforcement Epidemiology Project, 2023) and the increased public awareness of high-profile police killings that have occurred over the past 10 years, including Tamir Rice, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd (Boudreau et al., 2022, Robinson, 2020). The following inclusion criteria were also adopted: original, peer-reviewed, quantitative, qualitative, or mixed methods research conducted in the U.S., publication in a peer-reviewed journal in English, participants ages 12 to 25 assessed on exposure to direct, vicarious, and/or anticipated police violence, and inclusion of at least one outcome measure indicative of or related to traumatic stress (e.g., emotional distress, hyperarousal, avoidance, and biomarker evidence). Importantly, studies featuring samples including participants outside of this age range (e.g., older than 25) were considered eligible if the mean age of the sample was within the specified age range (e.g., age range may include, for instance, 18 to 26 but if the mean age was ≤25, the study would be eligible for inclusion). In cases where the mean age was not provided, studies were eligible if they included a separate analysis for participants between the ages of 12 and 25. See Table 1 for the search terms used.

Table 1.

Keywords and Databases Used in Literature Search (2012–2023).

Keywords	Police violence exposure: Police hostility, police violence, police brutality, police aggression, intrusive stops, police discrimination, police unfair treatment, police interaction, police stop, police bias, police intrusion, police shooting, police use of violence, officer use of violence, violent detainment, police intrusiveness, officer intrusion, officer intrusiveness, officer aggression, police killing(s), officer-involved shooting, police contact, youth-police contact, police misconduct, officer misconduct, adolescent-police contact, police harassment, officer harassment, police use of force, officer use of force, police threat(s) of force, officer threat(s) of force, police encounter, police assault, officer assault, police-initiated, police negligence, officer negligence
	Traumatic stress outcomes: Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), stress, PTSD symptoms, traumatic stress, distress, psychological distress, emotional distress, physiological stress, toxic stress, trauma symptoms, allostatic load, stress response, hypervigilance, avoidance, hyperarousal, re-experiencing, re-experiencing, trauma response, retraumatization, re-traumatization, trauma, stress-induced, heart rate variability, cortisol, salivary cortisol, stress biomarkers, vigilance
	Population: Adolescent(s), adolescence, emerging adult(s), young adult(s), youth(s), teen(s), teenager(s), transitional age youth(s), child, children
Databases	PubMed, PsycINFO, CINAHL, ProQuest, Scopus

Study Selection

Our study selection process was conducted using a three-step approach. First, we searched the following five databases: PubMed, PsycINFO, Cinahl, ProQuest, and Scopus, using the dates January 2012 to May 2023. Screening processes were carried out using Covidence software. Two trained study investigators independently screened the titles and abstracts for relevance. Second, after the initial title and abstract review, the full articles were independently screened for final inclusion by the same two investigators. A third study investigator resolved differences regarding article inclusion during the title and abstract screening and the full-text review. Figure 1 displays a Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) diagram of the study selection process. Third, we reviewed the reference section of eligible articles for any articles missed during the database search. Newly identified articles were individually evaluated by the trained investigators, and eligible articles were added to the total reviewed.

Figure 1.

PRISMA diagram for publication selection.

Data Extraction

Covidence software was used for the data extraction process. Data extraction of all included articles was conducted independently by two study investigators. Conflicts in extraction were resolved by a third study investigator. Extracted data included participant demographic information (e.g., gender, age range, ethnoracial identity), type of exposure to police violence, traumatic stress outcome estimates, timing of measurement, setting of the study, and study design. Missing data were requested from study authors if necessary.

Quality Assessment

A quality assessment was conducted using the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines (NICE, 2012). These guidelines provide structure to evaluate the quality of quantitative and qualitative studies, assessing topics such as bias, methods, analysis, and population. Two study investigators independently evaluated each study based on NICE quantitative and qualitative guidelines. A third investigator resolved differences between scores.¹

Results

Overview

Twenty-seven studies met inclusion criteria (see Figure 1). Of the 27 extracted studies, 48.15% were quantitative (n = 13), 48.15% were qualitative (n = 13), and 3.70% (n = 1) used mixed methods. We analyzed the single mixed methods study with the qualitative studies based on the review’s inclusion criteria and study participants’ qualitative descriptions of traumatic stress. See Table 2 for studies and participant demographics (e.g., gender, age range, and ethnoracial identity).

Table 2.

Extraction Results.

Author(s) year	Study Design	Type of Exposure	Geographic Region	n	Mean Age (SD)	Age Range	% Male	% Female	% Black	% Hispanic/Latine	% White	% Other race/Ethnicity Groups
Browning et al. (2021)	Cohort study	Vicarious- Macro-level	Franklin County, Ohio	585	14.7	11–17	47	53	42	0	58	0
Campbell and Valera (2020)	Cross sectional study (open response on survey)	Vicarious-Media	U.S. (most participants at Universities in the Northeast Region)	134	21.12 (1.02)	18–24	26.1	73.9	60.9	16.5	14.3	AIAN: 0.8 Asian: 3 Other: 4.5
Cela et al. (2023)	Ethnographic interviews	Direct; Anticipated-Direct	Miami-Dade county	35	NP	13–17	57.1	42.9	100	0	0	100% Haitian or Haitian American
Gearhart et al. (2023)	Cohort study	Direct	20 cities across U.S.	814	48.4% ages 14–15; 51.2% ages 16–19	14–19	69.8	30.2	58.2	28	13.8	NP
Geller et al. (2014)	Cross sectional study	Direct	New York City	1,261	22.03 (2.50)	18–26	100	0	30	35	20	15
Henderson (2017)	Face-to-face semi-structured interviews	Vicarious-Unspecified Family and Community; Anticipated-Direct, Vicarious	Washington, DC	12	15.83	15–17	50	50	100	0	0	0
A. N.Jackson et al. (2020)	Cross sectional study	Direct	National survey	1,170	14.98 (2.05)	13–17	100	0	100 (71% African American and 29% Caribbean Black)	0	0	0
D. B.Jackson et al. (2019)	Cohort study	Direct	20 cities (national survey)	918	15	14–19	NP	NP	NP	NP	NP	NP
D. B.Jackson et al. (2020)	Cohort study	Direct	20 cities (national survey)	3,444	15.59	14–19	51.3	48.7	49	25	26	0
D. B.Jackson et al. (2021)	Cohort study	Vicarious-In-person	20 cities (national survey)	2,506	15.56	14–19	44.49	55.51	46.21	26.74	19.08	7.98 total, 5.03 multiracial, 2.95 other
D. B.Jackson et al. (2022)	Cohort study	Direct	20 cities (national survey)	3,444	15.59	14–19	51.3	48.7	48.6	25.6	NP	NP
Kidd and Magidson (2023)	Semi-structured interviews	Anticipated-Direct	Southern California	19 youth, 19 parents	15	12–17	73.7	26.3	NP	NP	42.1	Racial/ethnic minority: 57.9
Lopez et al. (2018)	Narrative interviews	Direct	Small town in Midwestern U.S.	4	20	16–25	25	75	NP	Not specified, but could be 75%–100% (three of the four participants born in Mexico)	NP	NP
McLeroy and Wang (2023)	In-depth semi-structured interviews	Vicarious-Media; Anticipated-Direct	NP	20	NP	18–20	20	80	100	0	0	0
Rengifo et al. (2017)	In-depth interviews	Direct; Vicarious-Unspecified Family and Community; Anticipated-Direct	New York City	43	17.3	13–21	69.8	30.2	74.4	25.6	0	0
Shmool et al. (2015)	Focus groups	Vicarious-Unspecified Family and Community; Anticipated-Direct	New York City	7–12 per group (median number in groups: 7)	Median age: 16	14–20	median = 57	median = 43	NP	NP	NP	Median % African American and/or Hispanic = 85
Smith Lee and Robinson (2019)	In-depth semi-structured interviews	Direct; Vicarious-In-person; Anticipated-Direct	Baltimore, MD	40	20.25 (1.79)	18–24	100	0	100	0	0	0
Sosoo et al. (2022)	Other: Randomized lab paradigm	Vicarious-Media	Southeastern U.S.	101	23.69 (3.62)	18–30	44.6	55.4	100	0	0	0
Sostre et al. (2023)	Semi-structured interviews	Anticipated-Direct	U.S.	15	NP	18–25	NP	NP	100	6.7	6.7	AIAN: 6.7
Staggers-Hakim (2016)	Focus groups	Vicarious-Media; Anticipated-Direct	Greater Hartford and New Haven, CT	16	NP	14–18	100	0	100	0	0	0
Tausen et al. (2023)	Cross sectional study	Vicarious-Media	Pacific Northwest region	125	20.73	18–40	21.6	80.8	52.8 (16.8 biracial)	1.6	29.6	Asian: 8% White multiracial: 8%
Thompson et al. (2021)	Cross sectional study	Direct	New York City	2,335	NP	18–44	NP	NP	NP	NP	NP	NP
Tynes et al. (2019)	Cross sectional study	Vicarious-Media	National (United States)	302	14.89 (2.64)	11–19	54.6	45.4	66.2	33.8	0	0
Webb et al. (2022)	Cross sectional study	Anticipated-Direct and Vicarious	Baltimore, MD	151	15.41	14–18	35.8	64.2	74.8	9.3	6.6	multiracial: 8.6
Wendel et al. (2022)	Interviews	Direct; Vicarious-Unspecified Family and Community; Anticipated-Direct	West Louisville, Kentucky	53 (subsample of larger study of 74)	NP	10–24	49.1	43.4	86.8	0	0	Multiracial (Black + 1 or more other races): 11.3% Other race: 1.9%
Williams (2021)	In-depth interviews	Direct; Vicarious-Media; Anticipated-Vicarious	Triad North Carolina area	15	NP	18–23	0	100	100	0	0	0
Wilson et al. (2023)	Semi-structured interviews and focus groups	Direct; Vicarious-Media, Unspecificied Family and Community; Anticipated-Direct and Vicarious	South Carolina	30	21	18–28	50	50	100	0	0	0

Note. AIAN = American Indian or Alaska Native; NP = not provided.

Three categories of police violence exposure were represented in the extracted studies: direct, vicarious, and anticipated. Vicarious exposure to police violence consisted of four subcategories: in-person witnessed, unspecified family and community, media, and macro-level. Anticipated exposure to police violence consisted of two subcategories: direct and vicarious. See the Supplemental Material Appendix for definitions of subcategories. Of the extracted studies, 37.04% (n = 10) explored multiple types of exposures (i.e., direct, vicarious, and anticipated), 29.63% (n = 8) examined direct exposure only, 22.22% (n = 6) studied vicarious exposure only, and 11.11% (n = 3) studied anticipated exposure only. Among the 10 studies that examined multiple types of exposures, 10.00% studied direct and anticipated exposures (n = 1), 40.00% studied vicarious and anticipated exposures (n = 4), and 50.00% explored all three exposure types (n = 5). For more details, see Tables 2 –4.

Table 3.

Quantitative Studies Measures and Key Findings.

Author(s) Year	Traumatic Stress Measure	Key Findings	Quality Assessment: Internal Validity*	Quality Assessment: External Validity**
Browning et al. (2021)	Nightly cortisol measures	For Black youth, exposure to a police-related death in the past 30 days was associated with increased nightly cortisol, particularly among male youth. No difference was observed among White youth.	++	++
Gearhart et al. (2023)	Nine-item post-traumatic stress scale (Geller, 2017)	Among youth who were stopped by police, 89.4% reported at least one police-initiated post-traumatic stress symptom (PI-PTSS). Use of a racial slur, harsh language, and threatening physical force were associated with higher levels of PI-PTSS. Procedural justice behaviors fully mediated relationship between officer intrusive behaviors and PI-PTSS.	+	+
Geller et al. (2014)	Impact of Event Scale (Horowitz et al., 1979)	Higher levels of intrusion were associated with more PTSD symptoms. Procedural justice moderated the association between intrusion and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).	+	+
A. N.Jackson et al. (2020)	Cohen’s Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen et al., 1983)	26% of youth sample reported ever being abused by the police. Neither police abuse nor the interaction between police abuse and religiosity predicted perceived stress.	+	−
D. B.Jackson et al. (2019)	Nine-item post-traumatic stress scale; three-item emotional distress scale (Geller, 2017)	Each form of police intrusion impacted emotional distress (ED) and post-traumatic stress (PTS). Youth reporting all seven forms of intrusiveness had higher PTS and ED than those with no intrusiveness. A dose-response relationship was observed with increasing intrusiveness scores associated with increased ED and PTS. No differences in role of age at first stop, number of times stopped, or locations stopped.	++	+
D. B.Jackson et al. (2020)	Nine-item PTS scale (Geller, 2017)	Among youth stopped by police, low self-control was associated with increased PTS. Officer intrusiveness attenuated the association by 10.47% and ED during the stop attenuated the association by 14.3%.	++	+
D. B. Jackson et al. (2021)	Three-item ED measurement (Geller, 2017)	44.15% of youth who witnessed police stops reported at least one form of ED during stops, with “felt scared” being the most common. Relative to White youth, the odds of feeling angry during the stop were 101% higher among Hispanic youth, 138% higher among Black youth, and 149% higher among Multiracial youth, and the odds of feeling unsafe during the stop were 72% higher among Hispanic youth, 117% higher among Black youth, and 152% higher among Multiracial youth. For Black and Multiracial youth, officer intrusiveness and perceptions of procedural injustice explain a significant proportion of their increased likelihood to feel unsafe.	++	+
D. B. Jackson, Testa, Todić et al. (2022)	Nine-item PTS scale (Geller, 2017)	Among youth stopped by police, officer intrusiveness explained over 25% of the association between childhood exclusionary discipline and arrest and over 30% of the association between childhood exclusionary discipline and PTS following the stop.	++	+
Sosoo et al. (2022)	Heart rate, sympathetic nervous system activation, and parasympathetic nervous system activation	Participants exhibited significant changes in sympathetic activation and significant decreases in heart rate in the violence condition relative to the baseline and neutral conditions. There were no significant heart rate differences between the violence and non-violent distress conditions.	++	+
Tausen et al. (2023)	Race-based Traumatic Stress Symptom Scale (Carter et al., 2013)	Black students reported greater physical reactions, hypervigilance, and intrusive thoughts than White peers. Monoracial Black students had significantly higher avoidance, hypervigilance, and intrusive thoughts than White peers. Biracial Black students had significantly higher physical reactions and hypervigilance than White peers.	++	+
Thompson et al. (2021)	Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (Kessler et al., 2002)	In predictive model of 18–24-year-old participants, the relative risk of serious psychological distress comparing ever abused by police vs. never abused was 6.95.	++	++
Tynes et al. (2019)	New York PTSD Risk Score self-report (Boscarino et al., 2011)	Traumatic events online (TEOs) were significantly associated with PTSD symptoms; more frequent experiences of TEO were associated with higher PTSD scores. Females had higher PTSD scores than males. Lower household income status was associated with higher PTSD scores.	++	++
Webb et al. (2022)	Child PTSD Symptom scale (Foa et al., 2001)	Youth with personal and vicarious anticipatory stress had more PTSD symptoms. Females were more likely to have PTSD symptoms than males. Females had higher personal and vicarious anticipatory stress than males.	++	+

Note. Quality assessment internal and external validity scores are based on NICE guidelines (NICE, 2012). Internal validity was assessed by how well the study minimized sources of bias in its design. External validity was assessed by the generalizability of the study findings to the source population based on participants, comparisons, outcomes, etc.

Is the highest score, indicating most criteria on the quality assessment checklist were fulfilled, and conclusions are very unlikely to alter.

Indicates some quality assessment checklist items were not fulfilled, and conclusions are unlikely to alter, and—indicates that few checklist criteria were fulfilled and conclusions may be likely to alter.

Table 4.

Qualitative Studies: Characteristics and Key Findings.

Author(s), Year	Key Findings	Quality Assessment: Overall Score*
Campbell and Valera (2020)	Youth shared police violence videos “make me feel unprotected and paranoid about what’s to come next. I fear that I might be next.” Another said, “It’s honestly traumatizing, and I oftentimes can’t get the images out of my head. Till this day, I still remember how Eric Garner lay lifeless on the ground, and the stillness of Philando Castile’s body haunts me. But, at the same time, I’ve also become desensitized where I’ll see a video and just go, ‘oh it’s another Black guy shot by an officer.’”	+
Cela et al. (2023)	Male responses to police presence (e.g., running, hypervigilance, negative thoughts, numbing to emotion) correlated with most/all symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). One male reported no longer feeling safe outside of his house after George Floyd’s death. Sixteen-year-old male: “it could happen to anyone.” Females express worry and fear about police violence for themselves and male family members. Males report running from police when they see police cars.	+
Henderson (2017)	Youth identified negative interactions with police as a major source of trauma for Black teens. Police presence was traumatic due to unfair treatment and feeling their lives were at risk.	+
Kidd and Magidson (2023)	A parent reflected, “He was afraid, he was nervous, he was scared. He was crying to me about it. . . he just broke down in tears. . .because it was so stressful for him.” A 17-year-old male youth explained how he purposefully avoided police despite interactions that were non-violent; aligned with anticipated exposure to violence: “Most of the cops that arrested me were super nice. . .I’ve always sort of negatively portrayed cops in my mind. Just because of the media. . .”	+
Lopez et al. (2018)	Participants named fear of firearms directed at them multiple times. Reported nightmares, physical sensations, and fear when seeing law enforcement after incident. Avoided law enforcement. Reported changes in mood, for example, frequent crying, aggressive reactivity, one said they wanted to kill themselves. One described limited capacity to support social functions-taking care of children as highly challenging, “my head was like in shock. Sometimes the kids would cry and I would just sit there.”	++
McLeroy and Wang (2023)	Female participant on avoidance “say I know that this area is a highly populated cop area—they pull over a lot of people here. I might try to avoid that area. This could create different obstacles in my life that I wouldn’t have to worry about if I was White.” One reported re-experiencing media exposure: “I do replay some of them—what happened with Breonna Taylor is very upsetting. . .Because. . .she was just relaxing at home. And sometimes I think that could be me.” Another participant shared anticipatory fear: “Yeah, they make me more fearful. . .just the thought that I could be just walking on the street or just purchasing something and something could happen to me just because of my skin color makes me fearful of just walking outside. . .I probably am more likely to stay away from certain places. . .”	++
Rengifo et al. (2017)	Participants shared about avoidance and hypervigilance, “If I’m walking with my pants down [gesturing to baggy pants and pulling them up], I’ll pull them up. If I got my beads on, I’ll tuck them in.” Another shared, “I pull out my phone, I don’t pay no attention. I just keep walking. I don’t look at them [police].” Another participant said, “I try to avoid [the police] and when I don’t have an ID in my pocket I really try to avoid them.”	++
Shmool et al. (2015)	Participants emphasized stress of police harassment and racial profiling (i.e., Stop-and-Frisk) in their communities. A youth shared, “I don’t know, it just makes me feel uneasy because you have the cops just like roaming around the neighborhood. They might abuse it.” Youth expressed fear that police may “vent” anger on people in community while on patrol.	++
Smith Lee and Robinson (2019)	One Black youth shared “that’s like my number one fear in life. It’s the police. All the stuff going on, it make you fear. . .shootings, sometimes the police, they’ll beat you up. . .maybe’ cause they couldn’t find nothing on you, or you might have said something. . .something smart, or. . .ignorant. . .they’ll get the beating on you, knowing you can’t hit them back. . .it’s like no matter how you look at it, you gonna lose at the end of the day, dealing with the law.” Another shared anticipatory fear “The police slammed somebody on the head and killed them. . .it could happen to me. What if it was me? That’s why I stay in the house. All the time.”	++
Sostre et al. (2023)	Trans youth activist shared how appearing more masculine threatens safety from police, “I was scared to be seen as a young Black man, or. . .masculine person, because the odds of me being brutalized just grew exponentially. . .that’s something so many people just have to live with now. . .Because if you fight back, you get shot. If you’re just sleeping, you get shot. It doesn’t matter.” In the context of wellness checks, youth have anticipated exposure, “folks don’t realize that when they do that, like the only thing I see is that police person’s gun. That’s the first thing I see, the first thought that goes through my head. . .‘am I gonna be the next one or am I gonna be the next unarmed black trans person [who] will be killed by a cop?’”	+
Staggers-Hakim (2016)	Several youth shared about fear of police. One shared, “[I] am fearful for my life. If I walk by a policeman or someone with authority, being a Black man in this country in general is just a threat by itself.” A youth referenced need to avoid police, “if possible, unless in dire circumstances, [I] stay away from a man in a badge, in general.”	+
Wendel et al. (2022)	Police presence in neighborhood felt like threat to safety for most participants. 17-year-old male youth shared, “I’ve seen it with my own two eyes. Police are dirty. They ain’t protecting us. They’re really not.” Another youth fear and need to avoid police, “You feel like you can’t even come out of your own house without being harassed by police. . .and sometimes just feeling like we’re targeted.”	++
Williams (2021)	One Black female youth shared on media exposure, “I started crying. I couldn’t think. My heart was beating. It felt like it was going to come out of my throat. . .” Another expressed her trauma from social media, “I just got traumatized by the video. . .should I retweet it and cause that trauma on someone else? Or. . .is it gonna be more of awareness type of thing?” Another shared fear relating to a vicarious exposure: “She was college-educated, respectful, on her way to a job, literally doing nothing wrong, and they killed her. . . just the realization that it can happen to me. It could happen to anyone. Nothing protects you.” A participant discuss the trauma of unequal coverage of police violence of male versus females, “not getting news coverage of women being involved with police brutality, it’s just ridiculous. And it’s traumatizing as well. It’s like, OK, I’m doing all this support for men, but nobody is hearing our story . . . Nobody’s gonna talk about women, nobody’s even gonna talk about transgender people. . .”	+
Wilson et al. (2023)	A female reflected, “it was overwhelming to see every time you scroll, having to relive the same event.” A female participant said, “It’s hard to even be careful because you could be as safe as possible, but still a police officer might feel threatened, pull their weapon out, and shoot you. . .” Another male shared, “Watching the video actually brought tears to my eyes, because I’m just like, that could have been me.” A female shared, “It’s just scary to look at a video and see your loved ones’ life flash before your eyes.” Another female said, “no matter what my profession is or what people know my character to be, I’m still seen as a target by the police, and I gotta be prepared for that.” A male shared his constant fear, “the feeling of fear is definitely heightened when you’re in the presence of police, but I would have to honestly say that it’s a constant feeling of am I next because it’s almost like they could come out of nowhere.” A female on Sandra Bland said, “it’s like someone printed her mugshot out and pasted it to the back of my eyelids.”	+

Note. Quality assessment overall score is based on NICE guidelines (NICE, 2012).

Means most or all checklist criteria (e.g., theoretical approach, study design, and trustworthiness) were fulfilled and conclusions are very unlikely to alter.

Indicates some checklist criteria have been fulfilled and conclusions are unlikely to alter.

Tables 3 and 4 review measures and reports of traumatic stress used in studies. Three primary measures of traumatic stress were included in the extracted studies: physiological stress response measurements, responses to self-reported scales of post-traumatic stress (PTS) and emotional distress (ED), and—in qualitative studies only—verbal descriptions of post-traumatic stress symptoms.² Although most studies included youth irrespective of gender or enthnoracial identity, four studies focused only on male youth experiences, and two of these focused specifically on Black male youth. One study focused exclusively on Black female youth. Nine additional mixed-gender studies sampled only Black youth, and two sampled only Black and Latine youth. Finally, one study explored the experiences of transgender and gender-nonconforming Black and biracial Black youth. None of the studies included rural populations (see Table 2).

In comparing age distributions of participants, five studies exclusively sampled youth below the age of 18, and ten exclusively sampled youth above the age of 18, with the rest (n = 12) drawing from ages above and below 18. See Table 2 for details. Six of the ten studies sampling youth over the age of 18 specifically focused on young people attending college (Campbell & Valera, 2020; McLeroy & Wang, 2023; Sosoo et al., 2022; Tausen et al., 2023; Williams, 2021; Wilson et al., 2023).

Quantitative Results

Twelve of the 13 quantitative studies found a significant relationship between exposure to police violence and traumatic stress. See Table 3 for a summary of study designs and findings. Beyond the presence of an association between police violence exposure and traumatic stress across study designs and datasets, D. B.Jackson et al. (2019) found that police violence had a dose-response relationship with ED and PTS, with more violence exposure during a direct stop leading to greater ED and PTS among youth. A distinct analysis of the types of traumatic exposure and traumatic stress symptoms found that the use of racial slurs, harsh language, and threatening physical force was associated with higher levels of traumatic stress symptoms during direct exposure (Gearhart et al., 2023). Two studies explored the role of procedural justice (i.e., respectful and transparent police treatment) in police violence and traumatic stress; Gearhart et al. (2023) found that procedural justice mediated the relationship between police violence and traumatic stress, while Geller et al. (2014) found that it significantly moderated associations between police violence and traumatic stress.

The quantitative literature also revealed trends within ethnoracial and gender subgroups of youth. Results showed that Black and Latine youth are particularly at risk for traumatic stress from direct or vicarious exposure to police violence (Browning et al., 2021; D. B.Jackson et al., 2021; Sosoo et al., 2022; Tausen et al., 2023; Thompson et al., 2021; Tynes et al., 2019). Only one study found no association between direct exposure to police violence and later traumatic stress among Black male youth ( A. N.Jackson et al., 2020).³

Regarding gender differences, one study found that male youth were more likely to experience higher stress than female youth as measured by nightly cortisol levels following a macro-level vicarious exposure, defined as a police-related death in the county of study (Browning et al., 2021). Even so, another study found that female youth were more likely than male youth to have PTSD symptoms based on anticipated-direct or anticipated-vicarious exposure to police violence (Webb et al., 2022). Similarly, a study exploring the impacts of vicarious-media exposure found that Black and Latina female youth were more likely than Black and Latino male youth to have PTSD symptoms following media exposure (Tynes et al., 2019).

Limited quantitative research has also examined the role of personal characteristics and/or prior experiences, exposure to police violence, and traumatic stress. One study using data from the Future of Families and Child Well-being Study (FFCWS) found that among youth who had direct exposure to police violence, those with lower self-control reported greater traumatic stress following their direct exposure (D. B.Jackson et al., 2020). Further, lower self-control predicted greater police violence during a stop, which in turn predicted greater traumatic stress. Another study using FFCWS data found that among youth who had direct exposure to police violence, youth experiences of exclusionary discipline (e.g., suspension or expulsion) predicted greater police violence, which in turn predicted greater traumatic stress following the direct police exposure (D. B.Jackson, Testa, Semenza et al., 2022; D. B.Jackson, Testa, Todić et al., 2022). These studies demonstrate not only the overall impact of police violence on youth traumatic stress, but also how youth may be differentially impacted by police violence exposures based on personal characteristics and prior experiences. Table 5 provides a summary of critical findings.

Table 5.

Critical Findings.

• Direct, vicarious, and anticipated police violence exposures are associated with youth traumatic stress.
• Evidence suggests a dose-response relationship between police violence and traumatic stress.
• Black and Latine youth are at greater risk than White youth for traumatic stress following vicarious police violence exposures.
• Black youth are at risk for traumatic stress following vicarious-media exposures.
• Female youth are more likely than male youth to experience traumatic stress related to vicarious-media exposure and anticipated police exposure.
• Low self-control and experiences of exclusionary discipline are risk factors for traumatic stress following a violent police exposure.
• Procedural justice may mediate and/or moderate associations between police violence exposure and traumatic stress responses.

Qualitative Results

All fourteen qualitative studies (including the single mixed methods study) demonstrated a relationship between direct, vicarious, and anticipated police violence exposure and traumatic stress (see Table 4). Given that participant reports were highly aligned with traumatic stress responses associated with criteria for PTSD, we synthesized results using these criteria (Center for Substance Abuse Treatment, 2014). Consistent with the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th edition (DSM-5) Criterion B for a diagnosis of PTSD, five studies reported youth re-experiencing the traumatic or distressing event regardless of the type of vicarious exposures (Campbell & Valera, 2020; McLeroy & Wang, 2023; Wendel et al., 2022; Wilson et al., 2023). Physical symptoms of traumatic stress (also Criterion B) that participants described included freezing up, a general physical sensation related to thinking about the traumatic or distressing event, crying, stomach pains, increases in heart rate, and general pain (Campbell & Valera, 2020; Lopez et al., 2018; Williams, 2021). In five studies, youth described how they avoid (Criterion C) the police for fear of a violent interaction based on direct and anticipated exposure (Cela et al., 2023; Lopez et al., 2018; McLeroy & Wang, 2023; Rengifo et al., 2017; Shmool et al., 2015; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019).

Regarding Criterion D, several participants reported general feelings of fear and shock following a direct or unspecified family and community vicarious violent police exposure (Kidd & Magidson, 2023), and several reported a fear of losing their life (Cela et al., 2023; Henderson, 2017; Lopez et al., 2018; McLeroy & Wang, 2023; Sostre et al., 2023; Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Wendel et al., 2022; Wilson et al., 2023). Black male youth reported fearing for their own life after hearing about national police killings, demonstrating a severe form of anticipated-direct exposure (Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Wendel et al., 2022; Wilson et al., 2023). Transgender youth further reported being particularly sensitive to how their gender expression puts them at greater risk for police violence (Sostre et al., 2023). Several participants also reported physiological sensations and emotional feelings of shock (Lopez et al., 2018; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Williams, 2021). Additionally, youth reported feeling unsafe in their neighborhoods due to police presence, which relates to and can underpin avoidance and hypervigilance symptoms (Wendel et al., 2022). Accordingly, hypervigilance (Criteria E of PTSD) was a theme that emerged across several studies (Lopez et al., 2018; Rengifo et al., 2017; Shmool et al., 2015; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Wilson et al., 2023). Participants also noted that, when police are near, they take steps to alter their presentation to minimize police attention (e.g., pull up pants, tuck in chains) based on anticipated-direct exposure or prior direct or unspecified family and community vicarious exposures.

Quality Assessment Results

Of the quantitative studies, 76.92% (n = 10) met most or all criteria for internal validity, whereas 23.08% (n = 3) met most or all criteria for external validity (see Table 3). While nearly all studies received high-quality scores for complete and reliable outcome measures, several studies received low-quality scores for the selection of exposure and comparison groups, leading to limited generalizability to the population. Six of the 14 qualitative studies (42.85%) met most or all criteria of the quality assessment, and eight met some of the criteria (57.14%; Table 4). Most studies received high-quality scores for theoretical approach, study design, and conclusions. However, many studies had unreliable methods and analysis, which led to a reduced overall quality score.

Discussion

Twenty-six of the 27 studies included in this review found evidence of a relationship between exposure to police violence—whether direct, vicarious, or anticipated—and traumatic stress in youth. Importantly, traumatic stress was not limited to those who directly experienced police violence; witnessing events in person, viewing images or videos on social media or elsewhere, and anticipating police violence were also associated with traumatic stress responses.

The studies examined various demographic subgroups to document the differential impact of police violence exposure on youths’ traumatic stress. For instance, Black and Latine youth were more likely than White youth to experience traumatic stress following police violence exposure (Browning et al., 2021; Gearhart et al., 2023; D. B.Jackson et al., 2021). In addition to highlighting the experiences of underrepresented racial and ethnic subgroups, this review also emphasized the need for more research regarding experiences of female and gender-diverse and/or LGBTQ+ youth with police and associated traumatic stress responses. In fact, only one study found that male youth were more likely to experience traumatic stress compared with female youth (Browning et al., 2021). Qualitative research also suggests that transgender and gender-diverse Black youth are at high risk for traumatic stress related to police violence (Sostre et al., 2023). Furthermore, research on police violence exposure and traumatic stress among Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and/or Queer youth is lacking. Thus, future research should explore more nuanced and intersectional identities of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation, given evidence of different types of exposures to police violence by these identities and their possible connections to traumatic stress (for a recent example, see Jackson et al., 2024).

Studies examining additional subgroups, such as youth with low self-control and experiences of exclusionary school discipline, demonstrated that some youth may be at greater risk for traumatic stress following police violence exposure based on pre-existing characteristics and early life experiences. For instance, among youth who experienced direct police violence exposure, those with low self-control were more likely to experience heightened traumatic stress compared to those with high self-control ( D. B.Jackson et al., 2020). Youth who experienced exclusionary school discipline were also more likely to report direct police violence, which in turn increased traumatic stress responses (D. B.Jackson et al., 2022). Future research must consider the personal characteristics and early life experiences that may make youth more susceptible to traumatic stress responses following police violence exposure.

Finally, regarding age subgroup comparisons, no patterns emerged between studies that sampled youth below 18, above 18, or across these two age groups. However, six of the 10 studies that focused on youth aged 18 and older sampled college students (or mostly college students), and each of these studies used vicarious-media exposure as the primary police violence exposure (Campbell & Valera, 2020; McLeroy & Wang, 2023; Sosoo et al., 2022; Tausen et al., 2023; Williams, 2021; Wilson et al., 2023). Future research focused on samples of youth transitioning into adulthood should consider police violence exposures beyond media exposures (e.g., direct, anticipated). Students may enter college with varied lived experiences, which may differentially impact their academic and social-emotional development as emerging adults. Further, five of the six studies of college students exclusively sampled Black individuals (Tausen et al., 2023). To continue to move this work forward, future studies of college samples should consider sampling across diverse ethnoracial identities (e.g., Hispanic/Latine youth) to better understand how diverse police violence exposures might differentially shape traumatic stress responses among college-aged young people.

Qualitative Explanations for Quantitative Results

Multiple quantitative studies found vicarious exposure was associated with traumatic stress, particularly among youth of color. Key themes emerging in the qualitative data (e.g., a global sense of fear of police, avoidance of police, and identification with victims of police violence) may be potential pathways explaining quantitative findings (Rengifo et al., 2017; Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Wilson et al., 2023). As communities of color are disproportionately exposed to police violence (Geller, 2021), youth in these communities may be more likely to know someone who was a victim of police violence, which then may shape their own stress response. Beyond this, the racialized nature of police violence in the United States (Geller, 2021; D. B. Jackson, 2021) and its pervasiveness in the media (Pitts, 2022) may prime youth of color to respond to diverse police violence exposures with intense, negative emotions like stress and fear.

An array of emotions, cognitions, behaviors, and physiological responses may compound to trigger a traumatic stress response. Female youth in a study by Williams (2021) described heightened negative emotions like fear and sadness due to vicarious-media exposures. In Rengifo et al. (2017), female youth explained how their avoidant behaviors and hypervigilant thoughts stemmed from fear for their family and male friends and general distrust of police. The chronicity of these emotions, behaviors, and cognitions may explain the gender differences found in quantitative studies like Tynes et al. (2019) and Webb et al. (2022). Regarding male youths’ traumatic stress, Browning et al. (2021) found that male youth had greater physiological stress than female youth in response to a macro-level police violence exposure. This result aligns with qualitative findings that Black male youth, in particular, relate to and identify with those who have been killed by police, which may trigger responses like fear, avoidance, and hypervigilance that can develop into traumatic stress (Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; Staggers-Hakim, 2016; Wendel et al., 2022).

Limitations of Current Studies

Although the reviewed quantitative and qualitative studies offer powerful evidence of a consistent relationship between police violence and traumatic stress in youth, there are several limitations in the current literature. First, few qualitative studies used high-quality data collection methods (e.g., triangulating multiple forms of data) and analytic approaches (e.g., multiple transcribers). Additional qualitative studies are needed that address these questions using rigorous methods to reduce potential bias. Second, there is a lack of generalizability of existing studies, as they may not adequately reflect the U.S. youth population. Most research used urban-based samples from a single city or a sample of cities (e.g., Geller et al., 2014; Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019; D. B.Jackson et al., 2019). Therefore, information about policing and traumatic stress among youth in suburban or rural environments is limited. For example, five of the 13 quantitative studies (38.5%) used data from the FFCWS (e.g., D. B.Jackson et al., 2019; Gearhart et al., 2023). Further, at the time the data employed in these studies were collected, the average age of FFCWS respondents was about 15 years old; thus, relative to police violence data on younger adolescents, data on older adolescents and emerging adults are lacking. Still, the seven other quantitative studies that analyzed different youth samples and used other measures of police violence exposure (direct, vicarious, and anticipated) corroborate the pattern of findings that emerged in the FFCWS studies, which lessens the concern about limited generalizability from the FFCWS data source.

Aside from the generalizability of study samples, there was little exploration of gender identity as a moderator in traumatic stress outcomes. Few studies compared outcomes between male and female youth despite three quantitative studies revealing differences in traumatic stress by gender (Browning et al., 2021; Tynes et al., 2019; Webb et al., 2022). Further, studies focused predominantly on male youths’ attitudes and experiences without female comparison; only one study sample was exclusively female youths, and one study sampled exclusively transgender and gender-diverse youth (Sostre et al., 2023), illustrating a paucity of data collected on gender identity. Gender-diverse youth may have unique experiences that warrant further investigation.

In terms of police violence exposure, unspecified family vicarious exposure was grouped with unspecified community vicarious exposure for the purposes of this review, as only one study discussed family exposure separately from community exposure (Smith Lee & Robinson, 2019). Given that family vicarious exposure is likely more emotionally salient than community vicarious exposure, grouping these two exposure types together may overlook important differences in traumatic stress across these exposure types. Finally, several studies were excluded from this review because the average sample age exceeded 25 years (due to youth being grouped with much older adults), or only adults over the age of 25 were sampled.

Recommendations

Research Priorities

In Table 6, we posit a number of recommendations given the findings of this systematic review. First, we propose four recommendations for future research priorities. First, there is a need for additional research to elucidate the young people most affected by police violence by comparing stress outcomes across key demographic groups. This review finds an imbalance that favors work exploring the unique impact of police violence on traumatic stress in males despite females also being exposed to police violence and experiencing traumatic stress as a result. Further, gender identity uniquely influences exposure to distinctive forms of police violence, such as sexual harassment and assault (Lewis et al., 2021). Still, none of the studies included in this review measure these potential gender-based exposure differences in youth. Understanding the nature of youth police violence exposure by gender identity and expression may allow researchers to gain more insight into traumatic stress pathways and, ultimately, police violence prevention strategies. Future research should also explore how transphobia, sexism, and heterosexism may impact the relationship between police violence exposure and traumatic stress responses among youth (Roberts et al., 2012).

Table 6.

Implications for Research, Policy, and Practice.

Research	• Compare stress outcomes across key demographic factors (e.g., sex, gender, age group, urbanicity). • Focus on the role of individual differences (e.g., cognitive profile, past experiences) and protective factors that moderate stress outcomes (e.g., resilience, school connectedness). • Further study of anticipated exposure and its relationship with other forms of exposure and stress outcomes. • Improved systematic data collection to track police violence beyond fatal shootings and direct exposure.
Policy	• Develop organizational policies that prioritize police training that center positive relationships and ongoing partnerships with youth and youth-facing organizations to reduce harmful contact. • Consider alternative and co-responder public safety models that include medical professionals and social workers. • Increase funding for mental health practitioners in schools and universities who are trained to support youth with exposure to police violence.
Practice	• Adopt a culturally responsive adverse childhood experiences screening model to be implemented in community spaces where youth complete health screening. • Develop trauma-sensitive strategies for responsible media and social media dissemination of news involving police violence.

Beyond identity, we recommend more research examining a diverse range of geographic locations. The current literature focuses on urban populations, as these areas may be more likely to experience concentrated policing based on crime prevalence (Braga et al., 2019). Moving forward, researchers should also study police violence among youth residing in rural and suburban contexts, as these settings have distinct characteristics related to affluence of the population, police workforce composition, organizational structure of police departments, and nature of crimes (Singer, 2014; Rukus et al., 2018).

Second, a focus on the role of individual differences and protective factors of youth that may moderate stress outcomes can shed light on who is most (and least) susceptible to mental health issues in the face of police violence. D. B.Jackson et al. (2020) began this work by focusing on youth with low self-control. However, to date, this is the only study exploring how youths’ differing personal characteristics may impact exposure and stress responses to police violence. Future research should explore how other youth populations with varying cognitive, social, emotional, and/or physical factors are differentially impacted by exposure to police violence. For example, although some evidence reveals that individuals with autism are disproportionately impacted by the criminal legal system (Cooper et al., 2022), we found no studies exploring autism, police violence, and traumatic stress among youth.

Only three studies included in the review explored a potential protective factor in the relationship between police violence and traumatic stress, namely religiosity in A. N.Jackson et al. (2020) and perceptions of procedural justice in Geller et al. (2014) and Gearhart et al. (2023). Consideration of other protective factors known to moderate traumatic stress outcomes (e.g., resilience, cognitive skills, family and peer relationships, and school connectedness) is needed to help researchers identify strategies to prevent adverse outcomes among impacted youth (see Gartland et al., 2019). Finally, a key area for future research is to understand the timing of police violence exposure in the life course, with the possibility that police violence experienced earlier in life may lead to more detrimental trauma repercussions later in life (e.g., Sosoo et al., 2022; Wilson et al., 2023).

Third, our review revealed emerging research on the harmful traumatic stress effects of anticipated police violence among youth, which warrants further study. Webb et al. (2022) and Sostre et al. (2023) found that young women and gender-diverse youth were at high risk for traumatic stress related to their anticipated fear of police violence. These findings echo research exploring mental health effects of anticipated police exposures in adults (Alang et al., 2021). Continuing to research anticipated police exposures and unpack differences by race, gender, and other demographic characteristics may provide important data on the prevalence of traumatic stress related to anticipated police violence.

Fourth, to improve the research on different populations and exposure to police violence, it is essential to develop, improve, and expand surveillance systems to track and collect data on police violence beyond shootings and killings (Ward et al., 2024), with a focus on youth exposure and impacts. While deaths and non-fatal injuries caused by police have been tracked since 1999 and 2001, respectively (Law Enforcement Epidemiology Project, 2023), there are no comprehensive surveillance systems that collect data on other forms of police violence exposure. Evidence from this review shows that youth do not need to be exposed to police killings to experience traumatic stress. Practices that are sometimes regarded as standard procedures (e.g., stop-and-frisk) can be experienced as violent and have traumatizing effects (Alang et al., 2017) and, therefore, must be tracked with appropriate surveillance systems. Given that police violence is a public health crisis (American Public Health Association, 2018) with traumatic effects on youth – which has been affirmed by this systemtatic review – it should be subjected to the same surveillance and reporting standards as other epidemics faced by the nation.

Policy Priorities

Given the findings of this review, we also propose three policy priorities. First, policymakers should develop organizational policies that prioritize police training centered on positive relationships and ongoing partnerships with youth and youth-facing organizations to promote safety and prevent harmful contact (Goodrich et al., 2014; LaMotte et al., 2010). Through the use of planned partnership activities in a nonenforcement context, youth can have opportunities to interact with police without the looming threat of punitive stops or arrests. Such opportunities can foster relationships that build trust and community safety (Leroux & McShane, 2017). Police agencies must consider when it is essential to intervene with youth; when intervention is inevitable, police must be appropriately trained and prepared to implement best practices. While police departments may get some training on how to interact with youth, these trainings are not widespread and are infrequently trauma-informed or evidence-based (Bostic et al., 2014). Training must also consider ethnoracial and gender equity in treatment of youth (Geller, 2021). Sustained and ongoing training can build a culture among police departments that is responsive to youth needs, trauma-informed, and equity-focused ( D. B.Jackson et al., 2020).

Second, the public sector can consider the use of alternative and co-responder public safety models that include medical professionals and social workers to support police in youth encounters with trauma-informed practices. Given the recent trend in increasing police funding (Weaver & Geller, 2019), an emerging evidence base demonstrates that investing police funding toward partnerships with social workers and mental health practitioners can be useful in supporting youth who are in crisis, as these partners may be uniquely equipped with a set of trauma-informed approaches and techniques that can help to de-escalate these encounters (Marcus & Stergiopoulos, 2022).

Third, policymakers must plan to increase funding to train and provide resources to mental health practitioners in schools, community spaces, and universities to support youth with exposure to police violence. Youth-facing spaces (e.g., schools and recreation centers) must be equipped with appropriate mental health supports for youth who have been victims of or witnessed police violence to prevent or mitigate traumatic stress and downstream effects. Mental health practitioners should receive training on the best methods to support youth who have been exposed to police violence and those who experience the chronic fear that accompanies anticipated exposure (Proctor et al. 2021). Given evidence that youth with low self-control and those with experiences of exclusionary school discipline are more prone to traumatic stress responses following a violent police encounter (D.B. Jackson et al., 2020; D.B. Jackson, Testa, Todic et al., 2022), school-based interventions must be equipped to support youth with these risk factors as well.

Practice Priorities

Finally, based on the findings of this review, we also offer two recommendations for practice. First, spaces that administer youth health screenings (such as school-based health centers and medical practices) can expand screening practices to include a culturally responsive ACE screening model that adequately screens for police violence exposures and helps plan the provision of appropriate community supports (D. B. Jackson, 2021). Using such a model would require updating validated screening tools so that items encompassing the full spectrum of police violence exposures are included and accurately captured. This approach would also necessitate that these screenings consider youth’s age/developmental stage—such as differentiating pediatric populations (17 and under) from emerging adults (e.g., 18–25). This aligns with evidence-based, age-appropriate and tailored mental health measurement strategies and screenings for young people (e.g., the National Institutes of Health Patient-Reported Outcomes Measurement Information System [PROMIS] measures) (Riley et al., 2011). Ultimately, the results provided by these screenings would help illuminate the tailored supports youth may need based on exposure history. This screener would also be useful for collecting data on the prevalence of police violence exposure among youth.

Second, media outlets and social media platforms can develop and implement trauma-sensitive strategies for responsible media coverage and social media dissemination of incidents involving police violence. While images and videos are powerful vehicles to demonstrate the prevalence and harm of police violence, they come with a mental health toll, particularly for marginalized populations such as Black and Hispanic/Latine youth (Tynes et al., 2019). Responsible reporting on police violence is essential to spotlight its pervasiveness and resultant harms, but it must be done using a trauma-informed approach to protect the mental health of youth in disproportionately affected communities. Promoting digital news stories and social media algorithms that elevate positive messaging, offer mental health support, and share counternarratives while still adequately conveying essential information on police violence should be encouraged to ensure youth wellness. With over 60% of youth interacting with social media platforms such as TikTok and Instagram (Vogels et al., 2022), developing social media algorithms that prioritize wellness and share content regarding safe and more positive police-youth interactions may have the most significant impact on reducing youth traumatic stress outcomes through media usage.

Conclusion

This review reveals that direct, vicarious, and anticipated police violence exposures are associated with traumatic stress among youth ages 12 to 25. Further, our synthesis of the current literature highlights what is known about this association and exposes significant gaps in research that require attention. As more research becomes available in this area, it will be worthwhile to refine the police-violence-related constructs and measures under study and better elucidate the ways in which they intersect. Preventing police violence exposures in youth and providing adequate responses when these exposures occur is critical to promoting health equity for the nation’s youth. The public safety, health, and education sectors must collaborate to reduce disparities in mental health outcomes and promote healing and well-being among youth exposed to police violence.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-tva-10.1177_15248380241255735 – Supplemental material for Police Violence Exposure and Traumatic Stress Among Youth: A Systematic Review

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-tva-10.1177_15248380241255735 for Police Violence Exposure and Traumatic Stress Among Youth: A Systematic Review by Shoshana Oppenheim, Lindsey Webb, Alexander Testa, Rebecca L. Fix, Laura Clary, Tamar Mendelson and Dylan B. Jackson in Trauma, Violence, & Abuse

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Lindsey Webb

Alexander Testa

Rebecca L. Fix

Dylan B. Jackson

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Notes

Author Biographies

Shoshana Oppenheim, MSPH, is a recent graduate of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Her research and career focus on the intersection of schools and health, particularly how schools and community systems can promote health of children and families to reduce disparities in educational attainment and mental health.

Lindsey Webb, PhD, is an Assistant Research Professor in the Department of Mental Health at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Her research aims to promote adolescent well-being and prevent the development of mental health disorders and substance use disorders, with a focus on addressing mental health disparities.

Alexander Testa, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Management, Policy, and Community Health at the University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston. His research focuses on the influence of criminal legal system contact and violence exposure on health and development over the life course.

Rebecca L. Fix, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Mental Health at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Dr. Fix’s research aims to promote equity in the juvenile legal system and to prevent violence during adolescence.

Laura Clary, PhD (she/her), is an Assistant Scientist at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Her research focuses on promoting positive youth development and well-being, particularly positive peer relationships, social-emotional learning, and mental health. She has 20 years of experience working with youth, families, and schools, with expertise in partnering with underserved communities through research and intervention.

Tamar Mendelson, PhD, is a Professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health with joint appointments in the Department of Mental Health and the Department of Population, Family, and Reproductive Health. Her research addresses the development and testing of school-based mental health promotion interventions for young people in under-resourced urban communities.

Dylan B. Jackson, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and Co-Director of the Health Criminology Research Consortium. His research focuses on promoting the health and well-being of children, youth, and families in the face of violence, adversity, and exposure to the criminal legal system.

References

American Public Health Association. (2018). Addressing law enforcement violence as a public health issue. Policy statement (p. 201811).

American Academy of Pediatrics, American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, & Children’s Hospital Association. (2021). AAP-AACAP-CHA Declaration of a National Emergency in Child and Adolescent Mental Health. American Academy of Pediatrics. https://www.aap.org/en/advocacy/child-and-adolescent-healthy-mental-development/aap-aacap-cha-declaration-of-a-national-emergency-in-child-and-adolescent-mental-health/

Alang

McAlpine

McClain

(2021). Police encounters as stressors: Associations with depression and anxiety across race. Socius, 7, 2378023121998128. https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023121998128

Alang

McAlpine

McCreedy

Hardeman

(2017). Police brutality and black health: Setting the agenda for public health scholars. American Journal of Public Health, 107(5), 662–665. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2017.303691

Baskin

Sommers

(2015). Trajectories of exposure to community violence and mental health symptoms among serious adolescent offenders. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 42(6), 587–609. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854814556882

Blaustein

M. E.

Kinniburgh

K. M.

(2018). Treating traumatic stress in children and adolescents: How to foster resilience through attachment, self-regulation, and competency. Guilford Publications.

Boscarino

J. A.

Kirchner

H. L.

Hoffman

S. N.

Sartorius

Adams

R. E.

Figley

C. R.

(2011). A brief screening tool for assessing psychological trauma in clinical practice: Development and validation of the New York PTSD Risk Score. General Hospital Psychiatry, 33(5), 489–500. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.genhosppsych.2011.06.001

Bostic

J. Q.

Thurau

Potter

Drury

S. S.

(2014). Policing the teen brain. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 53(2), 127–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaac.2013.09.021

Boudreau

MacKenzie

S. A.

Simmons

D. J.

(2022). Police violence and public opinion after George Floyd: How the black lives matter movement and endorsements affect support for reforms. Political Research Quarterly, 75(2), 497–511. https://doi.org/10.1177/10659129221081007

10.

Braga

A. A.

Turchan

Papachristos

A. V.

Hureau

D. M.

(2019). Hot spots policing of small geographic areas effects on crime. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 15(3), e1046. https://doi.org/10.1002/cl2.1046

11.

Browning

C. R.

Tarrence

LaPlant

Boettner

Schmeer

K. K.

Calder

C. A.

Way

B. M.

Ford

J. L.

(2021). Exposure to police-related deaths and physiological stress among urban black youth. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 125, 104884. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.psyneuen.2020.104884

12.

Bucci

Marques

S. S.

Harris

N. B.

(2016). Toxic stress in children and adolescents. Advances in Pediatrics, 63(1), 403–428. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yapd.2016.04.002

13.

Campbell

Valera

(2020) “The only thing new is the cameras”: A study of US college students’ perceptions of police violence on social media. Journal of Black Studies, 51(7), 654–670. https://doi.org/10.1177/0021934720935600

14.

Carr

C. P.

Martins

C. M. S.

Stingel

A. M.

Lemgruber

V. B.

Juruena

M. F.

(2013). The role of early life stress in adult psychiatric disorders: a systematic review according to childhood trauma subtypes. The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 201(12), 1007–1020.

15.

Carter

R. T.

Mazzula

Victoria

Vazquez

Hall

Smith

Sant-Barket

Forsyth

Bazelais

Williams

(2013). Initial development of the race-based traumatic stress symptom scale: Assessing the emotional impact of racism. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, 5(1), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0025911

16.

Cela

Marcelin

L. H.

Waldman

Dembo

Demezier

Clement

Arcayos

Santisteban

Jean-Gilles

Hogue

(2023). Haitian and Haitian American experiences of racism and socioethnic discrimination in Miami-Dade county: At-risk and court-involved youth. Family Process, 62(1), 216–229. https://doi.org/10.1111/famp.12764

17.

Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (US). (2014). Trauma-informed care in behavioral health services. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (US). (Treatment Improvement Protocol (TIP) Series, No. 57.) Exhibit 1.3-4, DSM-5 Diagnostic Criteria for PTSD, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK207191/box/part1_ch3.box16/

18.

Cohen

Kamarck

Mermelstein

(1983). A global measure of perceived stress. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 24(4), 385–396. https://doi.org/10.2307/2136404

19.

Cooper

Moore

Gruskin

Krieger

(2004). Characterizing perceived police violence: Implications for public health. American Journal of Public Health, 94(7), 1109–1118. https://doi.org/10.2105/ajph.94.7.1109

20.

Cooper

D. S.

Uppal

Railey

K. S.

Blank Wilson

Maras

Zimmerman

Bornman

Shea

L. L.

(2022). Policy gaps and opportunities: A systematic review of autism spectrum disorder and criminal justice intersections. Autism, 26(5), 1014–1031. https://doi.org/10.1177/13623613211070341

21.

DeVylder

Fedina

Link

(2020). Impact of police violence on mental health: A theoretical framework. American Journal of Public Health, 110(11), 1704–1710. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2020.305874

22.

Dye

(2018). The impact and long-term effects of childhood trauma. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 28(3), 381–392. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2018.1435328

23.

Foa

E. B.

Johnson

K. M.

Feeny

N. C.

Treadwell

K. R.

(2001). The child PTSD symptom scale: A preliminary examination of its psychometric properties. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 30(3), 376–384. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15374424JCCP3003_9

24.

Gartland

Riggs

Muyeen

Giallo

Afifi

T. O.

MacMillan

Herrman

Bulford

Brown

S. J.

(2019). What factors are associated with resilient outcomes in children exposed to social adversity? A systematic review. BMJ Open, 9(4), e024870. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-024870

25.

Gearhart

M. C.

Berg

Barnhart

Bender

Jones

(2023). Police behaviors and procedural justice: Testing predictors of police-initiated post-traumatic stress symptoms. Children and Youth Services Review, 144, 106740. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2022.106740

26.

Geller

(2017). Policing America’s children: Police contact and consequences among teens in fragile families. IDEAS Work Pap Ser from RePEc (pp. 1–46).

27.

Geller

. (2021). Youth‒Police Contact: Burdens and inequities in an adverse childhood experience, 2014‒2017. American Journal of Public Health, 111(7), 1300–1308. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306259

28.

Geller

Fagan

Tyler

Link

B. G.

(2014). Aggressive policing and the mental health of young urban men. American Journal of Public Health, 104(12), 2321–2327. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2014.302046

29.

Goodrich

S. A.

Anderson

S. A.

LaMotte

(2014). Evaluation of a program designed to promote positive police and youth interactions. Journal of Juvenile Justice, 3(2), 55–71.

30.

Haile

Rowell-Cunsolo

Hyacinthe

M. F.

Alang

(2023). “We (still) charge genocide”: A systematic review and synthesis of the direct and indirect health consequences of police violence in the United States. Social Science & Medicine (1982), 322, 115784. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2023.115784

31.

Harrell

Davis

(2020). Contacts between police and the public, 2018. Bureau of Justice Statics Report, NCJ, 255730.

32.

Henderson

(2017). In their own words: How black teens define trauma. Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma, 12(1), 141–151. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40653-017-0168-6

33.

Hirschi

Gottfredson

(1983). Age and the explanation of crime. American Journal of Sociology, 89(3), 552–584. https://doi/10.1086/227905

34.

Hirschfield

P. J.

(2018). Schools and crime. Annual Review of Criminology, 1, 149–169.

35.

Horowitz

Wilner

Alvarez

(1979). Impact of event scale: A measure of subjective stress. Psychosomatic Medicine, 41(3), 209–218. https://doi.org/10.1097/00006842-197905000-00004

36.

Leroux

E. J.

McShane

(2017). Changing youth attitudes toward the police through community policing programming. Journal of Community Psychology, 45, 810–822. https://doi.org/10.1002/jcop.21894

37.

Jackson

A. N.

Butler-Barnes

S. T.

Stafford

J. D.

Robinson

Allen

P. C.

(2020). “Can I Live”: Black American adolescent boys’ reports of police abuse and the role of religiosity on mental health. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(12), 4330. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17124330

38.

Jackson

D. B

. (2021). The case for conceptualizing youth-police contact as a racialized adverse childhood experience. American Journal of Public Health, 111(7), 1189–1191. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306324

39.

Jackson

D. B.

Del Toro

Semenza

D. C.

Testa

Vaughn

M. G.

(2021). Unpacking racial/ethnic disparities in emotional distress among adolescents during witnessed police stops. The Journal of Adolescent Health: Official Publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine, 69(2), 248–254. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2021.02.021

40.

Jackson

D. B.

Fahmy

Vaughn

M. G.

Testa

(2019). Police stops among at-risk youth: repercussions for mental health. The Journal of Adolescent Health: Official Publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine, 65(5), 627–632. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2019.05.027

41.

Jackson

D. B.

Fix

R. L.

Testa

Webb

Del Toro

Alang

(2024). Cumulative police exposures, police violence stress, and depressive symptoms: a focus on black LGBQ youth in Baltimore City, Maryland. Journal of urban health, 1–13.

42.

Jackson

D. B.

Posick

Vaughn

M. G.

(2019). New evidence of the nexus between neighborhood violence, perceptions of danger, and child health. Health Affairs, 38(5), 746–754.

43.

Jackson

D. B.

Testa

Semenza

D. C.

Fix

R. L.

(2022). Youth mental well-being following witnessed police stops. Journal of Urban Health, 99(5), 783–793.

44.

Jackson

D. B.

Testa

Todić

Leos-Martinez

(2022). Exclusionary school discipline during childhood and adolescent police encounters. Deviant Behavior, 43(5), 573–592. https://doi.org10.1080/01639625.2021.1891843

45.

Jackson

D. B.

Testa

Vaughn

M. G.

(2020). Low self-control and the adolescent police stop: Intrusiveness, emotional response, and psychological well-being. Journal of Criminal Justice, 66, 101635. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2019.101635

46.

Jindal

Mistry

K. B.

Trent

McRae

Thornton

R. L. J.

(2022). Police exposures and the health and well-being of black youth in the US: A systematic review. JAMA Pediatrics, 176(1), 78–88. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamapediatrics.2021.2929

47.

Kessler

R. C.

Andrews

Colpe

L. J.

Hiripi

Mroczek

D. K.

Normand

S. L.

Walters

E. E.

Zaslavsky

A. M.

(2002). Short screening scales to monitor population prevalences and trends in non-specific psychological distress. Psychological Medicine, 32(6), 959–976. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0033291702006074

48.

Kidd

Magidson

(2023). Perceptions of a police-initiated diversion program: A qualitative study. Criminal Justice Studies, 36(1):53–69. https://doi.org/10.1080/1478601X.2023.2165074

49.

Kilpatrick

D. G.

Ruggiero

K. J.

Acierno

Saunders

B. E.

Resnick

H. S.

Best

C. L.

(2003). Violence and risk of PTSD, major depression, substance abuse/dependence, and comorbidity: Results from the National Survey of Adolescents. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71(4), 692–700. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-006x.71.4.692

50.

Kramer

Remster

(2018). Stop, frisk, and assault? Racial disparities in police use of force during investigatory stops. Law & Society Review, 52(4), 960–993.

51.

LaMotte

Ouellette

Sanderson

Anderson

S. A.

Kosutic

Griggs

Garcia

(2010). Effective police interactions with youth: A program evaluation. Police Quarterly, 13(2), 161–179.

52.

Law Enforcement Epidemiology Project. (2023). Facts and figure on injuries cause by law enforcement. University of Illinois Chicago. https://policeepi.uic.edu/data-civilian-injuries-law-enforcement/facts-figures-injuries-caused-law-enforcement/

53.

Lewis

Dirks

Emslie

, & Patterns Of Sexual Abuse Show Gaps In Police Disciplinary System. (2021). National Public Radio. Retrieved April 20, 2023, from https://www.npr.org/2021/06/24/1009802477/patterns-of-sexual-abuse-show-gaps-in-police-disciplinary-system

54.

Lieberg

(1995). Teenagers and public space. Communication Research, 22(6), 720–744. https://doi.org/10.1177/009365095022006008

55.

Lopez

W. D.

Novak

N. L.

Harner

Martinez

Seng

J. S.

(2018). The traumatogenic potential of law enforcement home raids: An exploratory report. Traumatology, 24(3), 193–199. https://doi.org/10.1037/trm0000148

56.

Majmundar

M. K.

Weisburd

(2018). Proactive policing effects on crime and Communities. National Academies Press.

57.

Marcus

Stergiopoulos

(2022). Re-examining mental health crisis intervention: A rapid review comparing outcomes across police, co-responder and non-police models. Health & Social Care in the Community, 30(5), 1665–1679. https://doi.org/10.1111/hsc.13731

58.

McLeroy

A. M.

Wang

Y. C.

(2023). “We’re not anti-police. . .We’re anti-police brutality”: An Exploration of Black College Freshmen’s Perception of Police Brutality on Social Media. Journal of Adolescent Research. https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584221144975

59.

Merrick

M. T.

Ford

D. C.

Ports

K. A.

Guinn

A. S.

Chen

Klevens

Metzler

Jones

C. M.

Simon

T. R.

Daniel

V. M.

Ottley

Mercy

J. A.

(2019). Vital signs: Estimated proportion of adult health problems attributable to adverse childhood experiences and implications for prevention—25 States, 2015–2017. MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 68(44), 999–1005. https://doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6844e1

60.

Moriarity

D. P.

Curley

E. E.

Anne McArthur

Ellman

L. M.

Coe

C. L.

Abramson

L. Y.

Alloy

L. B.

(2020). Reward sensitivity, cognitive response style, and inflammatory response to an acute stressor in adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 49(10), 2149–2159. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-020-01216-y

61.

National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE). (2012). Methods for the development of NICE public health guidance. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE).

62.

Office of the Surgeon General (OSG). (2021). Protecting youth mental health: The U.S. surgeon general’s advisory. US Department of Health and Human Services.

63.

Page

M. J.

McKenzie

J. E.

Bossuyt

P. M.

Boutron

Hoffmann

T. C.

Mulrow

C. D.

Shamseer

Tetzlaff

J. M.

Akl

E. A.

Brennan

S. E.

Chou

Glanville

Grimshaw

J. M.

Hróbjartsson

Lalu

M. M.

Loder

E. W.

Mayo-Wilson

McDonald

, . . .Moher

(2021). The PRISMA 2020 statement: An updated guideline for reporting systematic reviews. BMJ (Clinical Research ed.), 372, n71. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n71

64.

Pitts

(2022). Justice or just us: Media portrayals and the context of police violence. Justice Policy Journal, 19(1), 1–30.

65.

Proctor

S. L.

Chait

Owens

Gulfaraz

Sang

Prosper

Ogundiran

(2021). Preparation of school psychologists to support Black students exposed to police violence: Insight and guidance for critical training areas. Contemporary School Psychology, 25(3), 377–393. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40688-020-00317-6

66.

Rengifo

A. F.

Pater

Velazquez

B. J.

(2017). Crime, cops, and context: Risk and risk-management strategies among black and Latino youth in New York City. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 44(3), 452–471. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854816682047

67.

Riley

W. T.

Pilkonis

Cella

(2011). Application of the National Institutes of Health patient-reported outcomes measurement information system (PROMIS®) to mental health research. The Journal of Mental Health Policy and Economics, 14(4), 201.

68.

Rivara

Adhia

Lyons

Massey

Mills

Morgan

Simckes

Rowhani-Rahbar

(2019). The effects of violence on health. Health Affairs, 38(10), 1622–1629.

69.

Roberts

A. L.

Rosario

Corliss

H. L.

Koenen

K. C.

Austin

S. B.

(2012). Elevated risk of posttraumatic stress in sexual minority youths: Mediation by childhood abuse and gender nonconformity. American Journal of Public Health, 102(8), 1587–1593. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2011.300530

70.

Rocque

Posick

Hoyle

(2015). Age and crime. In Jennings

W. G.

(Ed.), Encyclopedia of crime and punishment (pp. 1–8). Wiley-Blackwell.

71.

Robinson

(2000). Creating space, creating self: Street-frequenting youth in the city and suburbs. Journal of Youth Studies, 3(4), 429–443. https://doi.org/10.1080/713684388

72.

Robinson

L. O.

(2020). Five Years after Ferguson: Reflecting on police reform and what’s ahead. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 687(1), 228–239. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219887372

73.

Rukus

Warner

M. E.

Zhang

(2018). Community policing: Least effective where need is greatest. Crime & Delinquency, 64(14), 1858–1881. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011128716686339

74.

Schellenberg

Walters

(2023). The uprise of gun violence in the United States: consequences of a dual pandemic. Current Opinion in Anesthesiology, 36(2), 132–136.

75.

Schleimer

J. P.

Buggs

S. A.

McCort

C. D.

Pear

V. A.

Biasi

A. D.

Tomsich

Shev

A. B.

Laqueur

H. S.

Wintemute

G. J.

(2022). Neighborhood racial and economic segregation and disparities in violence during the COVID-19 pandemic. American Journal of Public Health, 112(1), 144–153.

76.

Shmool

J. L.

Yonas

M. A.

Newman

O. D.

Kubzansky

L. D.

Joseph

Parks

Callaway

Chubb

L. G.

Shepard

Clougherty

J. E.

(2015). Identifying perceived neighborhood stressors across diverse communities in New York City. American Journal of Community Psychology, 56(1–2), 145–155. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-015-9736-9

77.

Simckes

Willits

McFarland

Rowhani-Rahbar

Hajat

(2021). The adverse effects of policing on population health: A conceptual model. Social Science & Medicine, 281, 114103. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114103

78.

Singer

S. I.

(2014). America’s safest city: Delinquency and modernity in suburbia (vol. 3). NYU Press.

79.

Smith Lee

J. R.

Robinson

M. A

. (2019). “That’s My Number One Fear in Life. It’s the Police”: Examining young black men’s exposures to trauma and loss resulting from police violence and police killings. Journal of Black Psychology, 45(3), 143–184. https://doi.org/10.1177/0095798419865152

80.

Sostre

J. P.

Abreu

R. L.

Vincent

Lockett

G. M.

Mosley

D. V.

(2023). Young Black trans and gender-diverse activists’ well-being among anti-Black racism and cissexism during the COVID-19 pandemic. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000627

81.

Sosoo

E. E.

MacCormack

J. K.

Neblett

E. W.

Jr (2022). Psychophysiological and affective reactivity to vicarious police violence. Psychophysiology, 59(10), e14065. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14065

82.

Staggers-Hakim

(2016). The nation’s unprotected children and the ghost of Mike Brown, or the impact of national police killings on the health and social development of African American boys. Journal Of Human Behavior In The Social Environment, 26(3–4), 390–399. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2015.1132864

83.

Stansfeld

S. A.

Rothon

Das-Munshi

Mathews

Adams

Clark

Lund

(2017). Exposure to violence and mental health of adolescents: South African Health and Well-being Study. BJPsych Open, 3(5), 257–264. https://doi.org/10.1192/bjpo.bp.117.004861

84.

Stoudt

B. G.

Fine

Fox

(2011). Growing up policed in the age of aggressive policing policies. New York School Law Review, 56, 1331.

85.

Tausen

B. M.

Misgano

Wilson

(2024). Campus racial climate, psychological well-being, and race-based traumatic stress symptoms among monoracial black and biracial black students following heightened exposure to police brutality. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, 11(1), 121–131. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-022-01503-3

86.

Testa

Turney

Jackson

D. B.

Jaynes

C. M.

(2022). Police contact and future orientation from adolescence to young adulthood: Findings from the Pathways to Desistance Study. Criminology, 60(2), 263–290.

87.

Thompson

Baquero

English

Calvo

Martin-Howard

Rowell-Cunsolo

Garretson

Brahmbhatt

(2021). Associations between Experiences of Police Contact and Discrimination by the Police and Courts and Health Outcomes in a Representative Sample of Adults in New York City. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 98(6), 727–741. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-021-00583-6

88.

Turanovic

J. J.

(2022). Exposure to violence and victimization: Reflections on 25 years of research from the national longitudinal study of adolescent to adult health. The Journal of Adolescent Health: Official Publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine, 71(6S), S14–S23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2022.08.015

89.

Turney

(2021). Depressive symptoms among adolescents exposed to personal and vicarious police contact. Society and Mental Health, 11(2), 113–133. https://doi.org/10.1177/2156869320923095

90.

Tynes

B. M.

Willis

H. A.

Stewart

A. M.

Hamilton

M. W.

(2019). Race-related traumatic events online and mental health among adolescents of color. The Journal of Adolescent Health: Official Publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine, 65(3), 371–377. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2019.03.006

91.

Ward

J. A.

Cepeda

Jackson

D. B.

Johnson

Jr Webster

D. W.

Crifasi

C. K.

(2024). National burden of injury and deaths from shootings by police in the United States, 2015–2020. American Journal of Public Health, 114(4), 387–397.

92.

Weaver

V. M.

Geller

(2019). De-policing America’s youth: Disrupting criminal justice policy feedbacks that distort power and derail prospects. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 685(1), 190–226. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219871899

93.

Webb

Jackson

D. B.

Jindal

Alang

Mendelson

Clary

L. K.

(2022). Anticipation of racially motivated police brutality and youth mental health. Journal of Criminal Justice, 83, 101967. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2022.101967

94.

Wendel

M. L.

Jones

Jr. Nation

Howard

Jackson

Brown

A. A.

Kerr

Williams

Ford

Combs

(2022). "Their help is not helping”: Policing as a tool of structural violence against Black communities. Psychology of Violence, 12(4), 231–240. https://doi.org/10.1037/vio0000411

95.

Williams

(2021). Stream of sadness: Young black women’s racial trauma, police brutality and social media. Feminist Media Studies, 21(8), 1270–1284. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2021.2006261

96.

Wilson

B. L.

Wolfer

T. A.

Wooten

N. R.

Pitner

Moore

S. E.

Anders

A. D.

(2023). “Am I Next?”: A qualitative study of Black college students’ experiences of stress, trauma, and grief from exposures to police killings. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 2, 1–33. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2023.2173353

97.

Vogels

E. A.

Gelles-Watnick

Massarat

Teens, Social Media and Technology 2022.(2022) Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/internet/2022/08/10/teens-social-media-and-technology-2022/

Supplementary Material

Please find the following supplemental material available below.

For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.

For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.

0.00 MB

0.02 MB