Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature

Abstract

Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a complex social problem affecting many women globally. In Zimbabwe, intimate partner violence (IPV) and child marriages remain persistent public health problems with detrimental effects on the health and well-being of women and girls. Statistics show that Zimbabwe has one of the highest rates of IPV and child marriage in sub-Saharan Africa. Given this background, this paper systematically reviewed published research on VAWG in Zimbabwe from 2012 to 2022 to identify research gaps. Using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses, we systematically searched for literature across five electronic databases: Web of Science, Medline, Psych-Info via EBSCO-Host, and Google Scholar. Our initial search yielded 261 articles, of which only 45 met our inclusion criteria. We summarized these studies using thematic analysis and performed a quality assessment using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool. The findings revealed several gaps, including a limited focus on relational and perpetrator perspectives, insufficient attention to other forms of VAWG such as non-partner sexual violence, rape, and trafficking, and a lack of studies on marginalized groups such as people with disabilities, sex workers, and same-sex couples. In addition, there were no longitudinal studies examining trends and dynamics of VAWG over extended periods or comparing different geographical regions. Few studies also focused on the evaluation of interventions. Although significant progress has been made in addressing VAWG, this review underscores the need for more research to fill these gaps for effective and evidence-based policymaking and response strategies.

Keywords

violence against women and girls VAWG IPV sexual violence child marriage girl child abuse Zimbabwe

Introduction

Globally, violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a complex societal problem and developmental challenge that severely affects women’s health (Beyene et al., 2019). VAWG encompasses acts that inflict or potentially inflict physical, sexual, or psychological harm to the victim. This behavior can also be intended to threaten, control, and/or deprive women of their freedom in private and public lives (World Health Organization [WHO], 2013, 2018). Thus, VAWG can occur at the family or community level or be perpetrated or condoned on an institutional level by governments or other organized groups (Kilpatrick, 2004).

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is defined as violence that occurs within an intimate relationship, causing physical, sexual, or psychological harm and has been identified as the most common form of violence affecting women and girls (Watts & Zimmerman, 2002). Globally, more than a third of women have experienced sexual or physical violence at some point in their lives from an intimate partner, with more than 50% of femicides associated with it (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2018; WHO, 2018). In Zimbabwe, statistics from the 2015 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) indicate a high prevalence of IPV against women of around 45% (Bengesai & Khan, 2021), which is above the global average of 30% (Devries et al., 2013) and the sub-Saharan African (SSA) regional average of 36% (Ahinkorah, 2021). In addition to IPV, research suggests that a significant number of young girls in Zimbabwe have also been subjected to both non-partner violence and IPV. For instance, the Global Based School Survey demonstrated that approximately 25% of young girls aged 13 to 16 in Namibia, Uganda, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe had experienced some form of sexual violence (Brown et al., 2009). In addition, some studies indicate that more than a third of young Zimbabwean women were married before the age of 18 years, and many against their will (Bengesai et al., 2021; Sayi & Sibanda, 2018).

The detrimental effects of different forms of VAWG on women are well documented. For instance, IPV has been associated with several negative outcomes, such as depression, suicidal thoughts, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Devries et al., 2011); physical health challenges, such as somatic disorders, injuries, and bruises (Campbell, 2002); and maternal health (Agarwal et al., 2023). Sexual violence is also detrimental to sexual health and has been associated with gynecological problems and increased risk for sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV and AIDS (McClintock & Dulak, 2021). Further, VAWG has deleterious effects on children. Research has suggested that children who have witnessed violence are affected in myriad ways, including negative physical and mental health outcomes and a decline in academic performance (Fry et al., 2018; Vu et al., 2016). Notably, children who are exposed to VAWG are more likely to be victims or perpetrators later in life (Kanwal Aslam et al., 2015). In some countries where young girls have to walk long distances to school, the threat of violence has forced them to drop out of school due to the heightened risk of sexual assault during their journey to school (Altinyelken & Le Mat, 2018; Bhana, 2012). The economic costs of VAWG are also significant, with estimates suggesting that the direct and indirect costs of VAWG to countries can range between 1.2% and 2% of the gross domestic product (Duvvury et al., 2013).

Given the negative effects of VAWG and its high prevalence, effective interventions and management strategies are needed in Zimbabwe. However, responding to this need requires a comprehensive understanding of both its occurrence and epidemiology. To date, the evidence on VAWG has not been systematically synthesized in Zimbabwe. Thus, this paper aims to fill this gap by reviewing the literature on the different forms of VAWG documented in Zimbabwe from 2012 to 2022. Specifically, the paper seeks to evaluate the scope, scale, and nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe and identify any gaps in the current state of knowledge. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics of VAWG and provides valuable insights that can guide the identification and development of future interventions and policies to address this social problem effectively.

Factors Influencing VAWG in Zimbabwe

Many factors can contribute toward VAWG, some of which may vary across contexts. However, in the Zimbabwean context, several scholars have highlighted the deeply entrenched patriarchal nature of the society as a significant contributor to gender inequality and violence against women (Chitakure, 2016; Shamu et al., 2012). These patriarchal beliefs are reflected in many aspects of life, from music (Chari, 2008), to interpersonal relationships (Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Shamu et al., 2018; Wekwete et al., 2014), and politics (Dzimiri et al., 2014; Ncube & Yemurai, 2020). Consequently, women often find themselves marginalized, with their roles confined to caretaking and the traditional trajectory of marriage and motherhood (Chitakure, 2016; Liamputtong & Benza, 2019). This marginalization also extends to various aspects of their lives, such as property rights (Chitakure, 2016), control over their bodies (Gudhlanga, 2013), and restricted agency in determining marriage partners or making household decisions (Bengesai & Khan, 2023). Such systemic oppression is further reinforced through social structures such as the family and religion, where prevailing values endorse and normalize such expressions of power imbalance (Chitakure, 2016; Liamputtong & Benza, 2019). Deviation from socially acceptable norms often leads to violence, with minimal or no repercussions for perpetrators (Chitakure, 2016; Fidan & Bui, 2016).

Cultural practices, notably those targeting young girls, further entrench gender disparities. Harmful practices such as kuripa ngozi (virgin pledging to appease vengeful spirits) or kuzvarira (pledged marriages in exchange for food or cattle), which are practiced in some communities force young girls into unwanted marriages (Chiweshe et al., 2021; Padare, 2014). In the Zimbabwean society, where family honor and marriage are highly esteemed, young girls who find themselves pregnant are often expected to elope with the individual responsible for the pregnancy (kutizira) to mitigate the shame associated with premarital sex and out-of-wedlock or teenage childbearing, even if they are not emotionally ready for such a commitment (Chitakure, 2016; Chiweshe et al., 2021; Humbe & Chireshe, 2021).

The exploitation of the girl child in Zimbabwe is significantly worsened by some religious practices, especially among the Apostolic Faith sect such as the Johanne Marange (Chiweshe et al., 2021; Hallfors et al., 2016), which is known for abusing young girls through marriage, often justified under the guise of prophecy. This exploitation is compounded by the political ties the sect has with the political elites who leverage its influence for electoral gain, often overlooking issues like child marriage to avoid losing support (Bengesai et al., 2021; Chiweshe et al., 2021). Cast in this way, the toxic nexus of religion, politics, and cultural norms exacerbates the plight of young girls, perpetuating cycles of abuse and inequality.

While VAWG in Zimbabwe is undoubtedly rooted in patriarchy, scholars have also recognized the complex interplay of factors such as unemployment, economic instability and skyrocketing inflation, and poverty, which have been on the increase, especially in the last two decades (Zengenene & Susanti, 2019). It has been suggested that in times of scarcity, the stress and tension resulting from a lack of resources can exacerbate conflict and increase the likelihood of violence as a means to maintain control over limited resources (Abramsky et al., 2019; Bulte & Lensink, 2019). At the same time, the recent COVID-19 pandemic, during which several control measures such as lockdowns and stay at home regulations were imposed with varying degrees of strictness between 2020 and 2022, has also been implicated in the increase of violence globally. This increase is partly due to the fact that victims were exposed to abusive partners more or had limited opportunities to escape or access help (Kourti et al., 2023; Mahlangu et al., 2022).

Another area that has received attention in the literature is the legal and policy context. Although the Zimbabwean government has implemented laws such as the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) of 2007 and Sexual Offences Act of 2001, which aim to provide legal provisions and remedies for the victims of gender-based violence (GBV), critics argue that the enforcement has been inadequate (Chiweshe et al., 2021; Shamu et al., 2012). Some of the inadequacies in the justice system that have been cited include the limited access to legal information by many women, ambiguity in legal provisions as well as sociocultural and attitudinal barriers within the justice system (Chireshe, 2015; Chiweshe et al., 2021). Many victims of VAWG also face challenges in accessing free legal aid, and when available, the information is often insufficiently detailed and primarily in English, a language that may not be adequately understood by all victims. Additionally, there is a lack of clarity regarding the codification of constitutional rights, such as child marriage, into criminal law (Chiweshe et al., 2021). Some also argue that law enforcement authorities are sometimes influenced by societal norms to perceive IPV to be a private matter (Chireshe, 2015; Chitakure, 2016). Consequently, many cases may go unreported—while victims continue to suffer in silence.

Methods

Given that our aim was to understand the scope and nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe, we opted for the systematic literature review approach, which allows for the broad examination of existing evidence. This enabled us to map out the breadth of available evidence and identify key themes and any gaps in the research. To conduct the literature review, we followed a six-stage process that included (a) identifying the research question, (b) developing the inclusion criteria, (c) searching databases, (d) importing all results to an endnote library to delete duplicates, (e) extracting data in Excel, and (f) synthesizing and reporting the results (Bramer et al., 2016; Page et al., 2021). We also used the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) checklist to ensure our review had methodological and reporting rigor (Page et al., 2021).

Eligibility Criteria

To be eligible for inclusion in this review, the studies had to focus on VAWG, encompassing both perpetrator and survivor perspectives. The studies also had to be published in English and in a peer-reviewed journal between 2012 and 2022 and focused on Zimbabwe. Both quantitative and qualitative studies were included. Although focusing on English studies alone is often considered a potential source of selection bias (Siddaway et al., 2019), this does not hold in Zimbabwe, where scholarly work is predominantly in English. To date, we have not come across any research papers written in any of the local languages. Thus, our choice of English language aligns with the linguistic landscape of academic discourse in the country.

We also opted to only include research published in the last decade for two reasons. First, we needed to ensure that our review was comprehensive while also capturing the most current and relevant studies, interventions, and trends. This is important because societal attitudes, policies, and research priorities change over time. Thus, restricting the review to the past decade ensured that our findings are directly applicable to current policy and practice considerations, although it is acknowledged that this may have resulted in the exclusion of some potentially relevant studies. Second, it enabled us to specifically capture progress toward achieving Millennium Development Goal 3 (prior to 2015) and subsequent Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5, which pertain to ending violence.

Search Strategy

The following databases were used to search for relevant articles: Web of Science, Medline, and Psych-Infor via EBSCO Host and Google Scholar. The keywords used to search the databases were: violence against women and Zimbabwe; domestic violence and Zimbabwe; intimate partner violence and Zimbabwe; gender-based violence and Zimbabwe; physical violence and Zimbabwe; sexual violence and Zimbabwe; emotional violence and Zimbabwe; economic violence and Zimbabwe; child abuse and Zimbabwe; child marriage and Zimbabwe; and violence against girls and Zimbabwe. We also filtered the data using synonyms such as “abuse” or acronyms such as “IPV” and “DV.”

Coding of Studies

We used an iterative process to code all the studies, with both authors (A.V.B. and L.C.) coding separately, then discussing and refining the codebook based on identified overlaps and redundancies. We used an Excel spreadsheet specifically designed for this review to extract the data from the studies in preparation for thematic analysis and conducted a quality assessment (see Supplemental File) using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool (Hong et al., 2018). Data extraction focused on the following aspects of the literature: (a) type of violence, (b) methods (instruments, sample etc.), (c) measurement and risk factors, and (d) findings (e.g., prevalence).

Results

Using the PRISMA flowchart (Figure 1), we identified 261 records from the different databases. After the initial screening of abstracts and titles and deduplication in Endnote, the number of studies was reduced to 165 records. Using the inclusion criteria, we further excluded 107 records that were not peer-reviewed, focused on extraneous topics, or were multinational studies that reported only pooled results. Of the remaining 58 articles, we excluded an additional 15 that did not clearly identify the form of VAWG investigated or were narratives or conceptual papers on the topic of VAWG. Finally, 45 articles were selected for an in-depth review (as shown in Figure 1).

Figure 1.

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the search process.

Summary of Findings

VAWG Topics Covered in the Literature

The studies included in this survey focused on different forms of abuse targeting women and girls. As shown in Table 1, IPV was the most researched topic (N = 30, 66%). This was followed by child abuse (including sexual, physical, and emotional abuse and child marriage, n = 11, 24%). Four studies investigated other forms of VAWG: non-partner sexual violence (n = 2, 4%), sexism (n = 1, 2,2%), and non-intimate femicide (n = 1, 2,2%). Tables 2 -4 presents summarises of research methods, age of partcipants and geographic location used in this study.

Table 1.

Frequency of VAWG Topics Identified in the Literature.

Forms of VAWG Addressed in Studies	Frequency
Intimate partner violence	30
Non-intimate sexual violence	2
Child abuse	11
Sexual, physical, and emotional	7
Child marriage	4
Sexism	1
Non-intimate femicide	1
Total	45

Note. VAWG = violence against women and girls.

Table 2.

Research Methods Used in the Literature.

Research Methods	Frequency
Surveys	32
Population-based (CTS)	19
Population-based NBSLEA/VACS	4
Adapted CTS	6
Other	3
Qualitative interviews	10
Mixed methods	3

Note. CTS = conflict tactics scale; NBSLEA = National Baseline Survey on Life Experiences of Adolescents; VACS = Violence Against Children Surveys.

Table 3.

Age of Research Participants in the Literature.

Age of Research Participants	Range
IPV
Quantitative studies	15–49
Qualitative studies	15–69
CA	13–24

Note. CA = child abuse; IPV = intimate partner violence.

Table 4.

Geographical Distribution.

Context	Frequency
National	25
Urban	14
Rural	6

Research Methods Used in the Studies

Most of the research conducted during the years included in this study used survey-based methods (n = 32, 71%). These studies also used the conflict tactics scale (CTS). The CTS was developed by Murray in 1979 to measure the use of reasoning and aggression to resolve disagreements in family relationships (Cascardi et al., 2018; Straus, 1979). Among these survey-based studies, most typically analyzed data from DHSs (n = 20, 44.4%), while others adapted the CTS for non-population-based surveys (n = 5, 11.1%). The studies investigating child abuse used the National Baseline Survey on Life Experiences of Adolescents, the Violence Against Children Surveys scale or the child abuse screening tool (n = 4, 8.8%), which have been used and validated in other African countries. Additionally, three studies (6.67%) using the survey method used researcher-designed questionnaires.

Face-to-face qualitative interviews were the second most frequently used method for data collection (n = 10, 22.2%). Three studies (3, 6.7%) used mixed methods, which included a combination of interviews and surveys; surveys and document analysis; or interviews, observations, and patient records.

Age of Participants

The quantitative studies on IPV selected women and girls aged 15 to 49, and the qualitative studies selected subjects aged 19 to 69. Respondents in the child abuse studies ranged in age from 13 to 24 years, although a couple of studies examined child abuse retrospectively—thus sampling older women.

Geographical Distribution

Most of the studies in the sample were population-based national surveys (n = 25, 55.6%). Only 14 studies were conducted in urban areas (n = 14, 31.1%), while rural areas accounted for a smaller proportion (n = 6, 13.0%).

Emerging Themes

Figure 2 presents the themes explored in Zimbabwean literature in the past decade. These included studies on VAWG focused on different forms of abuse targeting women and girls, including emotional violence, physical abuse, and economic violence toward women of reproductive age. Intimate partner sexual violence (IPSV) was also explored across the age span, with young girls experiencing acts of sexual violence such as unwanted touching and penetrative sex by their boyfriends. Child physical and emotional abuse was mainly experienced within the family, primarily by parents, although extended family members were also implicated. Other perpetrators of child abuse included teachers, neighbors, and strangers, although these were mentioned less frequently. Non-partner sexual violence was also experienced by women across the age spectrum, including adolescents, those of reproductive age, and those above the age of 50, although for the latter, the evidence was derived from qualitative studies.

Figure 2.

Types of VAWG explored in the literature (from 2012 to 2022).

Description of the Studies

IPV Among Ever Partnered Women

IPV in the general population has been researched from many perspectives. Some studies have examined the prevalence and correlates of IPV (Fidan & Bui, 2016; Iman’ishimwe Mukamana et al., 2020; Lasong et al., 2020); its association with factors such as the empowerment of women (Bengesai & Derera, 2021; Wekwete et al., 2014), female autonomy (Bengesai & Khan, 2021), household wealth (Bamiwuye & Odimegwu, 2014), contraceptive use (Adjiwanou & N’Bouke, 2015), breastfeeding (Misch & Yount, 2014), polygyny (Ahinkorah, 2021), and HIV infection (Henderson et al., 2017). Broadly speaking, these studies highlighted the impact of economic stress and gender norms, the protective effect of female autonomy on IPV, and related factors such as contraceptive use and sexual negotiation. One study also explored interviewer effects on participants reporting IPV (Metheny & Stephenson, 2020). We found one study on males as perpetrators of IPV (Machisa & Shamu, 2018) and another on the effects of IPV on women’s physical health, that is, injuries (Iyanda et al., 2021). Only one study examined GBV against women living with disabilities (Rugoho & Maphosa, 2015) and found that women with disabilities were at a higher risk of GBV than nondisabled women due to their vulnerability and dependence on others. Thus, the studies examining IPV in the general female population have focused primarily on understanding its prevalence and association from the victim’s perspective, with limited emphasis on perpetrators or on the effects of IPV on victims’ physical or emotional health.

IPV in Pregnancy

Some studies examined IPV among pregnant women. Unlike the IPV research in the general population, this research has largely focused on the health effects of IPV on pregnant women. Specifically, this cluster of research has explored the relationship between IPV and post-traumatic stress disorder, suicidal ideation (Shamu et al., 2016), maternal outcomes (such as preterm birth), and low birth weight (Shamu et al., 2018; Yaya et al., 2021). Other studies have examined the interaction between IPV, pregnancy, and HIV disclosure (Shamu, Abrahams, Zarowsky, et al., 2013; Shamu et al., 2014). With one exception (Yaya et al., 2021), these studies sampled women from healthcare settings and were based on the premise that pregnancy may represent a unique opportunity for vulnerable women to access healthcare facilities, making the detection of their exposure to violence easier. These studies found that sexual and emotional violence is very high among pregnant women, making them more vulnerable to other health risks such as suicidal ideation and post-traumatic stress disorders. An interesting finding was that disclosing HIV results led to violence among both positive and negative women, although the risk was higher among the former group. These findings reflect the enduring stigma that is still attached to HIV and AIDS in Zimbabwe (Shamu, Abrahams, Zarowsky et al., 2013) and highlight a societal gap in recognizing the importance of HIV testing.

IPV in Qualitative Studies

Other IPV studies have taken a more qualitative approach—interviewing women about their beliefs and understanding of domestic violence (Makahamidze, 2012), their coping strategies (Chadambuka, 2022, 2022), and experiences of IPV after disclosing HIV results (Shamu et al., 2012). The qualitative studies on help-seeking behavior generally established that most victims suffer in silence, often resigning themselves to acceptance and self-blame. Most seek help from informal support systems, which are often ineffective due to the entrenched social norms in most communities that perceive marital violence as justifiable under certain circumstances, especially where a woman is seen as deviating from socially prescribed roles. Some women turn to prayer, while only a few empowered women challenge the status quo. The study by Shamu et al. (2012) found that IPSV during pregnancy was common, with forced sex, unprotected sex, and infidelity accusations being the main forms. The study also revealed that IPSV during pregnancy was often linked to a partner’s suspicion or awareness of HIV infection and that women who disclosed their HIV status to their partners were at a higher risk of experiencing IPSV. One study also explored the obstacles and opportunities of screening pregnant women for IPV during antenatal care and derived data from focus group interviews with pregnant women and health care practitioners such as midwives (Shamu, Abrahams, Temmerman, et al., 2013). This study found that many factors can discourage IPV disclosure, such as lack of privacy, limited time and resources, inadequate training and support for healthcare providers, and social and cultural norms that justify marital violence and the subjugation of women. IPV screening was also hindered by the fact that healthcare practitioners did not feel adequately trained to conduct screenings. Even when signs of IPV were observed, some healthcare practitioners did not consider it as a clinical indicator, which was worsened by the absence of clear protocols for addressing it.

Non-Partner Sexual Violence

While none of the studies included in this research focused exclusively on non-partner sexual violence, two included sub-samples of women who experienced rape and/or other forms of sexual harassment from non-partners (Mukanangana et al., 2014; Sithole et al., 2018). Sithole et al. (2016) explored the help-seeking patterns of victims of sexual violence by examining records and interviews with both survivors and healthcare workers involved in a sexual gender-based violence (SGBV) program. The findings highlight the issue of low program awareness and that the victims of non-partner sexual violence tended not to seek help early, increasing their risk of HIV infection.

Child Abuse

Eleven studies focused on child abuse; three were multinational studies that used DHS data. Two studies focused exclusively on children as direct victims of sexual abuse (Rumble et al., 2015; Sommarin et al., 2014); one study each focused on physical and emotional abuse (Chigiji et al., 2018); drivers of child abuse (Izumi & Baago Rasmussen, 2018); and the association between sexual and physical abuse during childhood and the risk of contracting HIV among adults (Shamu et al., 2019). Other studies explored child marriage, with a focus on sexual violence experienced by married adolescent girls (Thupayagale-Tshweneagae et al., 2019); the prevalence or correlates of child abuse (Andersson et al., 2012; Izumi & Baago Rasmussen, 2018; Sayi & Sibanda, 2018); and the association of child abuse with other factors, such as educational attainment (Bengesai et al., 2021) and IPV (Ahinkorah et al., 2022).

Eight of the eleven studies were drawn from nationally representative samples, with participant sizes ranging from 1,156 to 6,490. These studies indicate that child abuse is rife in Zimbabwe, with physical and sexual abuse being the most prevalent, reaching epidemic levels (Rumble et al., 2015). Perpetrators of child abuse are often individuals in positions of trust, such as family members or an intimate partner (boyfriend or girlfriend). Unfortunately, these studies indicate that most of the young girls who experience child abuse do not seek or get help—despite the potential physical and mental health consequences. Overall, all the studies on child abuse underscore the urgent need for interventions that tackle the root causes of child abuse, such as poverty, gender inequality, and harmful cultural practices that often perpetuate child marriage.

Prevalence of VAWG

The studies included in this review indicate that, on average, 42% of Zimbabwean women have been exposed to some form of physical, emotional, or sexual violence during their lifetime (Figure 3). The mean prevalence of physical violence in population-based studies was 28.5%, emotional violence 35.9%, and sexual violence 12.7%, although this increased over time, especially for physical and emotional violence (Figure 4). From 2005 to 2015, the lifetime prevalence of physical violence increased from 22% in 2005 to 29% in 2015, while emotional violence increased from 25% to 29% during the same period. Interestingly, the lifetime prevalence of sexual violence decreased from approximately 17% in 2005 to 10% in 2015. These increased rates (physical and emotional violence) may reflect the increased awareness of violence in response to the advocacy campaigns that promoted the DVA of 2007. However, it is plausible that sexual violence cases may go unreported due to fear of secondary victimization, especially in a society where a woman’s sexual purity is highly valued (Mokoena, 2022). Additionally, sexual violence cases tend to carry a heavy sentence—which might act as a deterrent for reducing its incidence (Chiweshe et al., 2021).

Figure 3.

Prevalence of VAWG in Zimbabwe determined from the study sample.

Figure 4.

Lifetime prevalence of IPV as recorded in each nationally representative study.

Higher rates of IPV were reported among pregnant women—particularly in terms of sexual violence, which exceeded the rates reported in national surveys. Overall, 63% of women in the sample had experienced some form of IPV during pregnancy (Shamu, Abrahams, Zarowsky, et al., 2013), which is much higher than recorded in the literature.

Child physical abuse was found to be the most prevalent form of abuse experienced by 64% of young girls in Zimbabwe. This was followed by sexual abuse and emotional abuse, in that order. Additionally, the prevalence of child marriage was high, with an average of 36% of young women in the studies having been married before their 18th birthday.

It is important to note that VAWG is a sensitive issue that often goes unreported. Many women may choose not to disclose their experiences due to the fear of reprisals, especially in communities where the social norms condone violence. Thus Watts and Zimmerman (2002) caution that these statistics “might be more accurately thought of as representing the minimum levels of violence” (p. 1232). This way, we will not underestimate the true prevalence of VAWG.

Other Forms of Violence

Two studies in this review focused on the less commonly researched forms of violence against women. Kanyemba and Naidu (2019) tackle a neglected area of GBV on university campuses. In particular, they address how normalized and institutionalized sexist humor is neither recognized as sexual harassment nor perceived as a serious issue—with the result that it continues unabated, silencing victims, and perpetuating a culture in which violence against women becomes an acceptable norm. Chivasa (2020) examines another topic that has been the focus of little research: non-intimate femicide—the killing of mothers. This form of femicide is believed to have a significant impact on the family and community as it disrupts social norms. Thus, to prevent the killing of mothers, people are socialized to believe that such acts will result in negative consequences, including becoming a vagrant or kutanda botso.

Measurement of IPV

One area that has received global attention in the VAWG research is measurement. Among the 45 studies included in this review, 20 used the CTS with self-reported measurement of 1 to 3 forms of violence (such as emotional, sexual, and physical violence), possibly due to the availability of nationally representative data drawn from the DHS. Five studies adapted the CTS and drew data from convenience samples in healthcare settings (Shamu, Abrahams, Zarowsky et al., 2013; Shamu et al., 2014; Shamu et al., 2016; Shamu et al., 2018; Shamu et al., 2019). Although these studies were not nationally representative, given the restricted setting, they provided high-quality data augmented with data from patient records.

The common practice in almost all of the studies on IPV was to divide the sample into categories of those who had experienced either emotional, physical, or sexual violence or not. The overall IPV experience was derived similarly, classifying women into abused and not abused groups. This approach has limitations as it oversimplifies the experience of IPV and may not fully capture the complexity and severity of the abuse. Using the composite abuse scale, which measures the severity and frequency of different types of abuse, can provide a more nuanced understanding of IPV. The fact that only one study used this approach (Iyanda et al., 2021) suggests a need for more research that utilizes comprehensive measures of IPV to understand its impact better and inform interventions.

Unlike the quantitative studies, no clear definition of how IPV was measured was provided in the qualitative studies, although this could be inferred from the literature and interpretation of the findings. This is most likely because qualitative research is more inductive in nature and aims to better understand the context and meanings associated with it (Testa, Livingston, & VanZile-Tamsen, 2011), while quantitative research aims to measure and quantify the prevalence and extent of the phenomenon. Nonetheless, researchers conducting qualitative research should ensure that they have a clear and thorough understanding of the phenomenon being studied to ensure that their research is methodologically sound and that their findings are meaningful and relevant.

Risk Factors for VAWG

A thematic assessment of the risk factors for VAWG in Zimbabwe revealed several factors that influence violence in general, particularly marital violence, as presented in Figure 5. These factors operate at the macro and individual levels. Factors such as cultural norms, the patriarchal nature of the society, and religion were frequently cited at the macro level. For example, in several quantitative studies where women were presented with hypothetical questions about wife beating revealed that more than a third of them held tolerant attitudes toward marital violence (Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Fidan & Bui, 2016; Wekwete et al., 2014). This perspective was further illuminated in one qualitative study where the authors found that social norms that supported the subordination of women led them to perceive marital violence as normal (Makahamidze et al., 2012). Additionally, the payment of roora (bride price) was also raised as another risk factor predisposing women to IPV, as it encourages the commodification of women as objects that can be purchased. The payment of roora symbolizes the transfer of rights from the parents of the wife to the husband and is thus regarded as the basis of unequal power relations within the marriage (Chadambuka & Warria, 2020; Chireshe, 2015).

Figure 5.

Factors associated with VAWG in Zimbabwe.

While religion can be a source of healing for victims of violence, findings from this review indicate that perpetrators also employ the same teachings to rationalize their abusive tendencies (Chadambuka, 2022; Chadambuka & Warria, 2020; Chireshe, 2014, 2015). These authors highlight that religion and culture are intertwined, which often leads to biblical texts being interpreted through cultural lenses. In addition to these societal forces, other characteristics that make women vulnerable to domestic violence include younger age (15–29 years), low educational attainment, economic independence, and lack of decision-making autonomy in the household (Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Shamu et al., 2019); witnessing inter-parental violence (Lasong et al., 2020); child marriage, and alcohol use, among others. Other factors associated with IPV included polygamous unions, stringent economic resources, spousal age difference (in relationships where the wife was older or where there was a non-disparate age difference of 0–4 years), as well as partner attributes such as lower levels of education (secondary or below) and alcohol consumption.

Policy Context

Only two studies included in this review focused on the policy context, specifically exploring women’s perceptions of the DVA of 2007 (Makahamidze et al., 2012), and the reasons why abused women do not utilize of the provisions set out in the Act (Chireshe, 2015). These studies sampled Christian women—possibly because Christianity is the most popular religion in Zimbabwe, with 87% of the population reporting themselves as Christians—including 37% of the population reporting they are members of the Apostolic Faith (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency [ZimStats], 2014). These studies collectively suggest that Christian women place less importance on the Act, with some believing it contradicts their Christian teachings and beliefs regarding the submission of women and the resolution of conflict within the confines of the church (Makahamidze et al., 2012). Biblical texts such as Ephesians 5 verses 22–26 and Titus 2 verses 4–5, which address the subordination of women, and 1 Corinthians 6:4–6 that prohibits Christians from seeking resolution from secular contexts were cited as being sacrosanct in this regard. These studies also shed light on the influence of religion and culture on Zimbabwean women’s experiences and responses to IPV, which influence women to exercise patience in the face of suffering and tolerate male-perpetrated violence. Christian women, in particular, face the challenge of reconciling their religious teaching and the reality of abuse, as Christianity teaches that God hates divorce (Makahamidze et al., 2012).

Meanwhile, sociocultural norms, on the other hand, dictate that abuse should be kept confidential and within the family (Chitakure, 2016), forcing women to endure abuse without seeking outside help. As Chadambuka (2020, 2022) found, it is unsurprising that abused women rarely seek help outside of their religion or culture. A lack of knowledge of their legal rights, what is considered violence under the law, and how they can access legal recourse when they are victims of violence contributes to this inaction.

Discussion

VAWG has indeed gained increased attention in Zimbabwe as elsewhere in the world. This is partly due to the DVA 2007, which sought to criminalize violent acts. Yet, despite widespread commentary on VAWG, no studies have sought to systematically map out the trends and gaps in order to bridge the knowledge gap. The aim of this review was to evaluate the scope, scale, and nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe and identify any gaps in the current state of knowledge. We structure the discussion using these aims as a framework.

Scale, Scope, and Nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe

The review demonstrates that VAWG is endemic in Zimbabwe, with emotional violence being the most prevalent form among adult women. This is comparable to findings from other SSA countries, such as Malawi and Zambia (Beres et al., 2020; Chikhungu et al., 2021), but higher than statistics for VAWG reported in South Africa (Amusa et al., 2020), Nigeria, Namibia, and Rwanda (Ahinkorah et al., 2018). The prevalence of IPV in Zimbabwe is also higher than the global (WHO, 2013) or regional average (Devries et al., 2013), positioning the country among those with the highest rates of IPV globally. The risk factors for these forms of VAWG also mirror those reported in both international and sub-Saharan Africa, with the role of patriarchy, sociocultural, and religious norms being the most frequently cited (Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Machisa & Shamu, 2018; Wekwete et al., 2014).

The statistics on violence against the girl child are also alarming. The fact that 63% of young girls have been victims of physical violence at the hands of adults in their families is particularly concerning. Although it is generally acknowledged that children have the right to protection against physical harm (Government of Zimbabwe, 2001), Section 241(2) of the Criminal Law Code, however, permits parents or authorities, such as heads of educational institutions, to use moderate corporal punishment to discipline “wayward” children if it can be demonstrated that the intention was purely disciplinary. The ambiguity of this law was recently exposed in the case of State vs Mutero (2023), where a parent tragically caused the death of their child through corporal punishment. Despite the tragic ending, the High Court of Zimbabwe ruled that the parent’s actions were permissible under the law. Unfortunately, this permissiveness lacks clarity on what constitutes moderate corporal punishment, which makes it difficult to distinguish between discipline and outright physical abuse. Thus, addressing physical violence against children in the Zimbabwean context might be a challenging and complex issue that will require legal reforms to align the laws with international standards. Public awareness and campaigns to educate parents and caregivers might also be effective in reducing the prevalence of physical violence.

It is disconcerting that more than 33% of young girls have had unwanted sexual experiences before the age of 18 years. Moreover, the fact that intimate partners, such as boyfriends, were the most common perpetrators of child sexual abuse adds another layer of concern, as it suggests that children are not only at risk from strangers but also from people they know and trust (Rumble et al., 2015). Equally concerning is that young girls are dating early when they are not emotionally mature, exacerbating their risk of abuse and exploitation and the risk of sexually transmitted diseases (Taquette & Monteiro, 2019).

The review also revealed alarming rates of child marriage in Zimbabwe. The findings from this study confirm that despite the legal provisions prohibiting the marriage of people under the age of 18 years, many young girls are being married off before they reach this threshold. This finding underscores the reality that Zimbabwean young girls face disproportionately limited rights and opportunities compared to boys (Chigiji et al., 2018). Beyond the well-documented negative health effects, early marriage is also associated with significant socioeconomic challenges, including disrupted education, low socioeconomic status, and heightened poverty levels (Bengesai et al., 2021).

Another worrying trend in the research from the past decade is the extremely high rates of violence against pregnant women in Zimbabwe. The prevalence rate of approximately 63% (Shamu, Abrahams, Zarowsky et al., 2013) is higher than the one recorded in other low- and middle-income countries such as Afghanistan (Rahman et al., 2021) or South Africa (Field et al., 2018). A systematic review conducted in 2022 (Shen et al., 2022) revealed a pooled global prevalence of sexual violence against pregnant women of 31%. In light of these statistics, it is evident that the prevalence of sexual violence against pregnant women in Zimbabwe is perhaps among the highest globally. Unfortunately, this form of violence poses serious health consequences for the health of both the mother and child, which could lead to negative maternal and neonatal outcomes (Agarwal et al., 2023). For a country that is already grappling with an ailing health system and high maternal and infant mortality (Chadoka-Mutanda & Odimegwu, 2017), violence against pregnant women demands urgent attention and concerted efforts.

The pervasive nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe serves as a critical indicator not only of gender disparities but also of the broader socioeconomic challenges that Zimbabwe faces in achieving a more equitable and sustainable society. There is ample evidence showing that VAWG is linked to poverty, food insecurity (Hatcher et al., 2022), poor health and well-being, maternal health (Agarwal et al., 2023), and poor education, among others (Fry et al., 2018). Therefore, the endurance of VAWG points to complexity in achieving not only SDG 5, but at least 14 of the 17 SDGs (Homan & Fulu, 2021). Of particular concern is the association between violence and HIV disclosure among pregnant women. This situation has implications for initiating treatment and preventing transmission. Addressing violence is therefore crucial for advancing SDG 3 (United Nations [UN], 2015) and achieving the 95-95-95 targets set by the as United Nations AIDS programme that aims to ensure that 95% of the population know their HIV status, 95% of those diagnosed with HIV are on antiviral therapy, and 95% of people on antiviral therapy have viral suppression by 2030 (UNAIDS, 2021). Consequently, coordinated efforts spanning various sectors and dimensions of development are imperative. Failure to address these deep-rooted inequalities and archaic practices that subjugate women not only perpetuates their suffering but also reflects a broader societal indifference to gender justice and human rights.

Gaps Identified in the Literature

Gaps Related to the Perspectives of Violence

Although this review has investigated well-designed studies that have yielded important insights into the epidemiology of VAWG in Zimbabwe, it has also revealed several gaps that highlight the need for further research. Although it is widely acknowledged that VAWG is linked to power relations between men and women (Fidan & Bui, 2016), the review has demonstrated that VAWG research in Zimbabwe has predominantly focused on the victim’s perspective, particularly in domestic and/or IPV research, with data drawn from cross-sectional and/or qualitative studies. While it is essential to understand the experiences of female victims, it is equally important to understand the factors that lead men to commit violence to create a society where violence is unacceptable to all (WHO, 2013).

Lack of Studies Exploring Violence from Relational or Perpetrator Perspectives

Also lacking are studies exploring violence from relational and perpetrator perspectives. Although some studies included relationship-level factors such as age difference, decision-making autonomy, and union type (e.g., Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Wekwete et al., 2014), none have examined couple-level factors from a dyadic perspective, which treats couples as units of analysis. This is important because partners often do not agree about violence in their relationship (Dobash & Dobash, 2004) and relying on data from only the victim raises methodological challenges regarding the validity of self-reported data. Emerging research shows that examining couple dyads “may indicate broader tensions and ideational differences between partners,” further complicating the context in which IPV occurs (Behrman & Frye, 2021). A dyadic approach would also help unpack why disclosure of HIV status increases the risk of IPV.

Research on perpetrators is also limited due to several reasons. Historically, research on violence has been driven by the need to identify, understand, and respond to the needs of female victims of violence, as they are the most affected ones by violence. While this research has helped to challenge cultural norms and provide immediate and tangible support to victims, including treatment, safety, and empowerment (Gibbs et al., 2018; Trabold et al., 2020), there has been less attention on understanding perpetration (Jiménez Aceves & Tarzia, 2024). In addition, studying perpetrators is also very complex, as this type of research often intersects with legal and social systems (WHO, 2016). This complexity can discourage participation as some individuals may fear legal consequences or social ostracism (Abramsky et al., 2022). As well, researchers may also refrain from focusing on perpetrators due to concerns about legal liabilities and ethical dilemmas. Thus, our understanding of perpetration, especially in Zimbabwe, is often limited to second-hand accounts of female victims. Given that VAWG is, by nature, a problem of perpetration, ending it requires a comprehensive approach that also includes perpetrator accounts (Flood et al., 2022).

Lack of Studies on Other Forms of VAWG

Our review suggests that the research from Zimbabwe has mainly focused on IPV or violence against the girl child, with limited focus on other forms of VAWG, such as non-partner sexual violence (we only found one study), human trafficking, and harmful traditional practices such as genital mutilation and forced marriages, which are also prevalent in Zimbabwe (Chiweshe et al., 2021). This omission of other forms of violence undermines the comprehensive understanding of VAWG and makes women more vulnerable to violence.

Exclusion of Marginalized Groups

The research in the past decade has been silent on marginalized groups, such as women with disabilities and sex workers. Similarly, research on same-sex couples, mainly because the topic remains highly stigmatized and illegal within the country, often leads to discrimination, violence, and persecution (Hunt et al., 2017). However, these groups may be more vulnerable to violence due to existing social norms and cultural practices. Advocacy and reforms are imperatively needed to address these research gaps and raise awareness of the challenges and barriers faced by same-sex couples. This will help policymakers to design inclusive and effective policies that address their unique needs.

Lack of Studies Focusing on the Rural-Urban Divide

Our exploration of geographical distribution also sheds light on some notable gaps and disparities in research focus. Although the rural–urban divide in experiences of VAWG is well documented (Edwards, 2015), we did not come across any studies that explicitly compared this divide. This discrepancy highlights a critical gap in the literature and underscores the need for dedicated research to comprehensively understand the nuances and factors contributing to VAWG within different geographic contexts. While some studies indirectly addressed rural–urban differences by including both types of areas as controls (e.g., Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Fidan and Bui, 2016; Lasong et al., 2020), a direct comparative analysis is essential for elucidating specific challenges and dynamics unique to each setting.

Gaps Related to the Measurement of VAWG

Lack of Longitudinal Studies

The lack of longitudinal studies that investigate the prevalence and incidence over time is, again, another significant limitation of the research conducted in the past decade. Such studies can provide valuable insights into the dynamics and long-term effects of such violence. Longitudinal studies have the potential to identify complex pathways between the occurrence of assault and related outcomes and distinguish risk factors from consequences and simple correlates (Classen et al., 2005).

This lack of longitudinal studies could be due to several factors. Conducting longitudinal studies can be expensive, especially in resource-limited contexts, and researchers may encounter difficulties in securing the necessary financial support (Hossain & McAlpine, 2017). In the case of Zimbabwe, political instability and economic challenges may also hinder long-term studies as consistent funding and resources are required (Chinyoka et al., 2020). Longitudinal studies also present some ethical challenges that require careful methodological planning (Abramsky et al., 2022). For example, asking respondents to repeatedly recount traumatic events can be emotionally distressing. To mitigate this, researchers need to ensure that participants have access to psychosocial support to promote their well-being and ensure that they are not revictimized in the process. However, this could make the study even more complex and increase its cost. In addition, maintaining confidentiality over long periods of time can be challenging, especially if the study requires engagement at the household or community level (WHO, 2016). This increased visibility could increase the risk of violence. While these ethical and logistical challenges contribute to the relative scarcity of longitudinal studies on violence against women, WHO (2016) provides some guidance on how to address them. This includes developing risk assessment tools, ensuring ongoing consent at each stage of data collection, using health care settings and contextualizing the research by using violence as one of the factors that impact women’s health. These strategies can help researchers to study violence in an ethical and noncontroversial manner.

Lack of Studies on the Co-Occurrence of Different Forms of VAWG

Most of the published statistics on VAWG in Zimbabwe focus on the occurrence of individual types of violence, often treating each as a distinct and separate phenomenon (Hacıaliefendioğlu et al., 2021). Researchers tend to dichotomize respondents into “abused” and “not abused” groups that can be misleading for several reasons (Follingstad, 2017). First, many Zimbabwean women, like elsewhere, have experienced multiple forms of violence simultaneously or across their life course. Indeed, many women who have experienced physical forms of IPV have also been psychologically abused (Hacıaliefendioğlu et al., 2021) However, these differences are obscured due to the comingling of data and the failure to distinguish multiple forms of victimization. Second, dichotomizing of violence lumps together women who have experienced minor incidents of IPV—such as shoving—with those who have experienced more violent forms (Follingstad, 2017). Such analyses tend to average the effects across women whose IPV experiences differ in severity, thus overlooking important vulnerabilities (Ellsberg & Heise, 2005). As such, studies are needed to explore the co-occurrence of different types of violence and their effects on women. Moreover, studies that precisely distinguish between the different forms of violence and how they intersect are also needed. This nuanced understanding is essential for developing targeted interventions that address the diverse needs of victims of VAWG.

Overreliance on Traditional Approaches for Studying VAWG

In Zimbabwe, as in many parts of SSA, VAWG research has traditionally relied on qualitative and quantitative interviews (i.e., surveys, see Bengesai & Khan, 2021; Lasong et al., 2020; Shamu & colleagues, 2013–2018) including the DHS that have provided the broadest data and findings on domestic violence in the region. However, these surveys may not accurately reflect the current situation, as they are often conducted after long periods. For example, none of the studies addressed VAWG during the COVID-19 period despite the study period overlapping with this time frame. This gap in research is primarily because the data used in the reviewed studies had been gathered before the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Also, while surveys may provide valuable data on the prevalence and patterns of GBV, they may not capture the complex social, cultural, and political factors contributing to this issue.

Scholars should consider alternative data sources beyond surveys and interviews to develop a comprehensive understanding of the epidemiology of VAWG in Zimbabwe. For instance, online platforms can provide rich data sources for studying VAWG at a minimal cost. With nearly 8 million users in Zimbabwe, social media plays a significant role in many individuals’ lives. Drawing on (Habermas, 1992), social scientists have argued that social media sites such as Twitter (now X) and Facebook mimic communities such as churches and neighborhoods and provide a platform for flourishing friendships and communication networks (Fuchs, 2014; Kumar et al., 2021). Future research can leverage these platforms that might offer interesting insights into real-world phenomena and social behavior. This will help the field acknowledge the full range of VAWG, which is essential for preventing and effectively supporting those who experience it.

Other sources that yield data on VAWG are the administrative records collected through government institutions such as the Zimbabwe Republic Police, health and social care services, and other organizations such as the Musasa Project and Child Care, which support victims of violence (Chiweshe et al., 2021; Padare, 2014). These data sources can provide information on the number of reported cases of GBV, the types of violence experienced, and the demographics of survivors. Overall, these data sources can complement survey data and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the prevalence and patterns of VAWG in Zimbabwe and the social, cultural, legal, and political factors contributing to this issue.

Gaps Related to the Evaluation of Interventions

There is a lack of large, robust, and peer-reviewed studies of interventions for victims of VAWG. This review found only one such study (Sithole et al., 2018). This is despite Zimbabwe having several organizations supporting victims of domestic violence, such as the Musasa Project (which deals with domestic violence, Childline (which deals with child abuse; Fry & Petrowski, 2016) and Padare Enkundleni (a men’s forum that works with men and boys for the advancement of a gender equitable society; Padare, 2014). Sithole et al. (2018) explored interventions focused on sexual violence and demonstrated that victims of sexual violence rarely seek help immediately, predisposing them to contract HIV. Also, the evidence that child abuse predisposes women to the risk of IPV and HIV in adulthood suggests a need for early, integrated interventions (Guedes et al., 2016).

Although we found three studies that focused on the legal context, the focus was only limited to the DVA. None of the studies interrogated the efficacy of the formal justice system in responding to cases of VAWG. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime UNODP (2019) identifies the criminal justice system as a crucial partner in efforts to prevent and intervene in VAWG cases, aiming to not only stop the violence but also restore dignity and control to the victims. However, any deficiencies or gaps within the system may lead to oversights in providing adequate support and protection for survivors.

Limitations

While this review has provided evidence of the magnitude of VAWG in Zimbabwe and the research trends in this field, it is not without limitations. First, we focused only on peer-reviewed articles and did not consider studies reported in institutional reports and academic dissertations. Second, we focused on research conducted in the past decade, which means our evidence base may not be exhaustive. Third, while we attempted to use various keywords related to VAWG, we might have missed some articles that might not have been indexed using our choice of keywords.

Conclusion

Despite these limitations, this review has been valuable in putting together the evidence on the scope and nature of VAWG in Zimbabwe, as well as mapping the gaps and determining future research directions for addressing VAWG comprehensively. This review has shown that VAWG is pervasive in Zimbabwe, and its main drivers are cultural norms, religious practices, and limited understanding of and inadequate policy enforcement. Addressing these root causes requires comprehensive strategies, including promoting gender equality and good governance, changing attitudes, and providing access to sexual and reproductive health care. Although cultural norms and attitudes are deeply entrenched, programs such as the Stepping Stones and Creating Futures intervention (Gibbs et al., 2018), implemented in the countries such as South Africa and India, have shown greater potential in transforming attitudes toward GBV. These programs focus on raising awareness, building skills, and changing harmful social norms.

In a country where patriarchy is deeply entrenched, interventions that challenge existing power structures and promote equitable behaviors and norms are crucial for reducing GBV. In a similar vein, educating young people about healthy relationships, especially the issue of consent and empowering young girls to report abuse without the fear of reprisal is critical to ending VAWG in Zimbabwe. Educating parents and caregivers can also be effective in reducing the prevalence of physical violence against children. It is also crucial to revisit existing laws and policies, especially how they are enforced to ensure they are accessible and friendly to survivors.

Summary Table.

Findings	Implications
Violence against women is endemic in Zimbabwe, with emotional violence being most common among adult women.	Action is needed to address the root causes of emotional violence, such as patriarchy and cultural norms around gender roles and equality. Programs such as the Stepping Stones Creating Futures intervention, which have been tried in South Africa and India, have shown greater potential in transforming gender attitudes and norms.
Zimbabwe has higher rates of IPV compared to global and regional averages.	Urgent and concerted efforts are needed to address the high rates of violence against women. This could involve government and nongovernmental organizations working together to support existing interventions or to implement comprehensive interventions addressing the prevalence and root causes of VAWG.
Violence against girls is alarmingly high, with high rates of physical and sexual abuse.	Given that the majority of young girls experience sexual violence from intimate partners, there is a need for age-appropriate awareness campaigns to educate them about healthy relationships and consent. Educating parents and caregivers on the nature and effect of physical violence might also help reduce the prevalence of sexual violence.
Violence against pregnant women is a serious problem with potentially harmful health implications.	There is a need for efforts to address violence against pregnant women. This can be done through providing social support to victims. More research is also needed on secondary outcomes of violence against pregnant women.
Available research has predominantly focused on the victim perspective of IPV, limiting understanding of other forms of VAWG.	Research that examines both victim and perpetrator perspectives is needed to develop a more refined understanding of the factors that contribute to violence.
Studies rarely examine violence from a relationship, macro or perpetrator perspective.
There is little (or no) research on marginalized groups such as women with disabilities and sex workers.	There is a need to focus on marginalized groups and their particular needs in order to understand their experiences.
A lack of longitudinal studies makes it difficult to understand the prevalence of violence against women and its dynamics over time.	The lack of longitudinal studies makes it difficult to understand the trends, scope, and underlying dynamics of VAWG, affecting policy development, resource allocation, and thus our ability to address the issue effectively. Therefore, there is a need for investment in long-term research efforts.
The co-occurrence of different forms of violence against women is overlooked, leading to limited understanding.	Overlooking the co-occurrence of violence can result in victims not receiving the support they need and can perpetuate intersecting forms of discrimination.
The available research generally uses traditional approaches such as surveys and interviews, which may not capture the complex factors contributing to VAWG. Other data sources, such as online platforms and administrative records can provide rich data.	A multidimensional approach to data sources for VAWG research can lead to more informed policymaking and a more accurate portrayal of the dynamics of VAWG.
There is a lack of robust studies that evaluate interventions that have been put in place for victims VAWG.	The lack of robust studies may result in policymakers investing in interventions that may not adequately address the needs of the victims. Therefore, closing this research gap is necessary for the safety and well-being of victims, as well as implementing the efforts respond to VAWG.

Note. IPV = intimate partner violence; VAWG = violence against women and girls.

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-tva-10.1177_15248380241291074 – Supplemental material for Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-tva-10.1177_15248380241291074 for Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature by Annah V. Bengesai and Lana Chikhungu in Trauma, Violence, & Abuse

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-2-tva-10.1177_15248380241291074 – Supplemental material for Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature

Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-tva-10.1177_15248380241291074 for Violence Against Women and Girls in Zimbabwe: A Review of a Decade of the Empirical Literature by Annah V. Bengesai and Lana Chikhungu in Trauma, Violence, & Abuse

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Annah V. Bengesai

Lana Chikhungu

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Annah V. Bengesai, PhD, is a senior lecturer at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Her academic expertise spans Population Studies and Education, while her research focus encompasses data analytics, violence against women, and sexual and reproductive health in sub-Saharan Africa. Her research demonstrates a strong commitment toward development-oriented inquiries.

Lana Chikhungu, PhD, is a senior lecturer in the Department of International Development Studies at the University of Portsmouth with an educational background in economics, demography, and social statistics. Her research interests lie in public health, gender, demography, and international development, with a strong footing in population health and gender-related research.

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