Journalists Reporting on Hazardous Events

Abstract

The way journalists report on hazardous events can put them at increased risk of traumatic exposure; however, the vast majority do not experience extreme stress reactions indicative of stress related disorders. The current study investigated the experiences of members of the media in order to gain a better understanding of the resources that facilitated their coping and resilience. Grounded theory was used to analyze 10 semistructured interviews with members of the media who report on hazardous events overseas. The research found that identifying with their professional role appears to be a protective factor in dealing with hazards. Training which fostered connections to social networks, and individually meaningful coping mechanisms were found to increase resilience. These techniques also mitigated against prolonged distress whilst simultaneously contributing to positive developments. The implications of these findings are discussed with regard to the literature, opportunities for growth, and implications for journalists in particular.

Keywords

trauma resilience coping journalists

Introduction

Psychological responses to hazards have traditionally been considered from a trauma perspective. Empirical research has explored the experiences of individuals at risk of encountering traumatic events through their occupations (Declercq, Vanheule, Markey, & Willemsen, 2007) and focused on the study of pathology, risk, and predictive factors for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD, see Brewin, Andrews, & Valentine, 2000 for a meta-analysis). “Vicarious traumatization” has been studied in occupationally high-risk groups who work to support people directly affected by traumatic events. (Sarbin-Farrell & Turpin, 2003).

Members of the media have been increasingly recognized as first responders to hazardous events (Osofsky, Holloway, & Pickett, 2005). The proliferation of mobile technologies and demand for 24-hr news, means more journalists are operating under hazardous conditions (McMeel, 2003) with limited consideration for the psychological impact such work may have.

The psychological impact of exposure to hazardous events can be conceptualized into four domains in the stress continuum: Ready (daily life, managing stress), Reacting (response to stressful events), Injured (about the functional change without disorder), and Ill (stress related disorders; Department of the Navy US Marine Corps, 2010; Nash et al., 2010). Feinstein (2006) identified risk factors for journalists’ increased psychological reactions to trauma including: identifying with the situation or local people involved, being in potentially life-threatening danger, or witnessing the death of a close friend or colleague.

Members of the media are required to communicate potentially distressing events in great detail to their audiences. This is in direct contrast with the idea that distancing oneself from such events (both physically and psychologically) may be a naturally adaptive defense mechanism against distress (Rose, Bisson, Churchill, & Wessely, 2005). Organizational risk factors for stress injury include staff shortages, lack of recognition of emotional difficulties within organizations, and limited access to appropriate support (Badger, Royse, & Craig, 2008). Wider organizational discourses of “newsroom stoicism” have been identified (Cameron, 2007).

Within the existing literature, criticisms have been levied at the conceptualization of PTSD for being individualistic and Eurocentric in the assumptions made regarding trauma (Patel, 2003). Single traumatic events and the individual’s responses to them are traditionally considered in isolation from their sociopolitical milieu. The cognitive model of PTSD (Ehlers & Clark, 2000) suggests that appraisals of the event influence how it is experienced. Yet appraisals are fundamentally influenced by historical, societal and cultural factors, thus definitions of what will be considered traumatic vary (Patel, 2003). Journalists themselves are employed in the business of meaning making and the way they make sense of their experiences for publication will also influence their experience of the events themselves.

Cumulative experiences of trauma have been neglected by current psychological theories. Previous research has suggested evidence of cumulative effects of trauma for journalists (Feinstein, 2006). However, many journalists enjoy longstanding careers reporting on hazardous events and existing theories do not account for the experiences of individuals who do not experience pathological reactions. Johnson and Thompson (2007) suggest further research is necessary to identify protective factors against the development and maintenance of PTSD, stress injury, and stress disorders following protracted exposure to trauma. This study aimed to explore and identify protective factors and to gain a broader understanding of journalists’ experiences in potentially traumatic situations.

Theories of resilience (Bonanno, 2004; Mancini & Bonanno, 2006) have discussed epidemiological factors such as education, income, age, and gender, and more abstract concepts like adaptive and pragmatic coping strategies (the “whatever it takes” approach) in relation to coping with isolated incidents. Velleman and Orford (1999) described a “process of resilience” during protracted exposure to traumatic events, in which changes in resilience occur according to the environment and personal contexts of the individual. Journalists may report on an array of hazardous events throughout their careers and similarly may develop coping strategies according to the environment or personal contexts in which they find themselves ( e.g., with or without colleagues, under fire or behind frontlines, conflict or disaster zones) in which immediate pressures may vary greatly.

Mancini and Bonanno (2006) suggest that the coping strategies of people who demonstrate resilience can inform psychotherapeutic treatment of persons experiencing significant difficulties related to adverse events. Researching “resilience” among journalists may provide information pertinent to both those who respond to events in the field and psychotherapeutic work within clinical populations. Joseph (2013) reflects on the growing movement away from the traditional conceptualization of trauma leading to certain damage and dysfunctionality and more toward embracing traumatic stress as an opportunity to reassess life and in doing so increase psychological functioning and well-being. He advocates that people who have experienced traumatic events and survived them have much to teach about how to live.

In recent years, humanitarian aid agencies have recognized “the dynamic relationship that exists between psychological and social effects, each continually inter-acting with and influencing the other” (Save the Children, 2005). International organizations have instigated “Psychosocial Programmes” to promote responses which are sensitive to multiple contexts, especially the social inequalities that exacerbate difficulties (Davidson, 2010; Friedli, 2009). Such programs draw upon the field of community psychology as a frame of reference in taking a less individualistic position toward mental health and social justice and inequalities (Walker, Johnson, & Cunningham, 2012).

The impact of trauma on communities and the role of social networks are discussed within interpersonal conceptualizations of trauma (So-Kum Tang, 2007). An interpersonal conceptualization of the self, demands that one is defined by a network of social relationships rather than as a separate entity per se. Therefore, trauma is considered to affect not only individuals but also entire networks, acknowledging the collective role families and wider communities play in fostering recovery, resilience, and growth (Walsh, 2003, 2007). In the field, journalists can become conduits for communication. Sharing accurate information and raising awareness for communities affected by traumatic events is a vital component of humanitarian responses to disaster (Williams et al., 2009). However, it positions journalists with an acute responsibility to record the details of events and to filter what information is passed on to other members of the network. This can forge a sometimes uncomfortable alliance between members of the media and other organizations that rely on the exchange of information to perform their social roles appropriately. Simultaneously, journalists reporting overseas are usually separated from their own families and communities and therefore operate away from their personal support networks.

The predominance of studies drawing upon individualistic models of trauma and resilience vindicates further research that considers the role of social networks in promoting resilience in the face of trauma. A literature search¹ did not present any studies of posttraumatic growth for members of the media reporting on hazardous events.

There are considerable gaps in the literature, given the number of individuals who have and enjoy long-standing careers in the media reporting on hazardous events and who do not appear to need or access mental health services. Questions can be asked about what enables and encourages these individuals to continue given the increased risks identified in the stress exposure and injury research. This research begins the process of exploring these questions.

This study aimed to explore the experiences of members of the media who report on hazardous events overseas, the hazards they face and the way they manage. The exploratory nature of this investigation fitted a qualitative approach informed by a relativist, constructionist epistemology. Grounded theory provided the opportunity to develop a model to represent the journalists’² experiences.

Method

Participants

Fifty individuals were contacted directly and introductory e-mails were sent to five generic e-mail accounts for foreign news media organizations. The introductory e-mail and information sheet presented the inclusion/exclusion criteria for the study as follows:

Inclusion Criteria:

English-speaking members of the British Media: correspondents, cameramen, photographers, producers (freelance or employed).

Those who had been involved in on-scene reporting of hazardous events outside mainland Britain.

Exclusion Criteria:

Any of the above individuals who have attended training courses in counseling or any type of psychotherapy.

Individuals who have attended counseling or any type of psychotherapy for more than 6 months.

The exclusion criteria aimed to prevent participants’ understandings of their experiences being influenced by therapeutic work with a therapist or training, in terms of specific psychological understanding of their experiences and use of psychotherapeutic terminology. A 6-month cutoff considered that psychotherapeutic work beyond this time would amount to long-term intervention. Written, informed consent was attained before each interview.

Seventeen participants self-selected accordingly and responded by e-mail. Of these respondents, one had attended a therapeutic intervention for unrelated issues which had lasted less than three months and was included in the study. Four were not based in the United Kingdom and therefore were not included due to practical considerations. Two were called away on assignment and unable to take part during the data collection period. One respondent was excluded according to the exclusion criteria.

Participant Demographics

Out of the 10 participants, seven were male and three female. Ages ranged from 28 to 48 years (mean age: 42 years). All were White and originated from Western cultures. Two identified as Jewish, one as Catholic, and the rest did not currently identify with any religious background. Journalist career length ranged from 7 to 25 years (mean career span: 19 years). The professional roles, organizations worked for, and types of events experienced are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Details of Professional Roles Fulfilled by Participants, the Organizations Worked For and Types of Events They Covered.

Professional Roles	Organizations Worked for	Geographical Locations of Events	Events
Cameraman	BBC	Afghanistan	Being arrested
correspondent diplomatic Foreign	Channel 4	Balkans	Being robbed at knife-point
correspondent	Documentary companies	Burma (now Myanmar)	Being shot at Disease
Foreign editor	The Economist	Central Europe	Earthquake
Freelance reporter	Freelance	Central and Eastern Africa	Extreme poverty Famine
News presenter print journalist	ITN	Chechnya	Genocide
Producer	Reuters	El Salvador	Gun to the head
Radio reporter	Sky	Honduras	Journalists being killed
	The Sun	Iraq	Refugee camps riots suicide bombing
	The Times	Middle East	Tsunami
	TVAM	Nicaragua	Shelling
		Nigeria	Snipers
		Northern Ireland	Warfare (classical and guerrilla)
		South Africa
		Thailand
		Turkey

Procedure

Semistructured interviews lasted between 32 and 65 min (mean length of interview: 51 min) and were digitally recorded. The interview schedule focused on the journalists’ experiences of hazardous events encountered during their work, and the subsequent impact of those experiences (see appendix for question schedule). The first author (R.N.) made concurrent notes to facilitate the interview process. Interviews were transcribed verbatim. The interview schedule evolved according to line-by-line coding of early interviews as recommended by Strauss and Corbin (1998), where gaps in the data identified potential areas of interest for subsequent interviews.

Grounded Theory Methodology

A grounded theory methodology integrating constructionist approaches (Charmaz, 2006) and original methods (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) was applied to the current data, with the researcher remaining mindful of the impact that they, the participants and social discourses had on the constructed analysis. To ensure methodological quality Henwood and Pidgeon (1992) identify a number of issues which pertain to good practice in qualitative research: keeping close to the data— the importance of fit, theory integrated at diverse levels of abstraction, reflexivity, documentation, theoretical sampling and negative case analysis, sensitivity to negotiated realities, and transferability. All of these criteria were considered and incorporated throughout the processes of grounded theory.

Analysis techniques

The initial line-by-line coding (Charmaz, 2006) was completed by one researcher (R.N.) and facilitated the analysis staying close to the original data. “Constant Comparative methods” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) established similarities and differences between the data by comparing codes drawn both from within transcripts and those drawn from other interviews. This helped to broaden and deepen codes which constructed concepts as the analysis progressed. Comparisons were also made at each level of analytical work (Charmaz, 2006). Coding later interviews gave rise to previously unnoticed codes, which were subsequently used to revisit the existing data and further develop concepts

Axial coding facilitated the process of relating concepts to form “more precise and complete explanations for phenomena” (Strauss & Corbin, 1998, p. 124). Concepts were arranged into a hierarchy of subcategories and core categories. Further memos recorded the first author’s preconceptions, ideas regarding the data, and the positions of codes within the hierarchy, in keeping with a constructionist approach (Charmaz, 2006). Memos were integral to the process of selective coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) whereby core categories and a superordinate category were constructed and defined. The superordinate category of “Developing New Views” was identified to represent the main theme of the research. A model representing this process is presented in this article. Themes developed through constructing the core categories are illustrated by anonymized interview extracts which ensure the research remaining close to the original data.³

The “Developing New Views” model is a visual metaphor which represents the categories and their relationships (Charmaz, 2006). Viewed from a constructionist perspective, it is one possible metaphor for the process by which the journalists constructed understandings of their experiences, by drawing upon multiple contexts. The theory reflects the stories the journalists told, and gives due consideration to the “negotiated realities” (Henwood & Pidgeon, 1992) reflected in the analysis. These “negotiated realities” have salience for the journalists, who agreed in their feedback that these were important to their resilience. A similar representation of how people create meaning in their experiences has been suggested by Pearce (1994, pp. 33-34, 144) in the atomic model of coordinated management of meaning (CMM).

Figure 1.

The “developing new views” model.

The current model was informed by the researcher’s coding of the dynamic process of “distancing and connecting” which pervaded each core category. The five categories constructed through the analysis are each represented by a themed ellipse. The extent to which the journalists connected to and distanced from each context is represented by the alignment of the ellipse to the event. The relevance and salience of each context fluctuated in accordance to the specifics of the event and the journalists’ frames of reference (e.g., idiosyncratic histories, belief systems, specific social, and cultural experiences). The process of connecting to and distancing from different contexts was not mutually exclusive; but rather represented the dynamic nature of the process of sense-making.

Findings

The following analysis illustrates how the journalists constructed protective factors within their professional identities. The number of excerpts are intended to keep the “human story in the forefront of the readers mind and to make the conceptual analysis more accessible” (Charmaz, 1995, p. 47).

The Professional Role

The journalists viewed the competitive nature of journalism as a backdrop to their professional role. Motivations for the job included personal fascination and the privilege of witnessing the events they covered. The journalists described the importance of prioritizing the job over other commitments in order to achieve, for example, in making sacrifices in their personal lives and the necessity of going to hazardous situations and being exposed to danger.

. . . And it is not newspapers, it is television news and television news demands images. You can actually go there and film it. You can’t sit in the hotel and talk to someone who was there, um, and that whole process is necessarily going to take you to nearer to what is going on. (Interview 4)

The gold standard of journalism was described as objective and impartial reporting. From this position, the journalists’ fear of connecting emotionally to the events related to the risk of the losing objectivity. They showed concern about the impact that connecting emotionally could have on their ability to fulfill their professional role, while recognizing limitations in remaining completely detached.

I suppose you do become emotionally involved to a certain extent … you can’t be just totally cold and sort of unfeeling but you have to know where to stop, otherwise if you have become emotionally involved you can’t do your job. (Interview 3)

Perception and Understanding of Events With Most Impact

The way the journalists made sense of events influenced the impact they had. The journalists’ understanding of an event was fashioned by the way they applied previous knowledge and experience.

It was a European war and so for the first time you saw, one saw Europeans doing things to each other, and pretty damn devastating things to each other, which you had never expected basically. Which you had seen in other places but just thought you know hey that’s how it is but you never expected to see that in Europe and that affected me more than anything else. (Interview 1)

Personal connections drawn between the event and the journalists themselves were particularly powerful. The similarities the journalists drew between themselves and the situations and people involved, intensified the impact of the events. Becoming more aware of connections between the event and friends and family at home increased the journalist’s reactions.

The tsunami was also one where it’s the sort of people that you went to university with, that sometimes with other disasters it could never happen to you. . . it resonates because it is my friends who were going to Thailand, it’s my kind of world. . . the kind of people who would be there for their holidays or backpacking and so it seems that much closer and it seems so much more real. . . (Interview 9)

This element was made more potent by the timeline of a breaking story which involved initially presenting the wider context of the story and subsequently narrowing the focus to personal interest stories. This facilitated communicating the story to the public in an engaging way by forging a greater connection to the personal aspects of the story. By appealing to the similarity of circumstances between the people involved and their audience, the journalists increased the story’s impact. However, this connected emphatically with the journalists’ own experiences when they themselves were drawn in and personally affected. When they became connected to the event in a different way, their perception of it differed.

Reacting

Reactions were tempered by the understanding of events the journalists held and their role in them, such as being an objective observer or becoming involved. By positioning themselves within their professional role they made sense of their reactions accordingly.

I mean this is the classic thing you will hear from journalists that you are so busy while you are doing it that you are on adrenalin and, er, your natural sympathies are sort of suspended while you just get on with the job. (Interview 2)

Where the journalists drew similarities between themselves, the situation and those involved, their reactions increased in intensity. When connections were less clear, the events were understood in a less personalized way and did not evoke such strong reactions. Indeed, the journalists described a qualitative difference in their reactions when their experiences crossed from professional to personal.

. . . For me psychologically I think that the killing of my friend and colleague was the main, I mean that’s an experience unlike any other, it feels much more personal. The others I just felt like I got from being in the wrong place at the wrong time, but that on various levels as I said to you has got a personal dimension. It’s stronger. (Interview 7)

Ways of Managing

Identifying with the professional role allowed the exposure to hazardous events to be viewed as part of the job. This encouraged the journalists to draw upon resources such as training, previous experience, and knowledge.

I just do feel that when you are with these things you are there to do a job. . .I think you are there and you have been paid well and as far as I am concerned trained well and looked after well by a company to go to a specific place and do a specific job. . . you go to a situation of potential danger, precisely to do your job and that is. . . I think that is an immense psychological defence. . . (Interview 4)

Identifying more closely with the professional role helped the journalists to remain emotionally detached from what was happening. They described feeling able to adopt a more accepting position toward events.

If you are truly detached then you know what happens in front of you happens in front of you, you know it’s never made me stay awake at night and it’s never made me break down in tears. . . (Interview 1)

However, the journalists recognized the limitations of being emotionally detached. Being a journalist presented its own challenges in terms of balancing professional roles with the immediate reactions to what they were experiencing.

On the one hand ruthlessly going about your job because you are normally under an enormous amount of time pressure and to stop and wallow and empathise and do all the things that your natural instincts might urge you to do, is just gonna mean you are going to miss your deadline, um, so you need that instinct. But in parallel and somehow connected to it your co- your normal human instincts have to be there. And if you they are not then you kind of then you’ve kind of lost your soul. (Interview 2)

The journalists described utilizing coping strategies rooted in the professional role. Feeling able to raise awareness through their professional role was recognized as giving purpose to their experiences. The cathartic experience of making sense of the story for publication was recognized.

I think the actual act of committing journalism of you know if you are a photographer taking pictures and sending it off or if you are a cameraman or what I do, writing and broadcasting is quite therapeutic in itself. Because it forces you to think about what you have done that day and to make some sense of it and try and get it out. (Interview 7)

The journalists discussed ways of dealing with the emotional challenges of the work in terms of what worked for them. Finding a way to disconnect from the work, both during the assignment and on returning home was important. New ways of managing were identified through experience and learning. Different strategies were used at different times according to what was available and personal choice, for example, drugs, alcohol, socializing, and so forth.

I don’t drink so alcoholism has never been an issue, I don’t do drugs so that’s never been an issue… I have never had nightmares or slept badly. . .one of my great abilities is just to be able to just fall asleep wherever I want to at any stage. (Interview 1)

Many of the journalists described trying to achieve a sense of balance between their professional and personal lives. This included recognizing the consequences of not maintaining a connection with “ordinary” life, and “doing too much too intensely.”

. . .you can do too much too intensely. Then you come back one day and you find that none of the wider points of life you know frustrations and difficulties of life, it begins to it doesn’t make any sense to you anymore. . . (Interview 4)

The strategies used to manage these challenges appeared to be related to a dynamic process of connecting to and distancing from different aspects of professional and personal identities.

I used to go to these places that were a different world, it was not my world. That was my ultimate defence mechanism. I went out I looked at another world and I came back to my world. And you try to do whatever you can when you are in that world you try to make people’s lives a little bit better, give them food, give them a pack of cigarettes be nice to them, be kind to them while all the shit’s going on but when you came back that’s it. Gone. I dunno. Until the next time. Ha! And then you are back out again. (Interview 8)

Role of Others

The journalists identified the important role their colleagues, their friends and family played in supporting their endeavors. The organizations the journalists worked for (or not in the case of freelancers) were influential in constructing the context for doing the job, for example through expectations for deadlines and 24-hr news coverage. The journalists spoke of the importance of their colleagues in providing advice, support, and encouragement in the field, during and after the events. Learning from more experienced colleagues was valued as an opportunity to develop their work and review how they did their jobs.

You have got an amazing support network in a number of ways. You know 1) that they are going to be there to watch your arse 2) that they are going to be there to do the job you know which is difficult and demands a lot. . . and 3) that they are going to be around to sort of chat about it or not, you know, that night or the day after or whatever. . . (Interview 4)

The journalists reflected on the difficulties they had noticed in discussing their experiences with people who had not been there themselves. However, the important roles that friends and families played, was recognized in terms of understanding and supporting them to do the job.

In terms of my wife there is that sounding board the you know if you like the first person you encounter outside the situation you were in who is not a journalist or one of the victims or whatever um and she doesn’t try to tease it out of me. Um she is interested in what I have to say. (Interview 2)

The journalists identified major life events, such as having children, and experiencing the death of close friends in the field, as increasing their emotional response to events. Changes in their approach to their work resulted.

I mean a lot of your friends being killed and on the one hand and the process of having children on the other for me certainly makes me think about doing things in a different way, I simply do not take the kind of risks now which I would have taken, and did take before the children. . . (Interview 4)

The changes in the journalists’ personal lives led to the development of new priorities and motivations. They found new perspectives from which to consider their experiences through a process of “developing new views.” This reflected the impact of time, process, and change on the way the journalists viewed their experiences and was reflected in the transient and challenging nature of them.

It’s like a license to learn. . . it’s constantly a challenge but it’s an enjoyable challenge. . . it’s something you have never dealt with before. You feel like the ball is always rolling under your feet and so you are just trying to keep your balance and keep going. (Interview 10)

Discussion

The primary professional task of members of the media is to bear witness and report an event in a way the audience can understand. The cathartic act of reporting provided an opportunity for the journalists to externalize and make sense of their experiences within broader contexts. The journalists’ understandings of and reactions to events resulted from their appraisals of them. The cognitive theory of “PTSD” (Ehlers & Clark, 2000) highlights the importance of the appraisals that an individual makes, based on assumptions and beliefs about the world arising from past experiences. The journalists’ beliefs and assumptions were informed by their idiosyncratic histories, cultures and experiences (Patel, 2003) so what they each considered to be hazardous varied greatly.

Objectivity in reporting was viewed as fundamental to the professional role and was predominantly discussed in opposition to reacting emotionally to events. Feinstein (2006) suggested that identifying with a situation or people involved on a personal level increased the risk of traumatic reactions. Thus, striving for objectivity and emotional distancing seemed to mitigate becoming emotionally overwhelmed (Wessely & Jones, 2005). However, when a story breaks, the journalistic process undertaken demands that both wider contexts and personal aspects of events are communicated. “Narrowing down” to incorporate human-interest stories necessarily involves connecting at more personal levels. Personalizing the events helps to make them meaningful to the audience, yet contradicts the process of emotionally distancing oneself. Hence, the context of the professional role seems to promote a meaningful role based behavior of “bearing witness” which may mitigate against personal distress.

Denial and depersonalization have been pathologized within literature from Western schools of psychology as problematic in managing distressing experiences. Depersonalization of events (De Zulueta, 2006, p. 344) “refers to experiencing events as if you are an observer, disconnected from your body or feelings.” The journalists’ descriptions of distancing themselves from their emotional experiences when covering hazardous events were similar. De Zulueta (2006) suggests that the process of depersonalization begins as a protective mechanism against catastrophic trauma, but becomes problematic if it develops into a routine response to stress. However, when connected to a sense of purpose and behaviors meaningful within their professional role, depersonalization provided a helpful strategy for the journalists in dealing with trauma.

Denial is defined as refusing to acknowledge painful features of a situation or experience which are apparent to others (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Yet cultural apathy and malaise toward catastrophic world events is a pervasive and effective form of denial which serves to protect us from the continual bombardment of the distressing realities of global conflict and disaster. Raising awareness was one motivation cited by the journalists for doing their job. Journalists are therefore in the risky position of challenging this protective mechanism. Journalists use aspects of denial to “put it aside” (interview 8) when they return home from assignment. They also make assumptions that tragedies which occur in conflict zones will not happen to them (Feinstein, Owen, & Blair). This seems a highly adaptive, protective buffer from the anxieties of the potential consequences of the risks inherent to their professional role.

The increased competition and demand for news, development of mobile technology, recent trends in “citizen journalism” and the shift from “journalism of information” toward a “journalism of conversation” has challenged traditional tenets of impartiality within journalism (Cameron, 2007). This brings forth new dilemmas in how journalists position themselves in relation to the stories. There may be greater potential for deleterious consequences when reporting from more personal perspectives. In the current political climate and rise of insecurity, particularly in conflict zones, this may also contribute to a new challenge within humanitarian reporting (Red Cross, 2008). Journalists are becoming viewed and targeted as part of “Western Interventions,” and are no longer protected by assumed neutral status (Osofsky et al., 2005).

Many of the journalists enjoyed long and prosperous careers reporting on traumatic events. Existing literature on trauma and journalism suggests greater risks from cumulative effects of prolonged and multiple exposures to distressing events (Feinstein, 2006). Montiel (2000) recognized the context-specific nature of trauma and healing in protracted political conflicts. The journalists found ways of managing based on what was personally helpful and the resources available within the context of their situation. Using variable strategies suggested flexible adaptation and pragmatic coping strategies in the face of prolonged exposure to trauma. The concept of pragmatic coping (Mancini & Bonanno, 2006) assumes that some coping strategies will be considered as adaptive only in specific circumstances. This raises questions regarding who should decide when a strategy can be considered adaptive or maladaptive and in what circumstances this should apply. Some journalists used recreational drugs, sex, and alcohol. Such ways of managing did not always incur deleterious effects in terms of the journalists’ psychological or social functioning. This should not suggest there are no deleterious effects of such behaviors, but rather they should not be automatically assumed problematic.

Consciously striving for and achieving a balance between their personal and professional lives enabled some journalists to continue working in this field indefinitely. Balance was partially achieved through a process of assimilating or adjusting new data to fit with existing assumptions about the world, or alternatively reworking assumptions to accommodate the new data (Janoff-Bulman, 1989). Indeed, various models of “meaning making” have been reviewed by Parks (2010) who suggested that it may be the quality of attempts to make meaning, which are more important than the quantity of them in promoting resilience and coping in the face of stressful life events. Major life events such as the death of a colleague, a loved one, or birth of a child appeared to impact considerably on the journalists’ experiences, by sharpening the impact and increasing the force of their reactions. For most of the journalists such experiences contributed to a reevaluation of their professional and personal responsibilities, leading to changes in the way they worked. The process seemed continuous and indefinite, therefore connecting to a more fluid and dynamic understanding of the concept of resilience (Velleman & Orford, 1999). The developing new views model illustrates this process by allowing for multiple and changing contexts to be aligned in the continuous process of meaning making. Thus, the increase in salience of a concept is reflected at the points where the ellipses draw closest to the event. A flexible process would seem to be advantageous in the context of increasing competition and developing practices in journalism.

The dynamic relationship between the psychological and social contexts was highlighted by the journalist’s views of the organizations they worked for, their colleagues and friends in the field, and their family and friends, in facilitating or hindering their ways of managing. For example, employers who exhibited awareness of the demands faced in the field were helpful in reducing organizational pressures. Some journalists valued the structure, training, and support provided by the organizations for which they worked. Freelance journalists identified pressures such as security, earning a living and freedom to cover stories of their own choice as specific to their context of work as having an impact.

Containment (Bion, 1962) provided by social networks, may support the journalists in maintaining their ability to regulate emotional responses to their experiences. The journalists identified relationships with their colleagues as resources for training, support, and opportunities to make sense of distressing events. Walsh (2007) identified being able to share emotional experiences as a key process for facilitating resilience. Similar principles (e.g., fostering mutual support, building social capital, promoting life-skills, and combating poor integration) are included in community psychology approaches aiming to improve physical and mental health for whole communities (Davidson, 2010; Orford, 2008).

Opportunities for Growth

The journalists identified numerous positive outcomes to their experiences, despite the horrific nature of some of the events to which they were exposed. For example, the recognition of the strong relationships they fostered with colleagues and the privilege of witnessing these events as part of their job. For some journalists the positive outcomes also included anger and a sense of power and responsibility to improve the situations, which provided inspiration and motivation to continue their work. This connects to ideas pertaining to transcendence within resilience, a process of moving from “personal tragedy and suffering to concern and action on behalf of others, to prevent similar suffering” (Walsh, 2003, p. 57).

Implications for Journalism

Studying nonclinical populations is a way of illuminating successful coping strategies and ways of managing reactions to hazardous events. It facilitates a move away from assumptions made about experiences of trauma and allows the lens applied to trauma to be widened, incorporating the myriad of views and experiences that such events may elicit. From this perspective, questions can be forwarded regarding how journalists might be encouraged to adopt more helpful coping mechanisms, without requiring formal psychological or psychiatric intervention.

This research suggests that risks may be ameliorated through the perspective taken toward events (e.g., by not personalizing them). Members of the media and other groups who are likely to experience distressing events through “risky” occupations can achieve this through identifying with aspects of their professional role. Equally, workshops which promote resourcefulness and multiple ways of managing experiences, (with opportunity for reflection about how these work for the individual regardless of their fit with traditional coping strategies discussed in psychological literature) might help to prevent pathologies being constructed of potentially helpful strategies, avoid unhelpful assumptions being made regarding the need for professional intervention, and reduce reactionary newsroom stoicism.

Promoting the importance of social networks and the role they play in mediating levels of distress should be considered within awareness raising programs for both journalists themselves and the organizations they work for. Fostering flexible coping strategies and facilitating “secure” social networks may be an adaptive approach to the continually evolving contexts of journalism in the future.

Evaluation of Research

Positivist epistemological criticisms of this research could indicate the small sample size (and power of analysis) and lack of representativeness in the sample. However, O’Byrne, Hansen, and Rapley (2007) advocate the constructionist position as an alternative to the default “mainstream” standpoint of positivist social psychology. Exploring detailed accounts contributes to broader understandings of multiple experiences of cultural phenomena, rather than building statistical generalizations.

There is an epistemological tension in selecting a pragmatic research method rooted in positivist doctrines, such as grounded theory, and the constructionist position adopted within this piece of research. However, integrating the pragmatic approach of Strauss and Corbin (1998) and the more flexible, constructionist approach of Charmaz (2006) facilitated the process of analysis, and raised awareness of the role the researcher, participants, and wider social contexts played in shaping the data collection, interpretation, and analysis.

This research explored the experiences of people in the media; the people who create the narratives around what and how events are reported. The stories that journalists have of themselves can shape their resilience and the way in which they work, therefore more attention needs to be paid to them. Stories told do more than impart information.

Footnotes

Appendix: Semistructured Interview Schedule

Interview schedule: Exploration of the experience of members of the media, the hazards they face, and how they manage.

Interview process: observations, questions?

Details of professional roles fulfilled by participants, the organizations worked for and types of events they covered

Author’s Note

This article draws on findings from a study completed for the qualification of Novak in the doctoral program of clinical psychology, based at the University of East London. The University of East London Ethics Committee granted approval for this research.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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