Examining the Intersection of Race and Athletics for Latino Male Student-Athletes

Abstract

Spanish

The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) serves as the primary governing organization for college athletics. The NCAA is now responsible for representing a growing proportion of student-athletes who identify as Latinos. This study examined the experiences of Division I Latino male student-athletes. Questionnaires and interviews were used to understand how race and athletics shape their college experiences. Findings revealed the following three themes: racial remarks, peer stigmas, and cultural obligations.

Keywords

Latino student-athletes intercollegiate athletics intersectionality qualitative

Introduction

American higher education allows students to obtain a college degree while playing in a collegiate sport (Shulman & Bowen, 2001). Over the past several decades, intercollegiate athletic programs have grown at rates that have raised concerns at many higher education institutions. Some believe that there are numerous benefits that college athletics can provide for an institution, such as academic opportunities for student-athletes, institutional camaraderie, and public visibility (Duderstadt, 2003). There is much debate, though, as to whether college athletics may instead be a detriment to student-athletes and the institution as a whole (Thelin, 2011).

Latinos are the fastest growing population in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and the third largest participating population in intercollegiate athletics (NCAA, 2015). The Latino student-athlete population has increased by 29% over the last 5 years (NCAA, 2015). In addition, there are 78 Hispanic Serving Institutions¹ (HSIs) participating in the NCAA (2018). In 2016, there were 435 HSIs that enrolled 1,836,870 Hispanic students (Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities, 2018).

The evident rise of Latinos in intercollegiate athletics suggests a need to understand the experiences of Latino student-athletes. Examining the experiences of Latino student-athletes can help colleges and universities successfully retain and graduate them (Martinez, 2018). However, the NCAA has been criticized for being a White-controlled college sport organization, which benefits from the labor of student-athletes of color (Hawkins, Carter-Francique, & Cooper, 2016). According to the NCAA, 89% of head coaches identify as White (NCAA, 2018), but more than 60% of students identify as people of color. This disparity raises concern about how sports in the United States may support minority students, particularly an emerging group like Latino who were previously underrepresented in the NCAA (Iber & Regalado, 2006).

Although there has been a large increase in the amount of research on student-athletes and their academic progress, there are still limited theoretical models examining the influence that the climate of intercollegiate athletics has on student-athlete identity and student-athletes academic success (Rankin et al., 2011). I use this study to explore the experiences of Latino male student-athletes in higher education public 4-year HSI in the Southern United States. Previous literature has yet to identify the relationship between athletic and academic identity for Latinos. The study seeks to understand the following research question:

Research Question 1: How are Latino male student-athletes’ college experiences shaped by the intersection of their racial and athletic identities?

The study first presents a conceptual framework, literature review, followed by a research methods section, and concluding discussion and implication for supporting Latino student-athletes.

Literature Review

In the past few decades, there has been a growing amount of research and literature on student-athletes. This is in large part due to the growing popularity and exposure of college athletics, especially at the Division I level (Gaston-Gayles, 2004). However, there are still many gaps that need to be filled when looking at students of color experiences participating in NCAA Division I athletics. This section aims to highlight what is known about the student-athlete experience. I aim to shed light on a less emphasized demographic of Latino male student-athletes.

Institutional Burdens

Although there is a broader literature on student-athletes, this article provides a brief overview on the college athlete experience. First, it is important to understand how student-athletes have the same academic demands of the general student body and athletic demands (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). It is common for student-athletes to dedicate more time to their sport, outside of the mandatory time commitments set by the NCAA (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). The NCAA limits 20 hr/week for organized sports and play, but these limits are often exceeded (Wolverton, 2016). In 2015, a survey found that student-athletes spent more than 40 hr/week on athletic commitments (Wolverton, 2016).

Athletic commitments can be attributed to coaches adding pressures of winning and personal success for student-athletes (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). The continually increasing popularity and visibility (from television and media coverage) of college athletics has added commercialization and pressures for athletic teams to win (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). This places more pressure on student-athletes to perform well in their sport forcing them to commit more of their time to athletic activities over academic activities (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). These commitments can lead to an unhealthy balance between academic and athletic roles (Simons, Van Rheenen, & Covington, 1999). As a result, this can create isolation for student-athletes to be incorporated with their nonathlete campus community.

Peer Interaction

Student-athletes are often categorized by the campus community to be less academically prepared than their nonathlete peers (Comeaux & Harrison, 2011). For example, negative stereotypes of student-athletes in the academic domain by other classmates and professors have a negative impact on the development of student-athletes. Perceptions of the “dumb jock” contribute to the internalization of this persona among student-athletes (Comeaux, 2015). Furthermore, student-athletes are often perceived by having special treatment by the university and little academic motivation (Comeaux, 2015). Student-athletes’ perceptions about being solely admitted to a university for their physical performance devalues their association to the campus community (Valentine & Taub, 1999). According to Valentine and Taub (1999), students feel skeptical and less trusting of student-athletes obtaining an “A” in class. These stereotypes can have a negative impact on the perceptions that student-athletes have on their ability to succeed in the classroom (Althouse, 2007). These factors increase the likelihood for student-athletes having negative perceptions by their peers.

Racial Factors

Most research has compared African American male student-athletes with their White counterparts (Oseguera, Merson, Harrison, & Rankin, 2018). African American student-athletes deal with the same negative stereotypes of all student-athletes, but must deal with racism and isolation on college campuses (Comeaux & Harrison, 2007). For example, faculty, administrators, and professors often have the perception that if a student-athlete is African American, then they were only admitted because of athletic ability (Comeaux & Harrison, 2007). The majority of institutions in the United States are predominantly White, and often African American student-athletes feel racial discrimination as well as isolated on campus (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). These negative stereotypes lead to weakened internal academic expectations, which is detrimental to academic motivation (Comeaux & Harrison, 2007).

Latino Students in Athletics

The literature on Latino students outside of athletics may help understand Latino student-athletes in higher education. For many Latino students, cultural obligation toward family can serve as a primary concern, instead of education or athletics (Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013). This can cause Latino to not continue in higher education, but “provide for, protect, and defend for his family” (Locks, Hurtado, Bowman, & Oseguera, 2008, p. 263). For instance, in many Latino communities, familismo and ser buen educado provide essential cultural trends that can stop Latino students from achieving educational or athletic aspirations. Familismo is a firm belief in strong family ties, with the family as the primary source of support and loyalty to the family taking over one’s personal desires (Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013).

The term ser buen educado translates to “be well educated,” but in Latino culture it carries a different meaning. Being buen educado does not just mean to have a good education. It means to be well mannered, respectful, and have high morals (Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013). One of the morals for Latino students is to be able to provide for the family (Turcios-Cotto & Milan, 2013), meaning Latino males have a moral responsibility to help their family if they drop out of the school. Although the majority of Latino students and parents believe higher education is essential to a college future, many Latino student-athletes see themselves supporting their family over choosing an education.

Conceptual Framework

Intersectionality

This study utilizes intersectionality to examine how racial and athletic identity can shape the educational experiences of Latino male student-athletes. The purpose of intersectionality is to bring awareness to the experiences and struggles of people of color, specifically looking at the interaction of race, class, gender, sexual identity, age, and disability (Crenshaw, 1989). Intersectionality is extension to Critical Race Theory (CRT) and was first used to describe how Black women faced discrimination differently to Black males (Crenshaw, 1989). I looked at Latino males in higher education because they are underrepresented on college campuses compared with their Latina female counterparts (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009). Latino males have higher school dropout rates, preference in joining the workforce, and dropping out of college (Sáenz & Ponjuán, 2009; Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005).

Student-athletes must maintain a balance between their identities as students and as athletes. However, identifying as a Latino male and a student athlete can create the phenomenon of intersectionality which refers to belonging to two or more negatively stereotyped or marginalized groups (Comeaux, 2015). These negative stereotypes may lead to weakened internal academic expectation, which is detrimental to academic motivation (Comeaux, 2015).

Student-athletes in general have to balance allocating their time and motivation between their dual roles to be successful as students and athletes. In addition, Latino males often fall victim to stereotypes perpetrated against them by a dominant population of overwhelmingly White, male, middle class peers (López, 2005). Latino student-athletes in higher education are understudied in existing research and must maintain a balance between their identities as students and as athletes. For this study, the subgroups of Latinos include but are not limited to Chicanas/os, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, Central and South Americans, and other Latinos (Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005).

Method

Participants

This qualitative study took place at an NCAA Division I public research university in the southern United States. The sample used for this study included three male student-athletes from various sports. The institution sports for males included baseball, basketball, cross country, football, golf, and track and field.

The participants reported to weekly study session hours. Romario is a third-year transfer student with a scholarship, participating in a high-revenue generating sport. He has yet to decide on a major but is aiming toward a degree in Kinesiology. Throughout his time at a local community college he made Dean’s list and earned an overall GPA of 3.5. He decided to go to a community college to raise his grades from High School and save money.

Ulyses was a fourth-year business major, competing in a low-revenue generating sport. He has been active in sports throughout his 4 years at the institution and comes from the institution’s hometown. Throughout his high school career, he was in contact with many institutions for recruitment, but decided to stay closer to his friends and family.

Norberto was a third-year Technology major participating in a low-revenue generating sport. He red-shirted his freshman year and has been participating ever since. He helped his high school win state championships on two occasions and participated in other sports throughout high school. He decided to enroll at the institution because it is closer to home, and his family and friends can see him compete.

Data Collection

I used two methods to obtain an in-depth understanding of the experiences for Latino student-athletes. The methods included two 30-min interviews with each participant along with a 12-item questionnaire. This exploratory case study used purposeful sampling to get an in-depth understanding of the participants (Bhattacharya, 2017). The participants were selected to investigate an accurate representation of the issue being examined (Bhattacharya, 2017).

Participants were contacted at the beginning of the spring semester via email; four individuals were contacted but only three responded. The three participants all provided informed consent to be interviewed, have a follow-up interview at the end of the semester, and completed a survey before the first interview. The interviews took place between January and May. Before each interview commenced, the participant was asked to review and sign the university consent form. All interviews were recorded; once both interviews were completed, they were transcribed. Although the first interview examined the negative perceptions that student-athletes were encountering with the academic community, the second interview focused on examining the academic roles of students-athletes.

The interview questions were developed to address the research questions of this project through the interviewers’ responses. The interviews served as the primary method for data collection, as they provided potential and elicit descriptions for the study (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012). In addition, interviews provide the researcher with an opportunity to clarify, examine additional information, and follow-up questions were used to provide a greater detail on the three subjects being questioned (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012). The questionnaire was designed to collect profile data and asked participants for their purpose in attending and playing for the university. The survey required participants to self-report their sport, major, year, hometown, educational goals, and athletics goals. Each questionnaire was reviewed before conducting interviews. The interviews consisted of open-ended questions that asked participants to explain their experiences with peers, faculty, and staff, time spent on campus, campus environment, and challenges they encountered personally and academically.

Procedure

I manually transcribed and coded each interview and questionnaire. Through this process, I aimed to categorize and evaluate codes. I was able to identify major themes, highlighting commonalities across the responses (Patton, 2005). The purpose of this approach was to analyze themes, patterns, and trends in qualitative data that aligned with intersectionality as it pertains to student-athletes (Comeaux, 2010). The emerging themes will be explained in the following section.

Data Analysis

Hierarchical content analysis goes beyond words and provides knowledge and understanding to the phenomenon being studied (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). In addition, the interviews helped explore the participant’s experiences and identify particular responses (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). The analysis is helpful as it can generate new knowledge from the participant’s responses (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). The responses from the interviews established how Latino student-athletes come from different upbringings and have different attitudes about their athletic and academic achievements.

Results

In the following section, I present responses from Romario, Ulyses, and Norberto. I organized themes by the research question on understanding how Latino male student-athletes college experiences are shaped by the intersection of race and athletics. Major themes are identified to help illuminate patterns and themes with the study (Patton, 2005). Essentially, the participants’ responses provided themes directly related to athletics and race. I identified the following three themes: racial remarks, peer stigmas, and cultural obligations.

Racial Remarks

The answers from the participants emphasized different insulting racial themes Latino student-athletes encountered in higher education. All the participants experienced discrimination for their Latino background. Romario noted, “They (my teammates) would tell me ‘sprint as fast as you can, pretend immigration is behind you’, or ‘good thing you can run fast so when you get deported you can come back to the United States.”

These perceptions emphasized racial jokes for being a Latino in the United States. Racial jokes can be described as an unconsciously racist belief coded as humor and can be understood as a verbal assault with the attempt at comedy (Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009). The intersection of Romario’s participation in athletics and his nationality resulted in racial jokes by his teammates.

Ulyses reflected on the racial experiences he encountered growing up in a Latino community. He explained how racism existed throughout his athletic career:

I grew up in an all Latino area, and most of us talked Spanish. When we would travel to play games, I remember other teams, parents, and just random people yelling at us (team). They would yell “wetback,” or “speak English here you’re in America.” Our coach would hear them, and he would tell us to ignore them, and just play your game.

After describing how racial discrimination existed throughout his athletic career, Ulyses remembered how past perceptions affected him today:

Now I try to play my game as much as I can and avoid all the people who say anything racist to me. I have seen racist remarks by some of teammates. When they say “where is your family really from?” I tell them “Honduras.” They say “Honduras or Mexico it’s the same thing, I didn’t even know they had sports teams.” It’s like people will just be racist wherever you go play.

Ulyses response helps understand how Latinos come from different backgrounds but are not exempt from racism. The responses from the participants can help validate racial perceptions Latino males experience due to their athletic involvement.

Peer Stigmas

The participants responded to having negative interactions with their nonathlete peers. For example, Romario stated, “Students who aren’t athletes don’t really like talking to us (student-athletes), they think we are babied and don’t study.” This misconception can highlight a negative stigma student-athletes encounter with their nonathlete peers. Although student-athletes have their athletic demands, they are still part of the campus community and should benefit from positive peer interactions.

Furthermore, Norberto explained how being a student-athlete can invalidate his Latino identity to his nonathlete peers. His response examined how hostility existed within the Latino campus community due to his athletic identity:

When people (students) ask me to join an organization I tell them that I want too but I am student-athlete, and they say “oh it’s probably not your type of club.” The club is a Latino club, and I don’t understand what they mean by that. Is it because I am an athlete I am not Latino enough. They don’t understand how hard it is to be a student-athlete or know how much my family struggled to come to the United States.

The response provides various stereotypes, highlighting how student-athletes might not contribute to the campus community. The student group is helping promote isolation for student-athletes to remain in their athletic realm. The sense of seeing student-athletes as not part of the academic community provides hostility by nonathlete peers. In addition, Norberto questioned if his racial identity was not seen as a valid, due to his athletic identity. Norberto frustration to his Latino peers can highlight their perceptions of Norberto “acting white.” According to Ogbu (2004), “acting white” occurs when students of color adopt White-culture to succeed in White-controlled institutions. In addition, students of color learn to follow standard White American practices by giving up their racial identity to succeed academically (Ogbu 2004). For student-athletes, “acting white” can have their cultural background invalidated due to their athletic identity (Comeaux, 2010). Based on the responses, Latino males encounter negative perceptions by the campus community due their student-athlete identity.

Cultural Obligations

Additional findings formulated a mixture of cultural commitments Latino student-athletes encounter. Norberto responses aimed at highlighting the contributions he is making through athletics for his family. His responses highlighted the cultural obligations that Latino encounter in higher education:

I’ve never really liked school. I grew up as the eldest male in the family and I am the first to enroll in college. In all honesty, I only did it, because I knew I was setting the path for my younger siblings and cousins. Now there are no excuses for them not to go to college.

Norberto’s response suggested how Latino student-athletes aspirations can intersect with familial obligations. This response reassured the concept of familismo, and how the morals for Latino students is to be able to set an example for the family.

Ulyses’ response considered the fact that his aspirations were strongly influenced by his achievement of making the team. Ulyses responses to the open-ended survey depicted his commitment to take advantage of the opportunity provided to him. Ulyses described, not just educational challenges but cultural ones as well:

I think it’s safe to say that most Latino kids that are student athletes are playing sport. If I could go back from my freshman year and do it again, I would do it entirely different. I would engage more in student life. It’s funny, as I was writing these answers, I couldn’t remember one time where my parents asked me how school was going. It was always how is everything going with your team? I think that says a ton! Maybe they were too scared to ask, as they had never gone past elementary. It’s almost the thought process of “Well, how can I help, if I never did it.” I think that right there is the biggest hurdle for Latino students in general, but more with athletes. We go to school with one thing in mind, playing professionally, outside of that everything is a burden, why? Because the parents don’t tell their friends “He is going to school to be an architect” they’re saying “He is going to play sports for a university.”

This response provided a wide range of challenges experienced. Instead, Romario’s parents rather ask about the athletic experience, undermining his overall college experience due to not knowing what to ask. Latino male student-athletes encounter negative perceptions but use athletics to set an example for their family.

Limitations

I was only able to interview male student-athletes who came into the specific academic space, excluding their female counterparts. In addition, the academic space did not consist of every sport the institution offered. I interviewed the student-athletes with whom I worked with throughout the semester. Although there was a limited sample size, it was sufficient because this was an exploratory case study addressing the research question.

Discussion

The findings highlight how racial and athletic identity shape Latino student-athletes college experience. Intersectionality was evident as campus interactions in and outside the classroom, participants in the study all experienced and were aware of racism that existed for Latinos participating in college athletics. The results correlated with how athletes-of-color are not immune from subtle and over forms of racism (Lee, Bernstein, Etzel, Gearity, & Kuklick, 2018). My study emphasizes how racism in the United States has not vanished, but has become more indirect and subtle (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000). Occurrences of racial stereotypes were evident by insults and slurs. Despite of experiencing racism, the participants all were aware of the opportunity they have received to play their sport while getting a college a degree. The opportunity they received was motivational since their parents were glad to see them go to college and make a difference for their family.

Implications for Practice

As the number of Latinos participating in the NCAA continue to increase, research needs to provide insight on their experiences. My study hopes to raise questions on how current research Latino student-athletes is scarce. Latino student-athletes deal with the same negative perceptions as all student-athletes, but there is a lack of research to highlight their college campus experience.

With the population of Latino students growing in higher education and the NCAA, more studies must be done regarding what concerns Latino students go through in higher education. It is essential to recognize the population growth of Latino’s in intercollegiate athletics to provide successful pathways to obtain a postsecondary degree. For students of color like Latinos, college is a place for them to build a sense of belonging. When Latino students have support in the college environment, it can ultimately lead to graduating from higher education.

The establishment of support groups can provide academic, athletic, and social enhancement for Latinos. Counter-spaces serve as “sites where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where positive collegiate racial climate can be established and maintained” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001, p. 65). Originally created by African American students at Predominately White Institutions (PWIs), these counter-spaces need to spread to all race/ethnicity to provide a supportive environment for students of color in higher education.

These counter-spaces can serve as a powerful tool that help emphasize a comfortable campus environment. According to participants of these counter-spaces, “social counter-spaces were important because they provide students of color with space outside of the classroom to vent their frustrations and to get to know others who shared their experiences of discrimination” (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001, p. 67). Not having support for students of color can be discouraging and with these counter-spaces you are able to relate to students and support one another to get through any discrimination occurring (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). Counter-spaces respond to negative experiences that students of color encounter at HSI and provide positive support.

At HSIs, counter-spaces can be used to serve Latino identity. HSIs can provide counter-spaces by connecting Latino students with Latino faculty and promoting Latino curriculum (Garcia, 2016). First, Latino faculty from similar backgrounds can help Latino students engage culturally and educationally (Garcia, 2016). Second, a Latino curriculum at an HSI can include Ethnic Studies courses. Ethnic studies courses can help incorporate diversity across the campus by learning the history and culture of people of color (Garcia & Okhidoi, 2015). These steps can help enhance Latino identity at HSIs and create a positive campus climate.

Future Research

I acknowledge that three participants is a small sample size and future research should think about obtaining a larger sample size to help get more perspectives and narratives on Latino student-athletes. In addition, future research can examine how other experiences or interactions with their peers, coaches, or faculty can support student-athletes who are being stereotyped by their racial and athletic identity. Finally, it is important to examine Latina student-athletes and understand how gender can shape their athletic experiences.

Conclusion

This research aimed to understand the experiences of Latino male students participating in intercollegiate athletics. It is important to consider how the intersection of race and athletics can affect Latino’s experiences in higher education. With limited research on Latino student-athletes, it is important to incorporate their overlooked stories by conducting empirical studies to share their personal experiences. Personal experiences help analyze and get a better understanding of how racial campus climates affect the experience of students of color (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). We are able to understand that even at HSIs Latino student-athletes are targeted by their race, bringing inequality and discrimination. With the increase of Latino participation in the NCAA, universities must be ready to serve this emerging group.

Supplemental Material

Supplementary_Material_pdf – Supplemental material for Examining the Intersection of Race and Athletics for Latino Male Student-Athletes

Supplemental material, Supplementary_Material_pdf for Examining the Intersection of Race and Athletics for Latino Male Student-Athletes by Guillermo Ortega in Journal of Hispanic Higher Education

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Guillermo Ortega

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Notes

Author Biography

Guillermo Ortega is a PhD candidate in Higher Education Leadership and Policy Studies at the University of Houston. He researches intercollegiate athletics, Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSIs), and policy issues related to equity for underserved students.

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(2009). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate for Latina/o undergraduates. Harvard Educational Review, 79, 659-691.

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