Virtual Total Control: Escaping a Simulated Prison

Abstract

Previous studies have examined media portrayals of total control and institutionalization in prison, and a few studies have considered the connection between media portrayals and depictions of prison escape attempts. The current inquiry seeks to fill this gap in the literature through an autoethnographic case study of the video game The Escapists, in which players assume the role of an inmate whose ultimate goal is to escape prison amid an environment populated by other nonplayer character inmates and guards. In this inquiry, specific attention is paid to the player’s experiences as a subject of control from guards, inmates, surveillance systems, and the prison construct, and how these interactions contextualize and potentially motivate the player to attempt escape. Connections between virtual and real-world escape attempts are discussed. Conceptual and theoretical links between total control and interactive experiences of simulated prison life, as well as implications of this study, are examined.

Keywords

video games prison escape institutionalization corrections total control

Various forms of media have become common venues for illustrating realistic and fictionalized prison accounts, increasing the significance of media influence on perceptions of criminal justice (Cheliotis, 2010; Novek, 2009). Han (2011) suggests that while the physical separation of prison from the public gaze can produce an acceptance of the infliction of pain on prisoners (see also Bennett, 2006), media portrayals offer opportunities for witnessing the impact of such pain and problematize it. These studies provide a prompt for exploring the portrayal of prison in media but largely focus on narrative constructs (Bennett, 2006).

Despite a fair amount of research on prison portrayals in film, little scholarship has explored prison portrayals in video games (see, e.g., Downing & Levan, 2016; Macmillan & Page, 2009; Oleszkiewicz, Kanonowicz, Sorokowski, & Sorokowska, 2015). By drawing on an interactive gaming portrayal of prison life, the current inquiry fills this gap, examining a “sandbox” (i.e., freeform rather than linear) experience, in which players/viewers are able to interact with and form emergent prison narratives. Many video games offer opportunities for consumers to be “the moral actor” (Weaver & Lewis, 2012), and we extend this examination to decisions within the context of the prison environment.

The Escapists (2014), the video game under examination, is labeled by some players as “comedy,” and both players and the developer seem to acknowledge that the game is at least partially satirical, exaggerating (and in the process, problematizing) elements of prison life. Some scholarly inquiries have examined the role of film as satirical portrayal of punishment (see, e.g., Lichtenberg, Lune, & McManimon, 2004), suggesting that depictions such as A Clockwork Orange (1971) may serve to prompt examination of one’s own orientation toward punitiveness and social control. This inquiry will frame video games through an analysis of The Escapists within the context of media portrayals of prison focusing on how gaming’s interactive nature distinguishes it from more explicitly narrative portrayals.

We begin with a discussion of the existing research concerning prisons in the media more broadly and narrow this to the video game sphere. Focusing on The Escapists, we examine experiences playing the game and how the themes presented align with other video games. We are particularly concerned with how the idea of total control and prison escapes, interactions with nonplayer characters (NPC’s), and construct of the prison within the game contribute to the public conversation and perceptions of prisons. Finally, we include how our findings can be further expanded on in the future for both practical and pedagogical research.

Existing Research

Consumers of media believe they fully comprehend situations never experienced, though these perceptions may be inaccurate (Yousman, 2013). This may be particularly true for prisons. Those who do not know someone who has been incarcerated may find film adaptations of inmates easier to identify with (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2005). The likelihood of knowing an incarcerated person and the commonality of prison representations in media suggests the public is generally misinformed about prisons and prison escapes.

Newspaper accounts of escapes likely have less “entertainment value” than those depicted in movies and television, with escapes declining in recent decades (Useem & Piehl, 2006). Escapes may be prevented by security mechanisms, such as gun towers, fences, perimeter patrols, and monitoring inmate violations (Cunningham, Sorenson, Vigen, & Woods, 2011; Sorenson & Cunningham, 2010). Across a 2-year period, Culp (2005) found few accounts of true escapes, and of these, only 8% of the stories involved inmates escaping with a sophisticated plan. Media coverage of prison escapes contributes to the public’s fear. When shown escapes under different formats, one study found that those news stories in a “standard” format (showing the escape is problematic for the public) were the most likely to evoke fear in viewers (Fisher, Allan, & Allan, 2004).

We consider prison escape (or at least, planning an escape) as a mechanism for coping with total control and institutionalization. Escape attempt planning is one of the less common forms of resistance in prison, but it prompts severe consequences when discovered (Crewe, 2007). Other research on prison life, particularly for those wrongfully convicted, has employed the concept of escape in the form of escapism from the pains of imprisonment achieved through participation in programs involving cooperation with other prisoners in similar situations (see, e.g., Campbell & Denov, 2004). That escape need not be literal is significant, particularly as we will discuss the routine, mundane life of prison, even in the virtual context.

Popular media portrayals of prisons and escapes

In total institutions, all activities are essentially carried out in the same space, members are treated similarly, daily activities are scheduled closely together, and activities designed to meet the institutional mission (Goffman, 1961). As inmates spend longer periods of time in confinement with greater levels of involvement with other inmates, institutionalization becomes more likely (Haney, 2003). Institutionalization is the degree to which an individual adopts the culture, customs, and values of a prison (Clemmer, 1940). Issues related to total control and institutionalization are depicted in the media, often relating to “who controls whom” within the institution (Rafter, 2006, p. 168).

The gap between levels of violence in prison compared to its portrayal in the media is pervasive. Yousman (2013) interviewed former inmates on their perceptions of the “spectacle of violence” (p. 203) portrayed on the HBO television show Oz (1997). Although many had not experienced violence during their sentence, they “… made frequent references to film and television programs throughout the interviews—even when they had been specifically asked to speak about things they themselves had experienced or witnessed while incarcerated” (p. 214).

Prison genre films often involve escape as central to the plot of the film (Rafter, 2006), such as in Robert Bresson’s A Man Escaped (1956). In these films, the escapes also often hinge on inmate characteristics. Both The Great Escape (1963) and The Shawshank Redemption (1994) are based on a “cleverness motif” (Kaminski, 2003, p. 215).

Popular television shows also depict escapes. Most notable is the show, Prison Break (2005), with an escape as the central plot. Fans were given opportunities to participate in online narratives, continuing the story line and characters beyond the television show (Knaggs, 2011). The interactive nature of these activities to previously passive forms of media consumption demonstrates the connectedness viewers may feel to the main characters and their plight to escape.

Video games in research

As the level of fidelity produced increases in a given form of media, audiences may feel increased levels of presence, resulting in “more pronounced physiological responses to media depictions” (Okdie et al., 2014, p. 184). The more realistic an experience is to the consumer, the more heightened their reaction and response may be. Moreover, as media consumers are offered more choices and control in their experiences than before, they are less likely to be viewed as “passive consumers” (Okdie et al., 2014, p. 187). Games present such an experience (Elson, Breuer, Ivory, & Quandt, 2014).

Building on prior research (Oliver & Raney, 2011; Wirth, Hofer, & Schramm, 2012), Elson, Breuer, Ivory, and Quandt (2014) examine how video game experiences are eudaimonic or have meaningful motivations. They explain these experiences “are not only elicited by narrative and audiovisual presentation, but that the interactivity adds a whole new layer of user experiences affecting both hedonic and eudaimonic gratifications in ways that are unique to the digital game medium” (p. 524).

While some game-based research has focused on areas of impact such as neurological development (see, e.g., Chien-Heng, Chien-Min, & Yu-Chiung, 2014), Schulzke (2014) suggests that they can serve as narrative prompts but also that they hold play-based possibilities to stimulate philosophic problematization. Cheng-Ping, Ju-Ling, and Yi-Chun (2014) provide evidence that learning through games is facilitated by player enjoyment of the game. Thus, it is our argument that The Escapists, developed primarily as a piece of interactive entertainment, serves as an engaging opportunity for introspective experience of prisonization. Further, there is evidence that social interaction in a game is related to altruism, which lends itself to a more critical perspective on social issues such as prison (see, e.g., Velez & Ewoldsen, 2013). While Velez and Ewoldsen’s study emphasizes interaction with human players, The Escapists provides an opportunity for players to interact and socialize with artificial intelligence (AI) controlled inmates and correctional officers. This environment creates an interesting virtual setting in which to consider how inmates navigate the physical realities of prison and the social demands, particularly as they relate to the reality that prisoners often vie for social dominance more so than community members (Graham-Kevan, 2011).

Game studies scholars and game designers have engaged in discussion regarding player agency and storytelling. This discussion often centers on the concepts of ludology and narratology, however, increasing attempts to bridge the perspective have been made (see, e.g., Joyce’s, 2015, discussion of player agency in both narrative and ludic play). Crawford (2015) considers the notion of “nonplaces” in games such as sports titles, suggesting that through the absence of a defined space, players may gain a sense of control over these environments and their actions within them. Furthermore, Lindley (2005) contends that ludic systems contribute to and encompass narrative goals.

One example may be seen in the evolution of the role-playing game Dungeons and Dragons (D&D) (Gygax & Arneson, 1974), popularized as a table-top game in 1974 (Punday, 2005). Dungeon Masters develop fantasy worlds, where each player develops their own character and explores and occupies the created spaces (Mizer, 2014). This transitioned into the multiple online role-playing games version but maintained some of the characteristics of the original rendition. Players continue to have choices in how to use some objects, such as unlocking a box with a key or using lock picking skills (Punday, 2005). D&D operates with a quest system, often divvied out by NPCs and “framed as small narratives” (Dickey, 2007, p. 261). There may be no true “end” to the game, as it has no “final victory or loss conditions” (Dickey, 2007, p. 258). Therefore, the interface of the game changed, but it maintained a narrative component that was simultaneously player and storyteller driven. This evolving “interface” is interesting in light of Jorgensen’s (2013) contention that games are the interface. Through this lens, we can conceptualize of the changing environment of the prison setting in The Escapists as a dynamic ludic experience that draws on hide-and-seek and labyrinthine metaphors of surveillance (see Koskela & Makinen, 2015).

Perhaps related to the labyrinthine metaphor of surveillance is the role-playing within The Escapists. Extending this connection, we can assess D&D, in which a rule framework, with characters based on a system of skills and classes, allows individuals to build characters with individual attributes (Mackay, 2001). Rules are necessary for players to feel secure in the gaming space (Mackay, 2001). Although rules exist, it is the unknown within the rules that make any game interesting (Shank, 2015).

The developer of The Escapists emphasizes the relevance of surveillance to the prison experience. One update announces that live video streams of gameplay can be watched through Steam (Steam Community, 2014). The surveillance mechanisms in game and voluntary surrender of virtual space for the viewing of others are ways that The Escapists help to “normalize a surveillance culture” (De Souza e Silva & Sutko, 2008, p. 461). A player allowing others the ability to view and monitor their game activities is one way which game developers encourage further participation from users. As discussed by van Nuenen (2016), video games, such as Dark Souls (2011), exhibit Panopticon-like (Foucault, 1977) surveillance systems. Players have the opportunity to watch each other, simultaneously feeling the oppression of being watched.

In the current inquiry, we conceptualize The Escapists as a simulation in which a story space (see Mateas & Stern, 2005) arises in a place not strictly defined by a narrative or background, but instead the thematic label garnered from a cultural familiarity with the institution of prison. The cultural context of the prison “game” draws on simulation and “generative substance” to form “a space of possibilities implicit within a culture and from which members of the culture may improvise meaningful stories” (Lindley, 2005). Pearce (2005) refers to a concept of “emergent authorship,” in which players create their own stories through interaction with artificially intelligent game actors.

As the description of The Escapists provided in the following section illustrates, this concept is central to the contention that ludic experiences, as represented by the game and its implicit rules, and not necessarily the interface, may prompt player introspection regarding their character’s freedom (or lack thereof) in a simulated social setting, and by extension, the freedom of actors in real, thematically analogous social settings, thus both forming a culture in the game and grounding the game in an external culture. That simulation games such as The Escapists offer opportunities for “emergent play” is also important to understanding how ludic interaction can serve as a form of both intragame and outergame social construction of concepts like prison (see Montola, 2012).

The Current Inquiry

Given the unique opportunity presented by The Escapists, we pursue dual research goals. First, we establish an overview of how video games can serve as participatory contexts for experiencing and problematizing prison life. Second, we examine more specifically how this simulated environment can expose participants to institutional concepts of control through everyday experiences in prison.

Sample and Method

The Escapists

In the current inquiry, we examine one particular game and its development cycle. Thus, our research setting consists of the online social spaces surrounding one game and the persons occupying these spaces are constituted by the game developer and the individual player. The Escapists is a simulation game released for personal computers. Steam (the site through which the game is sold) users have “tagged” (labeled) the game with several descriptors, including simulation, strategy, adventure, action, role-playing game, survival, and comedy (Steam Community, 2014).

The gameplay in The Escapists revolves around the ultimate goal of escaping from a simulated prison, in which the player directly controls a single prisoner. The prison simulation includes a routine in which guards conduct roll call and accompany characters to the dining hall, shower, and workout areas. The player can interact with other prisoners by talking to, trading with, attacking, and/or doing favors for them and can build/lose reputation with both guard and prisoner (nonplayer) characters. Several win conditions exist for the game, including options to take over the prison by knocking out all of the guards, escaping through a tunnel, through the doors using fabricated keys, and over the walls using crafted grappling hooks. The player cannot “lose” the game. If apprehended by guards when attempting to escape, attacking another prisoner or guard, or any other activity that prompts guard intervention, they are taken to confinement and lose their accumulated items and some of their player character’s statistics (i.e., strength, intelligence, and speed).

Since The Escapists tasks the player with “role-playing” as a prisoner, it holds potential to create empathic situations that other genres may not (see Lynne Bowman, 2010, for a discussion of the social and cultural benefits of role-playing games). Unlike some role-playing games that progress around a set of predefined quests, The Escapists is, as discussed below, a sandbox game, allowing players relative freedom within a simulated environment. This freedom provides opportunities to assess player decisions within the simulated prison environment. It also affords an opportunity to consider the discourse surrounding the development of the game, particularly given that no concrete story line exists, allowing players and developers to discuss and negotiate game mechanics and thematic elements without requiring time consuming narrative alterations.

Game studies’ focus on social control and surveillance has mostly been limited to the context of massive multiplayer online games (see Kerr, De Paoli, & Keatinge, 2014), with some more theoretical assessments considering the representation of surveillance in ludic experiences. Such studies emphasize the nature of either game developer driven (formal) or player driven (informal) control mechanisms over players.

The Escapists was chosen as the sole medium for this case study, as it takes place exclusively in prison and is presented, broadly, as a “locked room” game, defined as a setting with “self contained, enclosed, manageable proportions and dimensions” (Scaggs, 2005, p. 52). More widely defined, it can include a room or setting from which one tries to escape as is used in the current example. In the case of The Escapists, the locked room is the simulated prison, in which dimensions of stealth and social management are necessary to both explore and escape these rooms. Thus, The Escapists presents the player with a locked room scenario with added simulation and roguelike (wherein death of a character results in “starting over from scratch”) components.

Prisons have been used in video games, either as the sole setting or as a setting among others within the game. At least a portion of the gameplay occurs in a prison environment in many games. In the Elder Scrolls series, Morrowind (2002), Oblivion (2006), and Skyrim (2011), the concept of punishment and prison is built into the story line of the game. When a player commits an offense, they can serve out their sentence or escape, and particular skill sets, such as “sneak” or “marksman,” may increase or decrease depending on their success. Fable (2004) also includes a prison escape as part of the game’s story line.

More narrowly, a definition of prison games can be adapted from Mason’s definition for prison films: They “concern civil imprisonment and are mainly set within the walls of a prison or use prison as a central theme” (Mason, 2003, as quoted in Mason, 2006, p. 611). Once narrowed, few games fit within this genre. Prison Architect (2012) and Prison Tycoon (2005) are simulation games, in which the players construct and manage a prison. Some games are available that illustrate prison escapes, such as Escaping the Prison (2012) and Prison Break (2010). To the authors’ knowledge, the video game which most closely resembles The Escapists is The Chronicles of Riddick: Escape from Butcher Bay (2004), which incorporates elements of prison culture as well as the end goal of escaping the prison. However, this game is narrative in nature with fewer choices offered to the player.

The Escapists fulfills being defined as both (broadly) a locked room and (narrowly) a prison genre game. The game also presents a unique opportunity to play it in its α and β stages as it was developed (through Steam early access), allowing for an analysis of themes included in the game as they are developed.

Digital case study

In the current inquiry, we establish a participatory experience in the game. Aarseth (2003, p. 3) makes the case that researchers playing games are important to understanding the “working” of a game. Nardi’s (2010) ethnographic account of World of Warcraft (2004) draws on participant observation of both online and off-line settings in which players interact. It also draws on Nardi’s experiences interacting with the game and its NPCs, quests, and other mechanics. Nardi (2010) suggests that activity theory can inform game studies by examining the interaction of players with one another as well as objects in the game through the use of aesthetic and instrumental game tools (e.g., the interface).

Analytical framework

Doyle (2006) argues that studies of media portrayals of crime have offered only limited explorations the interplay between portrayals of actual crime and crime fiction. In the current study, since video games provide an opportunity for players to interact with fictional portrayals of crime, we have the novel opportunity to explore such a relationship by analyzing game content. Although our focus in this analysis is on the content of the game and the player community surrounding it, we do consider the ludic qualities of the game insofar as they manifest as interaction with the game world through the tools, and bound by the rules, presented by the game.

Findings

Total control and escape attempts

The game is sandbox and “open world,” meaning that the player has relative freedom (e.g., they can choose not to go to roll call or return to their cell at lights out), but the game also presents a set of rules with unforgiving consequences. Total control, operationalized as restriction of movement, is therefore, intentionally or not, manifested in the gameplay of The Escapists.

From gameplay, escaping seems to be a difficult task. As narrative possibilities in games increase, increasing time exploring games may not mean all possible outcomes are discovered (Wolf, 2008, p. 305). The researchers approach this article with the underlying assumption that, although the game is called The Escapists, escaping may be a distant experience for many players. Rather, this game focuses on allowing the individual player to experience what the developers believe the prison experience to be like, allowing them to become invested in the game itself.

As Downing played the game, the granularities of the game experience such as finding a piece of illegal contraband or digging a small amount toward a hole to be used for escape became appreciated. These small achievements helped to maintain motivation in spite of the oppressive routine within the game. However, the threat of having these items and progress reset by being caught created a powerful motivation to “follow the rules.” Even unintentional violations of the rules heightened Downing’s anxiety while playing. For example, at one point, his character was in the yard after 22:00 (evening roll call). The doors locked and his character was stuck. A countdown began and eventually the guards caught him and threw him in solitary, setting back his escape plans and disheartening him. Below is an excerpt from Downing’s notes while attempting an escape:
On just day 11, I think I’ve gathered enough items to make an escape attempt (i.e., a guard uniform, a contraband pouch to get past the metal detectors, a cell key to break out of my cell at night, and an entrance key). I’ve never been so nervous in a video game, knowing that if I fail, all of my progress will be lost and I’ll be forced back into the prison routine. I’ve been going through the motions of the prison routine for the past two days, my mind completely elsewhere (on my escape); it’s made it easier, but I’m anxious and want the time to come now.
As the escape attempt draws nearer, the oppressiveness of the simulated prison is magnified for Downing. He continues:
In my cell now—it’s night, and I just put on the guard’s clothes and baton. I leave my sock mace and inmate uniform behind. Very nervous—butterflies in stomach.
Finally, he makes his escape attempt, which unfortunately fails: “My escape attempt ended badly. I forgot to re-lock the doors behind me. Pretty disheartened but I did learn that I need more keys to get out. Back to the drawing board.” Downing felt disheartened and defeated, and as he continued playing, drew back into the prison routine as a way to cope with the failure.

Player decisions are confined only to the parameters set by the game developer. Possibilities are not limitless, as discussed by Perec (2009): “Despite appearances, puzzling is not a solitary game: every move the puzzler makes, the puzzle-maker has made before” (p. xviii, as quoted in Arnott, 2012, p. 435). The game development team is responsible for creating the prison world, in which individuals make decisions and can place limitations or freedoms to determine potential outcomes that may or may not include a successful escape.

Interactions with guards and inmates

The guards differ depending on the “difficulty” of the prison. In the easy prison, the guards speak kindly to the prisoners, intone that they are proud of them and the prison, and the player is greeted by a friendly letter from the warden that wishes them a pleasant stay. In contrast, the guards in the more difficult prison continually berate prisoners. These portrayals mirror assessments of satirical portrayals of prison in A Clockwork Orange (1971), in which stereotypes of prison life are used to emphasize Foucaultian concept of control over a prisoner’s every movement and thought (Lichtenberg et al., 2004).

Other prisoners talk about the guards’ corruption, suggesting that they didn’t hold up their end of bargains, were responsible for denial of parole, and so on. In some cases, they want the player to beat up the guards because of this. For example, Downing observed one fellow inmate remarking “that officer David is worse than the crooks in here. Someone should give him a good hidin’.” Offering a contrast to the guard’s cynicism, the warden also walks around the prison and makes remarks like “repenting is the only way out.”

Some prisons have shared cells, and the players must manage relationships with their cellmate. A relationship meter with other inmates determines how they behave around the player, including whether they attack the player or will help in fights with other inmates and guards.

The game’s “quest” system creates a dynamic, where in order to receive new requests, the player must either complete or decline prisoners’ requests (by choosing to say yes, no, or maybe). Declining a request lowers favor with the prisoner making the request, thus compelling the player to make difficult decisions regarding their interaction with fellow inmates.

Minor affronts cause prisoners to want to retaliate. They will, for example, ask players to beat someone up for stealing a pack of mints. In an update post provided by the developer, it is also noted that a new “Mexican” prison has been added to the game: “San Pancho Prison has been added to the game. Your hardest challenge yet, the inmates are horrifically violent—even the guards don’t dare enter. Good luck cons, you’re going to need it.” To date of this writing, though the developer does not elsewhere reference race or culture, this game addition may imply that certain prison regions and prisoners within these regions have varying levels of violence. Another update to the game adds the ability to randomly reconfigure the appearance (including race) of prisoners. A further update allows the player to rename each prisoner and guard, creating opportunities for players to personalize the social landscape of their prison.

Customization of prisoners can be connected to the idea of otherness in video games. “When experiencing these virtual spaces and the ideas embedded in the representation, game designers and players alike bring othering to the experience” (Schwartz, 2006, p. 321). This is illustrated by portrayals of race in video games, the majority of which portray characters that are White (80.05%) and male ([85.23%]; Williams, Martins, Consalvo, & Ivory, 2009). African Americans in games are often characterized as either sports figures or criminals, such as in Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas (2004) (Dickerman, Christensen, & Kerl-McClain, 2008). Asian characters may be portrayed as experts in martial arts or ninjas, as shown in Streets of Rage (1991) and Shadow Warrior (1997) (Dickerman et al., 2008).

In The Escapists, extending the ability for players to customize the race of prisoners allows for a more active role in their experiences. Players can populate their institutions as they wish, and while variations in racial characteristics will not alter the behavior of other prisoners, it may have an impact on player perceptions of characteristics associated with various races (Cicchirillo, 2015). Moreover, customization would allow for more accurate depictions of the racial and ethnic minorities in the U. S. prison system. For instance, at year-end 2012, the incarceration rate among White males was 483 per 100,000, while the rate for Black males was 2,841 per 100,000 (Barak, Leighton, & Cotton, 2015). If gameplay accurately depicts this, it could call greater attention to members of the general public of issues regarding punishments that are disproportionately meted out.

Victims of aggressive behavior perpetrated by NPC’s could experience consequences outside the virtual space. Players experience issues with trust and cooperation when victimized in virtual space but not from simply observing aggressive behavior (Rothmund, Gollwitzer, & Klimmt, 2011), which is illustrative of the role that active media venues may have in comparison with more passive ones. In The Escapists, players are able to visualize prisons and the permeation of violence into the inmate subculture in order to achieve goals. As explained by Schwartz (2006), Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas (2004) has a similar story progression:
With a paranoid and somewhat sociopathic viewpoint, the player takes on not two or three but hundreds of others by engaging in virtual violence. These others include opposing inner-city gangs, corrupt police officers, and ordinary citizens of varied economic and racial backgrounds. (p. 320)

Institutionalization and resources

As a player having adopted the persona of prisoner, Downing felt disheartened when starting a new game. He located this emotional response primarily in the reality that he was “starting over” in a harsh environment and that any familiarity he had with the previous institution and its inhabitants was gone. Although the minimum-security prison spares players the condescension from guards and presents a more beautified surrounding, the sense of routine and constant monitoring remains, therefore the player/prisoner does not have more freedom, only a “nice” cage.

Other prisoners reinforce the reality of confinement from the “outside world” by talking about their lives before prison, one remarking that “I used to run my own business.” When the player prompts conversation with a fellow inmate, they sometimes share sentiments such as “I just wanna get through the day, okay?” or “I don’t want to make friends.” One prisoner said “I’ve always said that I’m a victim of heightism.” These interactions create a sense of shared confinement and set up conflicts within an interpersonally charged environment.

Resources in the game are scarce. Players compete with NPCs for these resources, which are critical to a successful escape. Many video games seize the opportunity for competition of resources. In games in the Grand Theft Auto series, such as San Andreas (2004), commodities (such as weapons and vehicles) have specific purposes and are used to advance the game’s story line (Molesworth & Denedri-Knott, 2007). Bainbridge (2010) indicates that World of Warcraft (2004) is “pessimistic about humanity’s ability to find peaceful solutions to problems that are rooted in conflict over scarce resources” (p. 150). This competition illustrates the player’s investment in the game’s institutionalization of commodities and the freedom to acquire and consume them.

Prison construct

The prisons themselves differ in appearance. Downing played three different prisons during the duration of the study. While one prison was depicted as a clearly oppressive, control-oriented facility, and the other as a Prisoner of War camp, one of these prisons was the stereotypical low-security “country club.” Instead of a library, there were computers with high-speed Internet access. The prison was adorned with lush green yards (inside and out) and even a surrounding lake and pond inside of the prison. Further to the different levels provided in the official game are the available player designed levels. The Escapists includes a level editor through which players can create their own prisons and share them with others.

The way players interact with their physical space online is based on the meanings and social norms they associate with that space (Stromer-Galley & Martey, 2009). In The Escapists, interactions between players and the virtual space are likely influenced by previously consumed media depictions of prisons and inmates. Many of the custom-made prisons shared in the community are based on popular film portrayals of prison (e.g., The Shawshank Redemption).

Nitsche (2008) explains that “… through the loophole of virtual space we are able to reclaim the space of the action where we do not ‘look at’ but actually visit the center of the action” (p. 10). In The Escapists, this action is centered on the structure of a prison and understanding the design of the prison is a key element in a successful escape attempt. Ultimately, the prison itself becomes a character with which a familiarity is gained through repeated (often mundane) interaction. This familiarity is required for escape, but it also builds an intimacy between player and environment and, in the context of the idea of incarceration, prisoner and prison.

Conceptual linkages

Kaminski (2003) states “an informal rookie can simulate both toughness and smartness” (p. 212). As inmates continue to seek status, they may do so by engaging in violence against one another or against correctional officers, both of which were found in gameplay. Moreover, “real prisoners soon learn the means to gain power whether through ingratiation, informing, sexual control of other prisoners or development of powerful cliques” (Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973, p. 94). The most institutionalized often place the most importance on the prison hierarchy (South & Wood, 2006). Even in a simulated environment, players and NPCs who have spent more time in a correctional facility tend to be more violent.

Prison escapes are one form of inmate resistance from the prison regime. Resistance is most likely to occur when inmates feel they are being mistreated (Haslam & Reicher, 2012). Prisons are ultimately “systems of cooperation” (Useem & Piehl, 2006, p. 89) between the government, commissioner, warden, correctional officers, and the citizens, all of whom exert control over the inmates. Most prisoners do not attempt to escape (Sykes, 1958). Instead, most choose either a “collectivistic” path, in which they build bonds with other inmates and oppose the correctional administration, or an “individualistic” path, where they shun correctional administration and exploit their fellow inmates (Rocheleau, 2013). Downing found difficulty in escaping the virtual physical space, just as prisoners in reality, suggesting escaping will be an onerous task. As discussed by Shank (2015), the game may be the most enjoyable when it is difficult or unlikely to complete. The concept of alea (Caillois, 1961, as cited in Shank, 2015) can be used to explain how the idea of randomness, or games of chance, are relatable here. Randomness, or the likelihood or not being able to complete a game, may increase player enjoyment.

Some films that portray prisons, such as Natural Born Killers (1994), may be described as “self-reflective” because they show “a self-consciousness about themselves as representations and about the traditions to which they belong” (Rafter, 2006, p. 183). Video games are relatively recent additions to the prison-genre realm. The game developers seem to convey an understanding of their institutional culture, and the gaming community seems equally willing to accept their role as active participants in this discussion.

Implications

Future research

Because video games play a significant role in modern culture, it is important to examine attitudes regarding toward punishment before and after exposure to this and similar video games. Prior studies have examined whether playing violent video games lead to participants sentencing those presented as examples in vignettes to more harsh sentences (Deselms & Altman, 2006). Similar studies could examine attitudes toward offenders among individuals after they have been in a simulated prison environment, particularly taking on an inmate identity. This may be especially poignant if players are given the ability to further customize their populations (i.e., revise the demographic characteristics of the inmates and/or the correctional officers). Variations in race, ethnicity, and gender of NPCs and individual avatars could be observed for changes in attitudes toward punishment, particularly directed at populations that are more likely to find themselves incarcerated in the real world.

In playing and researching The Escapists, the researchers found numerous threads on the Steam discussion forums that illustrate public (player) reaction to the game as well as to prisons and prisoners more generally. Some themes that merit future exploration include prison employment, violence between inmates and correctional staff, prison culture, inmate sexuality, gender identification, and contraband detection (Steam Discussion Boards). The developer of the game regularly posts in the forums and in updates regarding the game development. Interestingly, the developer adopts the role of a prison warden in many of these posts addressing players as “prisoners.” Future research could more thoroughly explore the role between the developer (as warden) and players (as prisoners).

Of additional interest would be to correlate characteristics of individual players with in game decision-making. Because The Escapists gives players the option to attempt escape alone or recruit the help of NPCs, it would be worthwhile to see what characteristics lead individuals to be more likely to make decisions that are more “collectivistic” rather than “individualistic” choices (Rocheleau, 2013). Once players make these choices in the game, might they and their subsequent ramifications also impact players’ perceptions on prisoners in reality?

Pedagogical implications

Prison films have been faulted for becoming “formulaic and clichéd” (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2005, p. 486), reducing some of their ability to prompt change among the general populous. One solution for this is to consider how “cultural producers might attempt to reinvigorate the genre and find new ways of representing prison” (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2005, p. 486). Video games present a logical venue, in which prison and potential solutions to its problems can be publicized in a more interactive nature. Schulzke (2014) argues this adds multiple dimensions to philosophical thought experiments. Video games present opportunities for the general public to observe and experience imprisonment.

Video games have been shown to influence player abilities in certain areas, such as strategic thinking (see, e.g., Adachi & Willoughby, 2011) and in creating empathy (Greitemeyer, Osswald, & Brauer, 2010; Golan & Baron-Cohen, 2006). Researchers have proposed that role-playing should be considered a valuable tool for increasing empathy among workers in institutional settings such as health-care providers (Hojat, 2009) and pharmacy students (Chen, LaLopa, & Devra, 2008). An example more closely related to the current inquiry is Bachen, Hernandez-Ramos, and Chad’s (2012) experiment involving high school students’ engagement in a simulation video game designed to prompt empathic thinking regarding global perspectives and issues. This game required students to step into the shoes of virtual persons living throughout various regions of the world, prompting students to virtually experience some of the problems they face. The findings suggest that the students were more empathetic after having played the game. While the current inquiry may not demonstrate definitive empathy building from The Escapists, future studies could examine this and other games to explore this possibility in more depth.

Given the apparent promise of video games as a form of educating the public (particularly students) about social problems and the potential misconceptions regarding prison life discussed throughout this inquiry, we contend that while The Escapists exhibits some problematic elements, it nevertheless serves as a model for games to be used in settings for both experimental and educational purposes. It is important that scholars carefully examine the mechanics of games in order to develop a more nuanced understanding of the influence that play experiences have on the individual and social construction of ideas surrounding social problems and institutions such as prison. Interesting future research may result from implementing such games in university classrooms, where pains of imprisonment and total control are discussed.

Conclusion

Video games are one avenue of new media with a relationship to public perceptions of crime and criminals that is underexplored. As discussed, games such as The Escapists not only portray prison life they also engage players as members of this life and by extension hold the potential to construct, reinforce, or even debunk misconceptions about prison and prisoners. In examining player discussion about The Escapists, we believe that players also extend discourse about topics related to the games they play beyond play itself. This reality evidences the power of video games to prompt discussions about social problems related to topics such as social control and pains of imprisonment.

As media continues to find innovative ways to present prisons to the public, it is imperative that researchers keep pace. By acknowledging that media has expanded beyond print, movies, and television shows, researchers can continue to gauge the symbiotic relationship between public perceptions of crime and crime control policies.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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