Gender Differences in Policing

Abstract

The purpose of this article was to examine emotional labor skills and the acculturation of extreme masculine values as two pathways by which gender may influence the behavior of officers in the field. The results indicated that female officers were less likely than male officers to assimilate hypermasculine beliefs into their identity. Lower levels of hypermasculinity were related to an officer’s perceptions of less negative behavior by citizens and fewer complaints. In addition, the findings suggest that female officers are more likely to use caring strategies, such as empathy, whereas males are more likely to use cognitive behavioral strategies.

Keywords

policing quantitative research women in policing police use of force gender differences

Generally, women are believed to be more people focused, socially skilled, and emotionally sensitive than men and more likely to engage in caring behavior. Women are thought to prefer a more democratic and participative style of leadership and to influence the workplace climate, such that empathy, fairness, and equity become prominent. Changes in policing, such as community policing and problem-oriented policing, combined with a renewed emphasis on practices rooted in procedural justice theory require officers to possess new sets of interpersonal decision-making skills (see Mastrofski, 1999; Skogan & Frydl, 2004; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003), many of which are perceived to be more congruent with a feminist perspective. Equal employment opportunities for women and their adequate representation in the policing profession are issues of social equity and influence how women are treated in the organization (Heidensohn, 1992; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Silvestri, 2003; Westmarland, 2001). Therefore, many policymakers and advocates have argued that law enforcement organizations should aggressively recruit women into the profession and promote more female officers into leadership positions.

However, within police organizations, the view of women is more complex. Because law enforcement has historically been a male-dominated occupation with a culture characterized by extreme hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005), police organizations are “gendered” (see Acker, 1990), and many male officers simply do not accept women serving as police officers (Chan, Doran, & Marel, 2010; Prokos & Padavic, 2002; for a review, see Mallicoat & Ireland, 2014). Research indicates that some male officers doubt that women can adequately perform the tasks associated with the occupation, often questioning their physical and emotional capabilities (Appier, 1998; Bell, 1982; Bloch & Anderson, 1974; Haarr, 1997; Heidensohn, 1992; Silvestri, 2003; Westmarland, 2001). Expressions of sexism have become subtler in recent years as a result of normative pressures to not openly endorse prejudicial statements. However, there remain negative beliefs regarding women as officers, as reflected in the pervasive sexual harassment and discrimination problems that face many law enforcement organizations (Collins, 2004; Harrington & Lonsway, 2006; Schulz, 2004). To further complicate matters, the findings from two national studies on police agencies suggest that the increased presence of female officers in the ranks may be associated with negative organizational outcomes, including higher crime rates and more police shootings (Lott, 2000; Smith, 2003).

Juxtaposed between these two views of women in policing is the empirical research on sex differences. Generally, research in this area suggests that there is greater variability within the sexes than between the sexes.¹ That is, there are far more similarities in policing-related behaviors and attitudes than there are differences between male and female officers (DeJong, 2004; Poteyeva & Sun, 2009; Rabe-Hemp, 2008; Worden, 1993). Nevertheless, there are a few notable exceptions. Research suggests that female officers are less likely than their male counterparts to use physical force (Rabe-Hemp & Schuck, 2007; Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2007) or to receive complaints about an excessive use of force (Brandl, Stroshine, & Frank, 2001; Lonsway et al., 2002). In addition, research suggests that female officers may be better than male officers at avoiding violent confrontations with community members and de-escalating hostile situations (Alpert & Dunham, 1997; Balkin, 1988; Belknap & Shelley, 1993; Grennan, 1987). Furthermore, research suggests that female officers may be more responsive to victims than male officers, particularly victims of domestic violence (Homant & Kennedy, 1985; Lonsway et al., 2002; Van Wormer, 1981), and that female officers may be more supportive of community policing and better at performing community-oriented activities (Corsianos, 2009; Miller, 1999).

Although the effect sizes for the previously described relationships are small, the results are consistent, and the impact of inappropriate police behavior can be substantial, both financially and in terms of organizational legitimacy. The purpose of this article is to describe and evaluate mechanisms that may explain the gender differences observed in the research. Identifying these mechanisms may help us gain a better understanding of the qualities necessary for individuals, both female and male, to pursue successful careers in policing.

Background and Literature

Emotional Labor and Emotion Work

Much of the discourse on the benefits of recruiting more women into policing is rooted in the conventional stereotype that women are better than men at emotional labor or work that involves interpersonal relations. According to Morris and Feldman (1996, p. 987), emotional labor is “the effort, planning, and control needed to express organizationally desired emotions during interpersonal transactions.” Emotional labor is the management of feelings in an effort to invoke a specific state of mind in another person (Hochschild, 1983). For police officers, emotional labor is the projection of appropriate emotions to gain cooperation from citizens in police–citizen encounters. This labor involves withholding, amplifying, or fabricating emotions and requires a certain level of empathy, self-awareness, self-control, and active listening and conflict resolution skills (Guy, Newman, & Mastracci, 2008). Similar to other work-related behaviors, the appropriate amount of emotional expression is governed by the organizational culture and managed through what is referred to as feeling and display rules (Hochschild, 1983). Organizational members learn the feeling and display rules, as they are indoctrinated into the profession, and these rules are reinforced through a variety of mechanisms, including written material, observations of coworkers, and storytelling.

In theory, officers with good emotional labor skills should perform better when interacting with the public than those with worse emotional labor skills. Officers with better emotional skills should have a greater awareness of their own feelings and emotions as well as the emotions and feelings of others. In addition, these officers should possess a greater ability to adapt to situations and be able to change their emotional expressions more quickly. Furthermore, better emotional skills should facilitate recovery when officers face the psychological distress of coping with hostile and uncooperative citizens.

Emotional labor is defined and regulated by the employer or, in this case, the police organization. In contrast, the behaviors and feelings expressed by the employees when performing emotional labor are referred to as emotion work (Hochschild, 1983). Emotion work is the act, and officers have discretion in choosing which activity or feeling will most likely result in the outcome mandated by the organization. While this distinction is subtle, it is important for understanding how gender is believed to influence emotional labor in the context of policing. It has been well documented that police work involves a significant amount of emotional labor (see Martin, 1999, for an excellent overview). However, the following question remains: Which actions and emotions are most appropriate for officers to employ when engaging in the emotional labor aspects of the profession? For example, officers are expected to always maintain control of a situation. One can imagine a distraught resident who just witnessed an armed robbery and must leave the scene to pick up his small children from school. What is the best way for the officer to gain control of such a situation and gather information from the resident that may be helpful in solving the crime?

Historically, and still today, most members of the policing profession downplay and devalue the emotional labor aspects of the occupation. More important, the social construction of appropriate emotion work for officers is rooted in the image of the police as crime fighters and in traditional definitions of masculinity (Martin, 1999). Officers are socialized to value emotional control, dominance, hardness, and distance. They are taught the tactics of rationalization, the repression of emotional displays, scripts designed to use emotions to manipulate, and how to strategically use their skills in an intellectual game conceived to force criminals to confess. Occasionally, these values and tactics are incorrectly referred to as hard skills. However, it is more appropriate to consider them to be soft skills, that is, people skills that are rooted in the idea of machismo and characterized by a philosophy of command and control, a commitment to helping people through the use of tough love, and the belief that the ends justify the means.

Over the past 40 years, reformers have encouraged law enforcement agencies to recognize and value the emotional labor aspects of the occupation (for an early example, see Muir, 1977) and have advocated for police leaders to expand the definition of appropriate emotion work to include activities and feelings associated with the service aspects of the profession. Reformers have emphasized the discrepancy between the values and cultures created by the image of the police as crime fighters and the reality of most police work, which is overwhelmingly composed of tedious and mundane service and order-maintenance tasks. Community policing is the most salient example of this type of reform. However, emphasizing the importance of emotional labor and defining the elements necessary for positive police–citizen encounters are also characteristics of the victim’s rights movement (see Office for Victims of Crime, 2008) and the more recent push toward procedural justice-based policing.

Much has been written about the gendered nature of emotional labor. At the individual level, women are assumed to possess better emotional labor skills and are expected to perform emotion work more frequently than men (Hochschild, 1983; Martin, 1999; Meier, Mastracci, & Wilson, 2006; Pierce, 1999; Webb, 2001). Generally, women are associated with caring (i.e., feelings and behaviors that are focused on meeting the needs of others), and there is evidence that women may be better than men at demonstrating empathy and more proficient than men when using social–emotional skills (Brackett & Mayer, 2003; Petrides & Furnham, 2000; Schutte et al., 1998).

Many of the beliefs regarding gender differences in emotional labor are rooted in the controversial work of Gilligan (1982), Ruddick (1980), and others, who suggest that women experience a more substantial connection to people than men because of the psychodynamic bonding process between mother and child. Other assertions are based on the Marxist perspective, which suggests that because women are perceived as the “other,” they possess greater empathy and insight regarding individuals who are excluded and disadvantaged and can therefore better bridge the gap between the professional world dominated by men and those individuals who are subordinated in that world (Ferguson, 1984; Lakoff, 1975). Therefore, women are thought to be more aware of their emotions and the emotions of others, and their decision making is believed to be motivated by a caring perspective in which the desires to maintain relationships and to sustain connections are paramount.

At the structural level, scholars hypothesize that emotional labor requirements help explain occupational sex segregation and why the wages paid to women are less than the wages paid to men (Guy & Newman, 2004). Historically, occupations that required a substantial amount of emotional labor, such as social worker, teacher, nurse, cashier, receptionist, and secretary, were viewed as best suited for women. Today, women continue to be overrepresented in jobs that require a significant amount of interpersonal interaction and underrepresented in scientific and technical jobs (BLS Reports, 2013). In modern society, there is a financial cost associated with being employed in an occupation that involves a significant amount of caring, nurturing, and empathy. There is an assumption that caring is a natural activity for women that neither deserves nor requires monetary compensation (England, Budig, & Folbre, 2002; England & Folbre, 1999).

Similar to other organizations in modern society, most law enforcement agencies are rooted in Weber’s principles of the ideal bureaucracy (i.e., hierarchical organization, written rules, expert training, neutral officials, and technical qualifications) and are based on institutionalized rules and organizational structures prescribed by Taylor’s scientific management perspective (i.e., rationality, efficiency, empiricism, and standardization). Therefore, the principles associated with emotional labor neither agree with the dominant image of what police work entails nor conform to the standard list of knowledge, skills, and abilities that are valued and rewarded by most agencies. For example, most police agencies require employees to annually demonstrate their proficiency with a firearm. However, there is no comparable requirement for demonstrating competence in emotion work.

Engaging in emotional labor and using emotion work rooted in the caring perspective present a dilemma for female officers. Because they are women, it is assumed that female officers possess better emotional labor skills than male officers, and it is expected that they will perform emotion work more frequently (Heidensohn, 1992; Martin, 1999; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Westmarland, 2001). Female officers are expected to perform emotional labor when coping with citizens and their male colleagues, and unlike male officers, they are penalized when they do not employ emotion work rooted in the caring perspective (Martin, 1999). Generally, female officers are expected to behave like women when engaging in emotional labor. However, because law enforcement agencies are rooted in the traditions of an ideal bureaucracy and have a culture characterized by a strongly masculine ethic in which aggressiveness, physical prowess, and emotional detachment are valued and rewarded, female officers are under substantial pressure to assimilate and behave in ways that reflect the traditional ideals of policing and to distance themselves from the less-valued service-oriented tasks (Heidensohn, 1992; Hunt, 1990; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Schulz, 2004; Westmarland, 2001; Young, 1991). From an organizational perspective, female officers are expected to behave like police officers. This dilemma forces women to develop strategies to address the disharmonized antithetical role of the female police officer. Thus, I introduce the second hypothesized mechanism: the police culture and the degree to which women integrate the values of that culture into their identity.

The Masculine Police Culture

Much has been written regarding the police culture, and although this culture remains “loosely defined” (Chan, 1996), several of its characteristics emerge in the writings of police scholars. Generally, the police culture is conceptualized as the values, beliefs, and behaviors that define good police work and the informal practices, norms, and expectations that guide officer behavior (Manning, 1977). In an attempt to understand the culture, scholars have identified several unique aspects of the occupational environment: a dangerous and hostile work environment, government-sanctioned authority to use coercion and physical force, inconsistent supervision and capricious punishment by management (Terrill, Paoline, & Manning, 2003), and a substantial degree of individual discretion (Reiner, 2010). Essentially, the police culture is the accumulation of collective informal adaptations to stressors present in the occupational environment. These loosely defined informal adaptations are hypothesized to strongly influence views of police officers and affect their on-the-job decisions and actions.

In her Stanford Law Review article, Harris (2000) argued that violence perpetrated by officers against citizens, particularly violence by White officers against men of color, was a product of two key components of the policing culture: hypermasculinity and a culture of honor posture. Harris defined hypermasculinity as an exaggerated masculine ethic in which physical aggression and violence are aggrandized and in which femininity and homosexuality are feared, belittled, and devalued. She characterized a culture of honor posture as a pattern of behavior according to which officers view insults from citizens as negatively affecting their social standing and violence as a means to restore their honor. Harris’s characterizations of the masculine nature of the policing culture are not new (for earlier writings, see Martin, 1980; Muir, 1977; Skolnick, 1966; Westley, 1953). However, her writings emphasize the specific aspects of the policing culture that may be responsible for working-class male violence and therefore may help explain the robust gender differences we have observed in the use of physical and excessive force by officers.

Martin (1980) coined the terms “policeWOMEN” and “POLICEwomen” to describe the conflicting gender and job expectations that female officers confront. The term POLICEwomen was used to describe female officers who embraced the masculine police culture, defeminized their own work persona, and aspired to be successful by conforming to traditional officer career trajectories. In contrast, the term policeWOMEN was used to characterize those who accepted the stereotypical view of women as passive, emotional, supportive, and in need of protection from men. Since the 1980s, many scholars, most notably Rabe-Hemp (2009) and Morash and Haarr (2012), have emphasized the oversimplification of the dichotomous policeWOMEN/POLICEwomen categorization (also see Mallicoat & Ireland, 2014). In theory, women actively mediate the acculturation process, while integrating some but not all of the cultural beliefs into their identity. Unlike the other identified components of the policing culture, such as the law, bureaucratic control, social isolation, safety, competence and suspicion, hypermasculinity, and a culture of honor posture are at the core of what it means to be a man. Thus, women may be less likely than men to acculturate these extreme masculine views into their identity.

Theoretical Framework and Hypotheses

A gender-focused framework is presented in Figure 1. The framework is designed to outline the process. Therefore, not all of the mechanisms or outcomes identified are tested in this study. The framework is designed to be a starting point and to help organize the proceeding analyses.

Figure 1.

Theoretical framework for gender differences in police behavior.

Hypothesis 1: Female officers are hypothesized to possess better emotional labor skills than male officers. Women are believed to have a greater capacity than men to demonstrate empathy and concern for citizens and to listen, remain calm in high-stress situations and diffuse conflict.

Hypothesis 2: In addition, it is postulated that female officers will be less likely than male officers to acculturate the more extreme masculine values of the policing culture into their self-identify, specifically hypermasculinity and a culture of honor posture.

Hypothesis 3: Well-developed emotional labor skills should be negatively related to the assimilation of hypermasculinity and culture of honor values for women and men.²

The next part of the framework focuses on the police–citizen exchange. Although gender differences appear to exist in more extreme policing behaviors, such as the use of excessive force, the etiology of these gender differences is most likely rooted in the more subtle and nuanced aspects of the police–citizen encounter. Typically, problems with the public do not occur when officers are engaged in fighting crime. Instead, such problems are more likely to occur during routine day-to-day social interactions when officers are interacting with individuals who are not involved in criminal activity but whose behavior may appear to be suspicious (Skolnick & Fyfe, 1993). In these circumstances, a lack of emotional labor skills and extreme masculine beliefs are likely to negatively affect the officer’s behavior and subsequently elicit an adversarial response from the citizen.

Police scholars have argued that there are many decisions that must be made by the officer and the citizen in a police–citizen encounter, and each decision affects subsequent decisions and acts (Bayley, 1986). If female officers possess better emotional labor skills and less extreme masculine beliefs, we would expect these predispositions to affect their decision making and result in a cumulative chain of decisions that increases the likelihood that the citizen will be cooperative and thus decreases the likelihood that the encounter will negatively affect the organization. Fyfe (2010) coined the term “split-second syndrome” to refer to the tendency of police administrators to only focus on the final stage of an incident to determine whether an officer’s behavior was appropriate. He believed that this preoccupation with the last few decisions was limiting. Although Fyfe’s work focused on the officer’s use of deadly force, the idea of examining the entire chain of decisions and not fixating only on the final few decisions is profound and applicable to all types of police–citizen interactions.

Therefore, in this article, citizen rudeness will be examined as the beginning of the process that may result in a negative police–citizen encounter. This perspective is consistent with Tyler’s research on procedural justice. According to Tyler and his colleagues, procedural justice, or the quality of treatment by officers and the fairness of police decision making, is hypothesized to be related to the law-abiding behavior of citizens and their cooperation in police–citizen encounters (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 2006; Tyler & Wakslak, 2004). In theory, officers who possess greater emotional labor skills should be better at maintaining control of the situation and interacting with residents in a more positive manner than those with less-developed emotional labor skills.

Hypothesis 4: It is hypothesized that officers with better emotional labor skills and less masculine attitudes will elicit less rude behavior from citizens.

Hypothesis 5: Finally, less rude behavior is hypothesized to be associated with fewer negative organizational outcomes. That is, officers who receive fewer rude comments from citizens are less likely to have complaints filed against them.

In sum, female officers should be associated with more positive interactions with citizens and fewer negative organization outcomes as a result of better emotional labor skills, less hypermasculinity, and less value placed on the culture of honor relative to their male counterparts.³

Method

Procedures and Participants

The data for this project were obtained from surveys completed by officers in nine Chicago police districts. Over the course of 1 week in the fall of 2010, teams of researchers attended each of the three roll-call shifts, explained the purpose of the research, and asked for volunteers to anonymously participate in the study. No monetary compensation or other incentives were provided. The institutional review board (IRB) at the university approved the study.

Nine districts (of 25 possible districts) were chosen for two reasons: to ensure an adequate number of female and non-White officers and to represent the average or typical district in the city in terms of the crime rate as well as the racial and ethnic heterogeneity of the population served. The nine districts serve approximately 28% of the population of Chicago and represent approximately 21% of the total land area. The average index crime rate for the sample districts in 2010 was slightly higher than the crime rate for the entire city (65.3 vs. 56.4, respectively, per 1,000). However, the violent index crime rate was similar (12.4 vs. 11.3, respectively, per 1,000). In terms of the population served, the sample districts included more Whites (38.8% vs. 31.7%, respectively) and African Americans (36.7% vs. 32.4%, respectively) and fewer Latinos/Latinas (18.8% vs. 28.8%, respectively) compared with the entire city.

Among the 897 participating patrol officers, there were 672 males and 192 females between 21 and 60 years of age. Thirty-five percent of the participants were White, 33% African American, and 26% Latino/Latina. More than 55% of the participants reported having a college degree, and the majority had served as an officer in the Chicago Police Department for 6 or more years. Because of idiosyncrasies in the personal database system, it was impossible to obtain information on the exact number of patrol officers assigned to each of the study districts. However, the database provided information on the number of patrol officers in each of the districts who had logged at least one arrest during the month that the surveys were conducted. In total, there were 861 officers from the nine districts (666 male and 195 female) who had logged at least one arrest. Based on this information, the response rate for this study is estimated to be more than 90%. There was a strong correlation between the percentage of female officers in the sample from each of the nine districts and the percentage of female officers who logged at least one arrest in each of the nine districts (r = .91, p < .001).

Measures

Pathway Measures

Emotional labor skills

Officers were asked to evaluate their emotional labor skills on a 5-point scale that ranged from poor (coded 1) to excellent (coded 5) in terms of their ability to read someone’s feelings (E1), to listen carefully without interruption (E2), to make someone feel comfortable (E3), to show empathy or compassion (E4), to avoid becoming upset (E5), and to resolve conflict (E6).

Masculine police culture

Four items were developed to measure the extreme masculine aspects of the police culture. To measure hypermasculinity, officers were asked how much they agreed or disagreed with the following statements: Police are often in situations in which it is more appropriate to use physical force than to continue using verbal direction (C1), and in certain areas of the city, it is more advantageous for an officer to be aggressive than to be courteous (C2). To measure the culture of honor posture, the officers were asked how much they agreed or disagreed with the following two statements: It is okay to be rude when someone is rude to you (C3), and officers cannot be expected to keep their emotions in check when people are disrespectful (C4). Each of the variables was measured on a 5-point scale, with higher scores indicating more masculine cultural beliefs.

Encounter and Outcome Measures

On a 5-point scale (never to always), officers were asked how often they received rude or negative comments from victims (M = 2.66, SD = .77). Female officers were significantly less likely than male officers to report receiving negative or rude comments (M = 2.54 vs. M = 2.70), F(1, 860) = 6.53, p = .011. In addition, the officers were asked to report the number of incidents during the past year that resulted in a complaint report. Because complaint reports are rare, the measure was dichotomized and coded as 0 = no complaints and 1 = one or more complaints. Thirty percent of the officers indicated that they were involved in an incident during the past year that resulted in a complaint being filed. Males were more likely to report that a complaint had been filed against them than females (31.5% vs. 23.9%, respectively). However, the difference was not statistically significant χ² (1, N = 692) = 3.32, p = .068.

Control Variables

Additional variables were included in the analyses to decrease the likelihood that the findings were spurious. Measures included as control variables were as follows: White, coded as 0 = non-White and 1 = White; non-Hispanic (34.6% reported being White, non-Hispanic); and educational attainment, coded as 1 = high school degree or successfully passing the high school equivalency exam (GED), 2 = some college, 3 = associates degree, 4 = bachelor’s degree, 5 = some graduate college, and 6 = graduate or law degree (M = 3.53, SD = 1.81). In addition, the officer’s age and the number of years he or she had served as a Chicago police officer were collected. However, the two variables were highly correlated (r = .76, p < .001). Because the age of the officer had fewer missing data (4.5% vs. 5.7%), it was used (coded 1 = 21-24, 2 = 25-29, 3 = 30-34, 4 = 35-39, 5 = 40-44, 6 = 45-49, 7 = 50-54, 8 = 55-59, and 9 = 60+; M = 4.46, SD = 1.81). The officers were asked to indicate their primary unit assignment over the past 5 years. The vast majority reported patrol (91.9%). To control for potential differences, a variable for assignment was created and coded such that 0 = patrol and 1 = non-patrol.

Data Screening and Missing Data Analysis

Data Screening

The data were screened prior to analysis using the strategies outlined by Tabachnick and Fidell (2007). Regarding officer demographics, the measure with the largest amount of missing data was race and ethnicity at 5.9%, followed by age at 4.5%, gender at 3.7%, and education at 3.6% missing. None of the emotional labor items were missing at levels greater than 1.1% of the data, and none of the police culture items were missing at levels greater than 1.3% of the data. The victim rudeness measure was missing at levels less than 1%. Researchers suggest that if less than 5% of the data are missing from a large data set, most procedures for handling missing data will produce similar results (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Unfortunately, there was a significant amount of missing data for complaint reports. Approximately 21.6% of officers (194) did not disclose whether they had received a complaint. Because of the significant amount of missing values, missing data analyses were conducted. The results are described below.

Missing Data Analysis

When conducting a missing value analysis, the researcher is interested in determining whether the missing data are missing completely at random (MCAR), missing at random/ignorable non-response (MAR), or missing not at random/non-ignorable (MNAR) (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007). Little’s MCAR test indicated that the missing data diverged from randomness (χ² = 312.04, p = .001). Separate variance t-tests indicated that there were patterns to the missing data that should not be ignored. The emotional labor items related to comforting citizens (t = 2.2, p = .03), avoiding becoming upset (t = −2.5, p = .01), and the honor of culture statement regarding an officer keeping his or her emotions in check (t = −4.1, p < .001) were related to the missing data pattern for complaint reports.

Results

Pathways

As previously stated, one aim of this study was to test pathways for gender differences in officer behavior. To that end, several measures were created in an attempt to operationalize the described mechanisms. The items that comprise each of these constructs are presented in Table 1. Regarding emotional labor, female officers reported a greater ability to comfort citizens and show empathy than male officers. Counter to expectations, male officers reported a greater ability to read people’s feelings, listen without interrupting, and not become upset compared with female officers.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Hypothesized Pathways.

		Female	Male
	n	M (SD)	M (SD)	F test	p value
Emotional labor items^a
My ability to show empathy or compassion.	862	4.11 (0.81)	3.90 (0.93)	8.06	.005
My ability to make someone feel comfortable.	862	4.10 (0.73)	3.96 (0.87)	4.01	.046
My ability to read someone’s feelings.	863	3.89 (0.74)	4.04 (0.75)	5.88	.016
My ability to listen carefully without interrupting.	862	3.98 (0.79)	4.12 (0.77)	5.16	.023
My ability to avoid getting upset.	863	3.74 (0.85)	3.88 (0.89)	3.96	.047
My ability to resolve conflict between people.	863	3.98 (0.72)	4.08 (0.79)	2.53	.112
Hypermasculine and honor of culture items^b
In certain areas of the city, it is more useful for an officer to be aggressive than to be courteous.	862	3.48 (1.13)	3.76 (1.15)	8.72	.003
Police are often in situations where is it more appropriate to use physical force than to continue using verbal direction.	858	3.18 (1.07)	3.41 (1.09)	6.55	.011
It is okay to be rude when someone is rude to you.	861	2.60 (0.89)	2.66 (0.98)	0.56	.455
Officers can’t be expected to keep their emotions in check when people are disrespectful.	861	2.68 (0.99)	2.75 (0.99)	0.76	.385

Measured on a 5-point scale ranging from poor (coded as 1) to excellent (coded as 5).

Measured on a 5-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (coded as 1) to strongly agree (coded as 5).

Female officers reported less agreement with statements regarding the role of coercion in society than their male counterparts. Women were less likely than men to identify situations in which it is more appropriate to use physical force than verbal direction. In addition, women were less likely to feel that in certain areas of the city, being aggressive was more effective than being courteous compared with their male counterparts. Interestingly, there were no gender differences with respect to beliefs regarding the treatment of disrespectful individuals.

Measurement Models

The bivariate results presented in Table 1 suggest that the pathway measures may be multidimensional rather than unidimensional, as originally hypothesized. Therefore, the factorial validity of the constructs was tested using first-order confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) with maximum likelihood estimation following the procedures outlined by Byrne (2001) (Figure 2). Several goodness-of-fit statistics were calculated, including the χ² test, the normed fit index (NFI), the comparative fit index (CFI), and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA). Hu and Bentler (1999) suggest that the following values indicate a good fit: NFI > .95, CFI > .95, and RMSEA < .06. The results confirm that two factors measure the emotional skill items more accurately than one factor. Not surprisingly, there was a strong correlation between the two emotional skill constructs (r = .78, p < .001). In addition, the findings suggest that the masculine police culture items were better represented using two factors than using one factor and that the two factors were strongly correlated (r = .67, p < .001).⁴

Figure 2.

Confirmatory factor analyses for emotional labor skills and masculine police culture.

Negative Encounters and Organizational Outcomes

Because of the significant number of missing data values for the measure complaint report, a multiple imputation (MI) method was used. Using the Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) sequence developed by Schafer (1997), missing data for complaint reports were imputed for five data sets using an unrestricted model. Generally, imputed data sets are “essentially independent draws from the missing data posterior,” and the unrestricted model is general enough to avoid model misspecification (Asparouhov & Muthén, 2010, p. 2). The mean and variance-adjusted weighted least squares method (WLSMV) with the Mplus was used to estimate the effects on the dichotomous endogenous measure (complaint report), while simultaneously estimating the effects on the normally distributed endogenous variables: emotional labor skills, extreme masculine police culture, and citizen rudeness. Because hypotheses based on a theoretical framework were being tested, just-identified or fully saturated structural equation models (SEMs) were used. That is, all of the control variables (White, age, education, and assignment) were included as predictors for the endogenous measures. The analyses were conducted in Mplus (Muthén & Muthén, 1998-2012) while using the WLSMV estimator and the five imputed data sets. The largest concern regarding the unrestricted model was convergence. Convergence was achieved for all of the models presented in this article.⁵

The results for empathy and concern as well as hypermasculinity are presented in Figure 3. Unstandardized coefficients are reported with standard errors in parentheses.

Figure 3.

Structural equation model results (unstandardized estimates with standard errors in parentheses) for empathy and comfort and hypermasculinity on citizen behavior.

For readability, only significant pathways are presented. The goodness-of-fit statistics suggest that there is a good fit between the specified model and the data. Consistent with the framework presented in Figure 1, female officers reported higher levels of empathy and concern, which, in turn, were related to less citizen rudeness and a decrease in the likelihood of having a complaint report filed in the prior year. In addition, empathy and concern were negatively related to hypermasculine values. Female officers reported less hypermasculine values. Hypermasculinity was related to more citizen rudeness and an increased likelihood of receiving a complaint report. Counter to the final hypothesis, citizen rudeness was not related to official complaints.

The results for the emotional labor items reading people’s feelings, listening, remaining calm, and diffusing conflict as well as a culture of honor posture are presented in Figure 4. The goodness-of-fit statistics are marginal and suggest that the data do not fit the model in Figure 4 but they fit in Figure 3. Male officers reported being better at reading feelings, listening, remaining calm, and diffusing conflict dimensions of emotional labor than female officers. Consistent with the emotional labor literature, the items were negatively related to citizen rudeness. Officers, who felt that they could listen, read people’s feelings and address conflict reported lower levels of citizen rudeness than officers who were less confident in their abilities.

Figure 4.

Structural equation model results (unstandardized estimates with standard errors in parentheses) for emotional labor skills and honor of culture on citizen behavior.

Regarding the control variables, several interesting findings emerged. Consistent with Harris’s (2000) assertion regarding race and masculinity, White officers reported more hypermasculine values than non-White officers. However, there were no race differences regarding the culture of honor posture. Older officers felt more confident in their abilities to make individuals feel comfortable and to show empathy than younger officers. In addition, older officers reported less hypermasculinity and lower culture of honor values. Interestingly, education was associated with citizen rudeness. More-educated officers reported receiving more rude comments from citizens than less-educated officers.⁶

Discussion

Over the past 40 years, scholars and policymakers have argued that law enforcement organizations should aggressively recruit women into the profession and promote more female officers into leadership positions. Three different themes underscore the calls for action. First, from a moral perspective, advocates argue that organizations, particularly government-sponsored organizations, have a social responsibility to provide equal employment opportunities for women. In addition, how women are treated in the organization is directly related to the proportion of female officers in the agency and the degree to which they are represented among mid and upper levels of management (Heidensohn, 1992; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Silvestri, 2003; Westmarland, 2001). From this perspective, women are viewed as similar to men in terms of their attitudes and behaviors and in terms of the impact they have on organizational outcomes. The degrees to which women are represented in policing are issues of organizational legitimacy and social justice.

From a performance perspective, scholars argue that women are inherently different from men, primarily as a result of early socialization experiences regarding gender roles (Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000). Thus, women bring a unique set of skills, values, and perspectives to policing. Women are hypothesized to perform better than men in terms of emotional labor and emotion work, and therefore, organizations will benefit from having a higher number of female officers. Finally, from a disruption perspective, women are believed to be less likely to incorporate the extreme masculine working-class values of the policing culture into their identity. Because women are a mechanism for destabilizing the police culture, expanding the number of women in the profession increases the likelihood that modern policing reform movements, such as community policing and practices rooted in procedural justice theory, will be successful. These themes are important because they are based on divergent beliefs regarding women in policing and have different policy implications for agencies. The themes of morality, performance, and disruption are not mutually exclusive but rather should be viewed as threads that are interwoven into the tapestry that tells the story of women in policing.

Performance and Emotional Labor

Based on the performance theme, emotional labor skills were identified as one possible pathway by which gender may affect police behavior. The results from this study support Tyler’s hypotheses regarding the relationship between officer behavior and citizen cooperation during police–citizen encounters. Consistent with the procedural justice perspective, officers who reported better emotional labor skills were less likely to interact with rude citizens than those who reported weaker skills. In addition, officers who reported more confidence in their empathy and compassion skills were less likely to be the subject of an official complaint than those with less confidence. These findings emphasize the importance of emotional labor when interacting with citizens. Law enforcement executives should consider spending more resources on educating and training officers on how to use emotion work effectively during encounters with the public. The results suggest that improving emotional labor skills in the department will have a positive effect on individual officer career trajectories and help the agency maintain organizational legitimacy.

The findings from this study suggest that the items reflect two unique dimensions. In terms of emotion work, one dimension represents the caring perspective and one dimension represents a construct more consistent with the cognitive behavioral aspects of emotional labor (i.e., analysis and decision making). This fact is important because, consistent with prior research, female officers express more confidence in their ability to use emotion work rooted in the caring perspective than their male colleagues. Female officers rate themselves better at showing empathy and compassion as well as at comforting citizens, whereas male officers rate themselves better at reading emotions, listening, and remaining calm. Emotional labor appears to be important for successful police–citizen interactions. However, female officers may use a different set of skills compared with male officers when engaging in tasks with high emotional labor requirements.

Emotional labor presents a challenge for the leaders of police organizations. Because of the social values emphasized in modern societies, law enforcement leaders are under pressure to distance their agencies from emotional labor and emotion work grounded in the caring perspective. Research demonstrates that occupations based on the skills of caring, nurturing, and empathy are more likely to be devalued than other occupations not based on these skills, and individuals who work in such occupations generally receive less monetary compensation than their peers (Guy & Newman, 2004). Nevertheless, successful policing for both the individual officer and the police organization requires a significant amount of emotional labor. In addition, emotion work strategies rooted in the traditional definitions of masculinity are less likely to result in positive police–citizen encounters and are less likely to be productive in maintaining the legitimacy of the organization.

Over the years, scholars, advocates, and a small number of police executives have called for reforms, many of which focus on improving police encounters with the public. Feminist scholars have called for a shift in the values that underlie policing to be more representative of a feminist perspective (Corsianos, 2009; Miller, 1999; Silvestri, 2003; Westmarland, 2001). However, the pressure to conform to the ideal bureaucracy remains highly powerful, and most law enforcement organizations continue to be dominated by men. As a consequence, the adaptation of emotional labor and emotion work is a complex conglomerate of masculine and feminine qualities. Occasionally, the push for reform has resulted in programs that reflect the underlying values of the caring perspective. However, more often, reform has resulted in programs that display an attractive veneer but remain grounded in the traditional masculine ideologies.

As the ideas of customer service and procedural justice become more popular, the question remains: How will police agencies integrate these ideas into the organizational culture? How will emotional labor be conceptualized in modern policing? Will emotional labor skills be dominated by the caring perspective and include feelings such as empathy, compassion, and concern, or will emotional labor be dominated by the cognitive behavioral perspective and emphasize behaviors such as listening, remaining calm, and reading the emotions of others? In the quest to distance the law enforcement occupation from the service occupation, how will police leaders and organizational gatekeepers conceptualize emotional labor and teach emotion work skills while ensuring that the agency maintains legitimacy?

For female officers, emotional labor remains a dilemma. Female officers are expected to engage in more emotional labor and emotion work grounded in the caring perspective than their male colleagues (Heidensohn, 1992; Martin, 1999; Martin & Jurik, 1996; Westmarland, 2001). The results of this study suggest that female officers may have better empathy, compassion, and caring skills than male officers and that these skills may be more useful in protecting them from harm. The findings suggest that there is evidence that the sex-role differences reported for the general population also apply to female officers. The following questions remain: How do these gendered expectations affect female officers, and how can female officers leverage their emotion labor skills to obtain more successful career trajectories? The POLICEwomen/policeWOMEN framework was revolutionary. However, now that more women have joined the policing profession and serve in leadership positions, perhaps the police culture is fragmentized enough to redefine the definition of a good police officer to include a greater emphasis on emotional labor skills and emotion work strategies tied to the service aspects of the policing occupation. Emotional labor and emotion work represent only one dimension of the complex occupational identity for women police. Further research is required to understand how female officers resist and assimilate the often conflicting expectations regarding their occupational identity.

It would be remiss not to mention the negative outcomes associated with emotional work. In her classic book The Managed Heart, Hochschild (1983) warned of the potentially devastating psychological consequences for employees who regularly engage in emotional labor. Subsequent research has supported Hochschild’s initial warnings and found that sustained emotional labor was associated with stress, burnout, and lower levels of job satisfaction (for a review, see Wharton, 1999). In theory, emotional regulation consists of two components (Grandey, 2000). The first component, which is associated with deep acting, manifests itself when the officer evaluates the situation and realigns his or her emotional regulation in a way that is consistent with the feelings and emotions that they should experience based on the organization’s feeling and display rules. The second component, which is associated with surface acting, manifests itself when the officer simply feigns or masks his or her emotions. Stress, feelings of inauthenticity, and decreased job satisfaction arise because the officers experience emotional dissonance or a misalignment of their true feelings with respect to their display of emotions. Negative outcomes are more likely to occur during deep acting than during surface acting because the feelings of emotional dissonance are believed to be much stronger in deep acting (Grandey, 2003; Schaible & Gecas, 2010). Understanding the negative outcomes of emotional labor is important because the results from this study suggest that female officers are more likely to use caring or feelings as a strategy of interaction, whereas male officers are more likely to use behavior.

Disrupting the Masculine Police Culture

Based on the disruption theme, hypermasculinity and the honor of culture posture were identified as two aspects of the police culture that women may be less likely to integrate into their identity than men. Consistent with the framework presented in Figure 1, women possessed and demonstrated fewer and less intense hypermasculine attitudes than men, and hypermasculinity was associated with fewer emotional labor skills, more hostile citizen behavior, and an increased likelihood of a complaint. The honor of culture code was related to emotional labor and citizen behavior. However, the code was not related to gender or to the likelihood of being the subject of a complaint. These results warrant further discussion.

The obvious question is as follows: Why is gender related to hypermasculinity and not to the honor of culture posture? One possible explanation may be related to the level of abstraction of the constructs and the emphasis that is placed on those constructs throughout the occupational socialization process. In the context of policing, an honor of culture posture as a concept appears to be defined better and more unitarily than hypermasculinity, which has a more transcendent structure.

The idea that underlies the culture of honor posture has been identified with American police officers since their profession’s inception (Westley, 1953). Officers are socialized to punish disrespectful citizens out of deference to the badge. In the face of disrespectful behavior from members of the public, officers feel that it is necessary to take action against those who disrespect the badge to preserve their authority and status as representatives of the law enforcement community. Officers focus on respect because disrespectful behavior by citizens casts doubt on their identity as good officers. The findings from this study suggest that men and women equally assimilate this posture into their identity. For women, the honor of culture posture may be more tightly linked to their new occupational identity as an officer rather than to their gendered identity as a woman.

Hypermasculinity is an idealized structure and is related to prejudicial and discriminatory attitudes, in particular to deleterious attitudes regarding the use of physical coercion as a mechanism of social control. The findings from this study suggest that these attitudes are strongly related to gender. Female officers are less likely to assimilate these values into their identity than male officers. The average time in service for this sample was 6 years. Thus, while it is possible that certain differences are the result of socialization experiences prior to joining the department, it is more likely that the differences in hypermasculine attitudes result from different responses of men and women to the occupational socialization process.

Future Research

To achieve progress, researchers should focus on the development of a more comprehensive understanding of and a better tool for assessing emotional labor skills and the extreme masculine beliefs associated with the police culture. One interesting finding of this study is that gender differences may be rooted in subtle distinctions between related constructs. Although most scholars believe that the police culture influences officer behavior, there is little empirical evidence to support this assertion (for a more comprehensive discussion, see Terrill et al., 2003). The findings from this study add to the research that supports the culture–behavior link and emphasize that, in this particular case, the connection may be moderated by the degree to which the officer personalizes the use of coercion or connects the use of coercion to a specific situational context.

More research should be conducted to elucidate gender differences in emotional labor skills as well as the personal and organizational ramifications of different types of emotion work strategies. Emotional labor is a significant part of policing, and the results of this study clearly emphasize its importance in police–citizen encounters. There is empirical support that caring or feeling strategies, such as empathy, may be more strongly related to positive organizational outcomes than cognitive behavioral strategies. However, the findings should be interpreted cautiously.

Finally, while the effect sizes for the identified pathways are relatively small, the impact of gender differences in policing may be substantial. For example, one lawsuit for the excessive use of force can cost the department or, by default, the taxpayers millions of dollars. More research is required with a focus on identifying whether small effects have little impact or if small effects accumulate and influence the organization in substantial ways. That is, in Fyfe’s (2010) terms, is the picture different when we examine the cumulative impact of gender differences in policing behavior versus one specific decision point?

Limitations

This study is not without limitations. The cross-sectional design and the use of self-reported measures restrict the study because there are concerns that these factors will result in the overestimation of the relationships between variables. In addition, the data for this project were obtained from nine districts from one police department in one city, which raises questions regarding the generalizability of the gender-focused framework across cities and over time. In addition, the present results may be biased because of the significant amount of missing data for citizen complaints. This study does not consider how an officer’s gender influences citizen expectations and behavior during the police–citizen exchange. In addition, it does not account for the complex nature of multiple identities, such as the intersection of gender, race, class, and sexual orientation.

Conclusion

Equal employment legislation was designed to end discriminatory practices and to provide women with equal access to employment. Over the past 40 years, we have observed an increase in the number of women who enter the policing profession and hold mid- and upper-level management positions. Nevertheless, women remain underrepresented in law enforcement agencies, and many departments have no female officers or only a few women among the ranks. Proponents who argue for more women in policing from a moral perspective view gender as a social construction and fear that the endorsement of differences between females and males is a slippery slope that will result in essentialist thinking and prejudicial and discriminatory practices (see Deutsch, 2007). However, most individuals, even female officers, tend to hold stereotypical beliefs regarding the differences between women and men (e.g., see Morash & Haarr, 2012; Rabe-Hemp, 2009).

The gender difference debate has been contextualized in a variety of ways (see Garcia, 2003). Early in the history of women in policing, conventional stereotypical views of the differences between men and women were used to exclude females from many aspects of the law enforcement profession. Recent studies suggest that this exclusion continues (e.g., see Chan et al., 2010; Prokos & Padavic, 2002). Arguments regarding gender differences are often tied to discussions on specific police reform movements, such as community policing (see Corsianos, 2009; Miller, 1999). Female officer performance is associated with police reform, but generally only when it is rooted in conventional stereotypical views of women. This tendency raises the following question: Can we escape our gendered stereotypical framework and examine research questions on women in policing from a different perspective?

Some feminists believe that because the gender difference concept is so ingrained in our culture, ignoring gender is a disservice to women, and to change prejudicial and discriminatory practices in male-dominated occupations, gender differences must be identified and reoriented to help women succeed (Le Hir, 2000). In the field of policing, the core debate regarding these differences tends to focus on two topics: women’s capacity and predisposition toward using physicality and coercion and the woman’s role in the family as the primary caretaker of her children. The results from this study support the proposition that certain gender differences in officer behavior may be the result of differences in the types of emotional labor skills used during police–citizen interactions and the degree to which hypermasculine values are assimilated into an officer’s identity. These outcomes might represent some of the key differences that could be reframed to help females be more successful in law enforcement. However, this approach would only be useful if administrations and front-line officers were willing to embrace these differences as something that should be valued and rewarded. Ultimately, scholars and police administrators must determine how police organizations can acknowledge gender differences without intentionally or unintentionally using those differences to relegate women to a second-class standing in the organization and without exploiting women in the name of organizational change and police reform.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author Biography

Amie M. Schuck, PhD in Criminal Justice, is an associate professor in the Department of Criminology, Law and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago. Her areas of research interest include community-police relations, women as administers of justice, youth attitudes toward the police, quantitative methodology, and public safety technologies.

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