Abstract
Through the use of popular culture constructs, individuals are exposed to an overabundance of images that validate rape myths. Although studies have examined rape in popular culture, little attention has been given to the use of rape myths in comic books as a means to reinforce hegemonic masculinity. Using a convenience sample taken from popular comic book series, this content analysis examined the prevalence of rape and the myths used to create such portrayals as well as discuss the negative impact the perpetuation of rape culture has on society. Findings indicate that the reinforcement of rape myths is present within mainstream comic books. Rape myths that were supported included a number of rape survivor, rape perpetrator, and victim blaming myths.
For the past several decades, a significant body of research has documented the endemic problem of rape and sexual assault in the United States (Black et al., 2011; Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2009). Despite the growing body of research and theory on sexual violence, little inquiry exists into everyday constructions of rape in comic books and the degree to which these constructions have been influenced by rape myths. It is important to examine rape myth prevalence in forms of media because rape myths can directly affect consumers’ attitudes toward rape and rape victims. For example, men’s engagement in sexual violence is influenced by rape myth acceptance (Loh, Gidycz, Lobo, & Luthra, 2005). In addition, research has documented that rape myths influence important decisions related to legal cases and how information is reported to the public (Edwards, Turchik, Dardis, Reynolds, & Gidycz, 2011). Specifically, the portrayal of images of sexual violence creates concern. Thus, this study examines the issue of images of rape in comic books to determine which popular rape myths are identified and supported within the manifest and latent content of this form of media.
Sexual Violence
According to the 1996 National Violence Against Women Survey, 1 in 6 women has been a victim of rape or sexual assault, as well as 1 in 33 men. The survey also concluded that more than 300,000 women are raped yearly in the United States. More recent research suggests that anywhere from 1 in 4 to 1 in 5 women becomes a victim of sexual assault before the end of her college career (Black et al., 2011; Krebs et al., 2009). Rape and sexual assault have traditionally been viewed as crimes against women and perpetrated by men; however, new findings suggest that men may also be victims and women may be perpetrators. According to the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), the percentage of reported incidents of male rape and sexual assault ranged from 5 to 14 between 2007 and 2011 and increased to 38 in 2012. In addition, data collected using the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS) suggest that men and women had similar rates of non-consensual sex (Stemple & Meyer, 2014). Changes in reports of rape and sexual assault by male victims are likely influenced by how these crimes have been defined. For instance, the NISVS uses “being made to penetrate someone else” as an indicator of sexual assault. Thus, forcing oral sex on someone is measured as sexual assault rather than rape. In addition, the NISVS examines lifetime prevalence. Despite the fact that research suggests that almost three quarters of male victims were victimized prior to their 18th birthdays, (see Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006), child rape or molestation is often not considered to be such when discussing rape. Social-psychological research has found that media has a notable impact on consumers’ attitudes (Bryant & Oliver, 2009). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) has suggested that the publicity generated by the Jerry Sandusky rape case may have influenced reporting of male rape and sexual assault (Rosin, 2014).
Regardless of sex, most victims do not report instances of rape and/or sexual assault. Research suggests that there are numerous reasons victims of rape and other forms of sexual violence do not report their victimization to the police (e.g., having a close relationship to the rapist or the fear of reliving the experience throughout a long conviction process; Fisher, Daigle, Cullen, & Turner, 2003). One critical factor that may influence reporting is the endorsement of rape myths (Deming, Covan, Swan, & Billings, 2013).
Rape Myths
Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) defined rape myths as “attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (p. 134). Examples of rape myths include suggesting that women precipitate rape by wearing certain types of clothing, by acting a certain way, and by making personal choices, such as being out in public alone, at night, or drinking. Other myths include “she asked for it,” “it wasn’t really rape,” “he didn’t mean to do it,” “she wanted it,” or “she lied” (Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). The collective victim blaming mentality that these myths facilitate perpetuates an acceptance of rape, and it allows perpetrators to commit these acts with little fear of repercussion from the justice system. In addition, rape myths contribute to a rigid social construction of what constitutes rape, resulting in victims having a difficult time identifying their personal experiences as rape.
Recent research on rape myths has begun to reveal not only the most prevalent rape myths but also the sources of rape myths and the attitudes and belief systems associated with them (Edwards et al., 2011). Lee, Kim, and Lim (2010) examined the acceptance of four different categories of rapes myths: rape survivor myths (only certain types of women become victims of rape, and they are responsible for their victimization), rape perpetrator myths (men of a certain age, education level, race, class, etc., always rape women), myths about the impact of rape (society inflicts negative consequences on women who have been raped), and rape spontaneity myths (rape is a random act committed, because men cannot control their sexual urges). A sample of 327 undergraduate students from a large university was surveyed about four different types of rape myths, attitudes toward women, and the sexual double standard. Results indicated that participants were more likely to endorse beliefs that “rape is a sexual act, men are not in control of their sexual urges, [and] men could commit rape because of their [uncontrollable] sexual urges” (p. 1216). Attitudes toward women were the most important factors mediating beliefs in rape survivor myths, rape perpetrator myths, and myths about the impact of rape. Participants who held more traditional attitudes toward women were more likely to hold a victim blaming mentality, have stereotypical perceptions of perpetrators, and minimize the impact that rape has on victims.
Suarez and Gadalla (2010) performed a meta-analysis of 37 studies published between 1997 and 2007 concerning rape myths to examine different demographic, attitudinal, and behavioral factors that are associated with rape myth endorsement, and what those factors imply for rape prevention programs and policies. Results indicated that men showed significantly higher endorsement of rape myths than women, and men’s sexual aggression and hostile attitudes toward women were positively associated with rape myth endorsement. Racism was also a strong indicator of rape myth endorsement.
Deming et al. (2013) examined the extent to which women endorse common rape myths, and specifically how college women negotiate and discuss realistic rape scenarios. They sampled 33 female freshman and senior level undergraduates from a small Southeastern university and separated them into focus groups according to their classes. They presented each group with three scenarios. Results indicated that the participants were prone to excuse the perpetrator, provide justifications for acquaintance rape, and blame the victim. The senior class participants were more likely to hold a victim blaming mentality, and all participants were more likely to blame the victim if she was drunk in the scenarios.
Stemple and Meyer (2014) argued that “the myths surrounding rape and sexual victimization has created a belief system which emphasizes that female-perpetrated abuse is rare or non-existent, that male victims experience less harm, and that for all men sex is welcome” (p. 19). Although women are more likely to be victims of rape, recent studies have shown that men are also victims of sexual violence. Data on male sexual violence indicates 46% of male victims reported a female perpetrator (Stemple & Meyer, 2014). Chapleau, Oswald, and Russell (2008) examined rape myths regarding male victims. Examples of these rape myths include beliefs that being raped by another male is synonymous with a loss of masculinity, men who are raped are gay, men are unable to function sexually unless they are aroused, men cannot be forced to have sex, male victims are less affected by rape than female victims, men are constantly ready to accept any sexual opportunity, and men should be able to defend themselves against rape. The researchers surveyed 423 college students from a private, Midwestern, Catholic university and a small, Eastern, public college to examine the attitudes associated with male rape myth endorsement. Overall, male participants were more likely to endorse rape myths, regardless of the gender of the victim, and acceptance of interpersonal violence was the strongest predictor of rape myth endorsement. Thus, failing to address male victims of sexual violence reinforces expectations of masculinity and reinforces ideas of female vulnerability (Stemple & Meyer, 2014).
Social Construction and Media Influence
Although much of our reality is based on the premise that our knowledge is obtained through tangible interactions, social constructionism maintains that our reality is a by-product of human interaction and the nature in which these relationships are perceived. As defined by Surette (2007), social constructionism is “knowledge about something that is socially created by people” (p. 31). Much of what society believes has been socially constructed via the media and other popular culture genres including perceptions of crime and victimization (Kappeler & Potter, 2005; Surette, 2007). Rafter (2006) has noted these images influence our ideologies and how we interact with the internal world. By supplying the narratives and imagery, the media socially constructs a crime and justice ideology that establishes beliefs about the “reality” of crime (Surette, 2007). The problem arises when these social constructions inaccurately portray reality, and as a result, create a reality based on myth.
Research has suggested that many people receive their information on sexual assault and sex offenders from different sources of media (Katz-Schiavone, Levenson, & Ackerman, 2008). Katz-Schiavone et al. (2008) found that the most common source cited by their participants was television, followed by the Internet, newspapers, magazines, and radio. The media often inaccurately portrays rape and this may contribute to the perpetuation of rape myths. News stories often portray rape in one of two different frames: Either the innocence of the victim is juxtaposed against the evil of the perpetrator or the victim brought the entire situation on herself by acting promiscuously (O’Hara, 2012). Both of these portrayals provide only narrow conceptions of what constitutes rape and obscures the reality of this crime. The reinforcement of stereotypical rape scenarios not only affects the general public, but it also eventually affects laws and policies surrounding rape and sexual assault. O’Hara (2012) analyzed three newspaper articles to determine the use of rape myths in reporting: The first was an attempted stranger rape, the second a gang rape, and the third a series of rapes committed by a serial date rapist. The results of this study indicated that all three cases used rape myths in their stories, from blaming the victim to labeling the perpetrator a sociopathic monster.
Franiuk, Seefelt, Cepress, and Vandello (2008) examined several print sources for news involving Kobe Bryant and his alleged rape to determine whether or how often these stories disseminated rape myths. They gathered 156 articles from different newspapers and coded them for seven rape myths: “she’s lying,” “she asked for it,” “she wanted it,” “rape is trivial,” “he didn’t mean to,” “he’s not the kind of guy who would do this,” and “it only happens to certain women.” The researchers found at least one rape myth–endorsing statement in 102 of the articles, and as many as 15 myth-endorsing statements in 1 article. The most common rape myth found in this study was that the victim was lying about her experience, and this myth was more prevalent than all of the others combined. This research suggests that rape myths are prevalent in the media.
Franiuk, Seefelt, and Vandello (2008) examined how rape myths in newspaper headlines had an effect on a reader’s decisions. College participants were exposed to either an article about the Kobe Bryant case that had a headline endorsing a rape myth or an article about the Kobe Bryant case that had a headline that was non-rape myth endorsing. The results suggested that participants exposed to rape myth–endorsing headlines were less likely to believe that Bryant was guilty of rape. In addition, these participants were more likely to hold rape-supportive attitudes than participants exposed to the non-rape-myth–endorsing headline. Therefore, research suggests that rape myths are prevalent in the media and that this has an impact on consumer’s decisions and thoughts about rape and sexual assault.
Comic Books
Comic books are often used as a social commentary, referring to real problems that exist in society (Bainbridge, 2007). This popular culture medium addresses relevant issues such as “fear of crime, public trust of law enforcement, affirmation or rejection of the dominant criminal justice ideology, demarcations for acceptable behavior, and understanding of individual rights” (p. 242). Although comics attempt to address real-life issues, women in comic books are often portrayed in one of two ways: They are either helpless and in need of rescue by a hero, or they are powerful and/or key characters in a story. The majority of the time, female characters are relegated to passive roles in which they are sexualized objects in need of protection (Phillips & Strobl, 2013). When they are depicted as unquestionably strong characters by the male-dominated industry, they inevitably become sex symbols to be taken advantage of by dominant male characters, resulting in the lines between hero and victim becoming blurred. This oversexualization of comic characters coupled with the sexual violence perpetrated against them reifies rape myths as they are “cultural artifacts that contribute to the cultural construction of hegemonic masculinities” (Phillips & Strobl, 2013, p. 148). As a result, the path to justice is determined by a patriarchal system that determines “who” may be the hero and what type of person may be the victim (see Phillips & Strobl, 2013).
Although violence against women within comic books and other popular culture mediums is not a new phenomenon, it is one that creates concern due to the nature of the violence and the audience exposed to this violence. Scholars have long since recognized the influence that popular culture has on consumers. For instance, Frederic Wertham’s analysis of the comic book industry in his book, Seduction of the Innocent (1954), claimed that comic books were responsible for delinquency as a result of their violent and graphic content. Wertham’s account of the problems inherent in the comic industry was considered to be outlandish and continues to be held in disdain. Although his accounts could not prove that delinquency was caused by images of violence, the assessment that many comic books promoted harmful and stereotypical representations was accurate. Much of the comic books of the era were prone to the oversexualization of female characters as well as the promotion of graphic acts of violence against them. Some, mainly more horror and crime-focused comics, went as far as depicting near-rape scenes against women, whereas others included images of decapitated females (e.g., Crime Suspenstories #22). Although attempts (e.g., comics code) were made to restrict the use of such depictions of women, the industry ignored many of the established guidelines until these rules all but disappeared by early 2000. Although the unrealistic depiction of females in comics has not been a recent manifestation, the trend of portraying the oversexualization of violence against women has made a resurgence in the comic book industry over the past 30 years (Lavin, 1998).
As a reaction to portrayal of the murder of Hal Jordan’s (aka Green Lantern) girlfriend, Alex Dewitt, in the Green Lantern comic series (#54) and to address the victimization of women in comics, Gail Simone (1999) created the Women in Refrigerators website. Simone argued that “not every women in comics has been killed, raped, depowered, crippled, turned evil, maimed, tortured, contracted a disease or had other life-derailing tragedies befall her, but given the following list . . . it’s hard to think up exceptions” (cited in Phillips & Strobl, 2013, p. 166). Today, Simone’s original list has been combined and updated to include almost 200 instances where female characters in comics have been categorized as images of the victimized woman (see Comicvine, 2014). As noted by numerous bloggers, the purpose of the victimization is to fuel the stories of male characters rather than to add to the female character’s own character development. For example, the portrayals of the rape of a female character appear to be more about the effect this act of violence has on the male protagonist than the trauma experienced by the victim. Thus, the failure to draw female characters realistically without exaggeration or disallowing female brutalization has not been considered an egregious breach of artistic license but an attempt to create an atmosphere in which the brutalization of women is nothing more than a plot twist (Simone, 1999). While the image of females has been reconceptualized to embrace women as heroes and crime fighters, many of the gendered stereotypes prior to the emergence of second-wave feminism remain. Specifically, the portrayal of images of sexual violence creates concern. Thus, this study examines the issue of images of rape in comic books and the rape myths that are supported by these images.
The Present Study
The present study builds on the existing literature by using content analysis to explore the images of rape presented in comic books. The current study examined instances of rape in comic books to determine which popular rape myths were identified and supported within the manifest and latent content of this form of media.
Method
First, content analysis was conducted on images of rape selected within the storyline of the comic itself. Content analysis has been found to be a useful tool in social analysis as it is an unobtrusive measure that allows for the systematic identification, organization, description, and quantification of text and images (Berg, 2004; Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2006; Kraska & Neuman, 2011). Although content analysis requires careful consideration in the analysis of textual information as a means to explore overarching themes, it may also be used to examine images that also reflect these themes. “Manifest content refers to those elements that are physically present and countable while latent content refers to an interpretive reading of the symbolism underlying the physically presented data” (Berg, 2004, p. 229). Although latent content is considered to be less reliable than manifest content, it allows for more depth and greater validity in assessing information (Kraska & Neuman, 2011). The current analysis relied on both manifest and latent contents to examine depictions of rape. Second, the text and the story related to the specified images were examined using a mixed-methods approach in an attempt to identify common rape myths used in the comic books. These themes are noted and accompanied by explanation using specific examples from the books.
Sample
Data were gathered using a convenience sample of comic books retrieved via the Internet (e.g., wikis, blogs, listservs, etc.), which involved a rape or perceived rape in the issue (N = 30). The sample focused on mainstream, contemporary comic books, and similar to the study conducted by Phillips and Strobl (2013), most of the sample was drawn from the superhero genre, as this genre is the most popular and reaches the greatest number of readers. It should be noted that the analysis only examined issues where rape had been noted. Included in the analysis were 21 instances in which a rape occurred. The sample excluded acts of attempted rape (e.g., Silk Spectre), past histories of rape that were not retconned 1 and explicitly depicted within the storyline (e.g., Cat Woman), acts of rape committed by non-sentient beings (e.g., machines), and false reports of rape. In addition, non-substantiated cases of rape in which readers could not come to a consensus (e.g., Rogue) were also excluded from the analysis. 2
First, the researchers identified and analyzed graphic depictions of rape. The images were categorized into the following items to examine manifest content: Victim, Victim Sex, Victim Race, Offender, Offender Sex, Offender Race, Offender Known to Victim, Depiction of Violence, Mind Alteration Used, Offender was Punished for the Rape, and Child Resulted from Rape. Then, using a mixed-methods approach, a textual analysis in conjunction with the images was used to determine what rape myths were perpetuated as well as to identify other manifest content: whether the rape was depicted as a “real rape,” whether victim blaming occurred, whether mind alteration was used to coerce the victim (e.g., powers, drugs, and/or alcohol), whether the offender was punished, whether a child resulted from the rape, and whether the offenders were considered non-responsible for their action (Table 1).
Comic Sample.
Coding
To establish the coding frame, the authors identified known comic books (e.g., Identity Crisis) to establish what variables should be addressed. In addition, the authors identified common rape myths to use in the examination of the images and/or text. Once the coding sheet was created, two coders independently analyzed the images to ensure agreement to be used in the analysis. Only issues in which a rape occurred were coded. Noting rape myths present in the literature, the coders were able to identify what myths were applicable to the images. Afterward, data were entered into a database to categorize both manifest and latent information and document individual coders’ perceptions of what rape myths were supported. The coders discussed any discrepancies to eliminate problems in coding. Intercoder reliability was informally assessed due to the small number of cases.
Results
Contrary to previous research documenting that women are more likely to be victims of rape than men, the images of rape within the comic books sampled had an overrepresentation of male victims. Approximately 43% of the victims in comic book rape scenes were male as compared with 57% of female victims. However, this must be viewed with caution as the authors only examined actual instances of rape. Sexual violence against women was much greater if the total sample was used and included all instances of sexual violence regardless of whether it was a completed act or substantiated. Similar to “real world” findings, the perpetrator was male 71.4% of the time. In every instance in which the victim was female, the offender was male. However, of the 9 times in which a male victim appeared, the majority of assailants were female. Half of these rapes were perpetrated by women to conceive a child. An additional three male victims were raped by male perpetrators, and in one rape, the perpetrator was characterized as homosexual.
White victims represented more than 90% of the sample; the majority of the offenders were also depicted as White. In reality, White victims represent approximately 18% of all rape victims. African American women (18.8%), Native American women (34.1%), and biracial women (24.4%) have a greater likelihood of being a rape victim than White women (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). Although the race of the victim in the comic book portrayals supports traditional rape myths, offender race did not, as only three cases were committed by non-White assailants. Ironically, not a single offender was portrayed as Black. Although the majority of rapes were depicted as a rape within the storyline, just less than 40% of these images did not explicitly refer to the act as rape. The majority of the rape vignettes portrayed rape as a violent act (57.1%). However, only 19% of the crimes resulted in the direct murder of the victim. Those perceived as less violent or perceived as consensual often involved the use of some form of psychic or chemical coercion. Specifically, five cases explicitly referred to the victims as being under mind control or having been drugged at the time of the rape. In the majority of rape storylines (71.4%), the rapist was not a stranger and was known to the victims. Although the identity was known, more than 76% of the offenders never received any type of punishment from the criminal justice system,
Several common rape myths were not supported by the data. Based on the latent and manifest data, it was determined that common myths such as “stranger rape” and “rapists are Black men” were not supported. However, results from analysis of the data did find support for a number of rape myths. The rape myths that were most pervasive in the images include rape survivor myths, rape perpetrator myths, and myths about who rapes.
Rape Survivor Myths
According to Ryan (1976), victim blaming allows victims to be depicted as deficient in some manner allowing them to be characterized as distinguishable from non-victims based on their attitudes, behaviors, and characteristics (Eigenberg & Garland, 2008). Drawing on Lerner’s (1980) just world hypothesis, bad things do not happen to good people; in a “just world,” good people are rewarded, whereas bad people are punished. Thus, victims of rape are inevitably different from the general population and are portrayed as engaging in behaviors responsible for their victimization. This justification allows rape victims to be differentiated as deserving of victimization while allowing the perpetrator to “self-exonerate” his or her misconduct (Eigenberg & Garland, 2008). In this analysis, we found that victims of rape are often blamed for not preventing the rape or for provoking rape due to their behavior (e.g., job, style of dress, out at night, alcohol/drug use, etc.).
Blaming victims revolves around the myth that an individual is able to prevent a rape and that a “real rape” is often characterized by fighting back. Therefore, if a victim fails to “fight back” she or he is blamed for the victimization, because it is perceived that she or he could have prevented the act if she or he had chosen to do so. In this analysis, almost 30% of the rape scenes reinforced this rape myth. As will be discussed, portrayals of rape are often violent and allow the reader to be sympathetic with the victim. However, this is not always the case, especially in cases where violence does not exist or the comic does not explicitly portray the incident as a rape. For instance, a lovesick Tarantula finds her hero, Nightwing, lying on a rooftop suffering from physical and emotional exhaustion. Rather than getting him to safety, she straddles him and proceeds to rape him even as he protests.
Don’t touch me . . . I’m . . .
Everything’s alright baby, it’s all o’kay.
Like many instances within comic serials’ portrayal of rape, especially the rape of male lead characters, the behavior is not characterized as rape (Inglis-Arkell, 2009). To the reader, “no” means “yes,” and the portrayal suggests that Nightwing should have been able to resist Tarantula regardless of his condition. In addition, the victimization happens without any discussion of the physical and psychological damage attached to experiencing the trauma of rape. The victim simply gets up and goes on with his life. Nightwing is later taken to the courthouse by Tarantula to obtain a marriage license to solidify their act of “love.” However, at the last minute, he ditches her at the courthouse. Although he is vindicated in some way, his rape is characterized more as a sexual act within a dysfunctional relationship than a violent act and reinforces the myth that rape could have been prevented by the victim.
In the Identity Crisis series, Sue Dibny is portrayed as a “true victim.” Sue was blinded by Dr. Light, held down against her will, and begged for him to stop. During the retelling of the story, it is apparent that she resisted the attack; however, her husband’s retelling suggests a hint of doubt on his part.
She told me she fought . . . I hope she fought.
Failure to fight back is perceived as acquiescence and admittance that the sexual act really was not rape.
As in reality, comics often endorse the myth that the victim’s behavior caused the rape. In this analysis, 8 of the 21 cases examined supported this rape myth. For example, although the construction of Sue Dibney’s rape is brutal, it is still laden with a seemingly blameful tone. Discussing her rape, the narrator states,
Years later, I found out she was up there simply because she was bored. From the Satellite, she could at least get a good view of the stars. Nothing on TV, she said. That’s all she wanted. A quiet night. Looking at the stars.
Sue Dibny is, in essence, the girl out alone at night. The underlying message suggests that women without superpowers should not go out alone at inappropriate times as they are incapable of protecting themselves. Although the rape of Sue Dibny is portrayed as a “real rape,” her behavior places her at least partially to blame. Another example is the portrayal of multiple rapes committed by the Invisible Man. The majority of the victims of the Invisible Man were portrayed as bad girls and were held responsible for their victimization consistent with the “just world” hypothesis. It is only with the rape of Pollyanna (a name used to describe an overly optimistic female in which everything always works out for the best) that he is stopped. However, rather than being prosecuted for his crimes, he is given a full pardon and asked to join the League due to his special abilities. This portrayal suggests that these women were somehow blameworthy and as a result were not seen as worthy of receiving justice.
Many of the violent acts were used as a means to get back at or send a message to superheroes. For instance, Katie Deauxma, the unrequited crush of Kick Ass, is ganged raped by the Motherfucker (Red Mist) and his henchmen as a way to show his arch nemesis, Kick Ass, how powerful he had become. After the villain shoves her down on the stairs, he proceeds to explain why she is being raped.
We’re here to send a message to your boyfriend Katie. Let Kick Ass know he should’ve never pissed on my lawn . . . You’re done banging superheroes baby (as he unzips his pants) . . . it’s time to see what evil dick tastes like.
Although Katie was not involved in a relationship with Kick Ass, the fact that they are friends and she is his perceived love interest was used as justification for the brutal gang rape. It is suggested that Katie Deauxma is at least partially to blame because of her association with Kick Ass. This is also an example of how the rape of a female character is used as a plot twist for the development of the male character.
In addition, superheroines are often blamed for their rapes because of stepping outside their relegated roles. Examples include the rapes of Ms. Marvel, Mirage, and Bleeze of the Red Lantern Corps. The portrayals of these rapes suggest that if they had not stepped outside their pre-assigned gender roles, their victimization would not have occurred.
One of the most common myths surrounding rape is that rapes are violent and/or involve a weapon or use of force. Of the 21 comic vignettes identified, 11 portrayed rape as a violent act in which a weapon or force was used. Although violence is present in many instances of rape, most rapes are perpetrated by someone the victim knows, and as a result, the victims are less likely to fight back. Only 2 of the 21 comic scenes analyzed could be considered stranger rape. This does not reinforce the stranger danger myth widely accepted by the general population.
In addition, victims do not always fight back as a result of being under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol. Although only 2 of the 21 instances of rape were attributed to being under the influence of alcohol or drugs, it was evident that these instances were not consensual. Notably, these instances involved a male victim and a female offender. For instance, although the Green Arrow is recovering from being shot with an arrow and is in terrible pain and under the influence of drugs, Shado rapes him. As the Green Arrow recounts in a later scene when being confronted with the birth of a son:
I told you that she DOMINATED me—Forced herself upon me while I was perilous with fever. That’s how I fathered her child.
Similar violations were committed against other lead characters including Batman. Interestingly, these assaults are not portrayed as rape. Instead, these instances are generally minimized and are used as a subplot to explain the birth of a child. Ironically, female victims are not explicitly portrayed as being victimized while under the influence of drugs or alcohol. Female rape victimizations in the comic world are typically characterized as violent, unquestionably non-consensual, or a result of mind control. As noted, mind control is often used to coerce women into having sex against their will, regardless of whether drugs/alcohol was used. This is especially disturbing in the case of Carol Danvers (Ms. Marvel) as she was kidnapped, experimented on, and eventually raped by Marcus Immortus using mind control.
To aid in my purpose, I brought others in from Earth’s time continuum. I had Shakespeare write you a sonnet, and Beethoven performed an original prelude in your honor, while Marie Antoinette herself clothed you in the finest of satins and silks . . . Finally, after relative weeks of such efforts . . . and admittedly with a subtle boost from immortus machines—You became mine . . . And in the pocket of chance, we became one. Though the electronic wonders at my command and with my own inherited powers, I was able to implant my essences within you, causing a condition that resulted in pregnancy.
Not only did Carol Danvers, a superhero, become a victim through non-violent means, but the rape and resulting pregnancy went unquestioned by the Avengers. In addition, this rape victim was perceived to have sided with the enemy.
Rape Perpetrator Myths
Although perpetrators of violent acts such as murder are often condemned and held accountable for their actions, rapists are often portrayed as having something wrong with them that makes them unable to fully control themselves. As a result, rapists are often considered blameless for their actions. Rape perpetrator myths suggest that rape is a crime resulting from sexual desire. This rape myth was supported in this analysis. One third of the perpetrators were portrayed as having acted out of sexual desire. For example, the portrayal of the rape and murder of Vril Dox by his partner Stealth supported this rape myth. When Stealth goes into “heat” and experiences severe hormonal changes as a result, she attacks him and rapes him. As a result, she becomes pregnant. As noted previously, Batman, Nightwing (twice), and Green Arrow were all assaulted due to the perpetrators’ “need to have sex” with the victim.
In addition, rapists are often depicted as mentally ill. Seven of the 21 rape scenes involved a perpetrator who was portrayed as mentally ill. The serial killer Martin “Mad Dog” Hawkins was incarcerated in Metropolis Penitentiary and was being seen by psychiatrist Amadeus Arkham at the State Psychiatric Hospital. Hawkins was notorious for committing crimes against women as a result of hallucinations in which he believed the Virgin Mary was instructing him to kill women, cut off their faces, and destroy their vaginas.
It was the Virgin Mary’s idea. She says it’s the best way to stop the dirty sluts from spreading their disease.
When he escapes from the psychiatric hospital, Hawkins targets Arkham and rapes and murders his wife and daughter. Arkham finds his daughter’s decapitated head in the dollhouse. Another horrific depiction of rape comes at the hands of one of the “good” guys. Mr. Hyde, Dr. Jeckyl’s psychotic alter ego, rapes to death the Invisible Man, who had betrayed the League of Extraordinary Gentlemen and raped Mina Murray. The Invisible Man was a known rapist; however, until this, his crimes were never punished.
You betrayed us all for a’lot of slugs didn’t you . . . DIDN’T YOU.
AHH! Ah God! Yes, yes I betrayed you.
But that is not why I’m cross. I’m cross because your treatment of Miss Murray was uncivil. Get on the floor (pants pulled down). What more could you ask for, eh? Opulent surroundings, fine wine . . . Romance.
Hyde? Hyde, good God? W-what are you . . . ?
Do you know I cannot remember the last time I felt so chipper. This is the life Griffin. Ahh! Ahhhh!
On raping the Invisible Man to death, Hyde returns to dinner. As he is explaining that he took care of him, the Invisible Man’s blood starts appearing all over Hyde. Although other instances of rape are not as graphic, the myth that rapists are mentally ill permeates the comic scene. More recently, we see the rape of Michonne by the Governor in the Walking Dead. The Governor is driven by his view of justice and his need for power. He has his zombified daughter tied up in his room and a collection of severed heads demonstrating mental illness.
Although rape myths characterize assailants as sexually influenced or mentally ill, we cannot forget that rapists are responsible for their own behavior even in the comic world. Of the scenes analyzed, it was determined that only four instance could be considered spontaneous and not planned. Most knew what they were doing, and in reality, most of the acts of rape are premeditated and planned.
Myths About Who Rapes
In this analysis, it was determined that males were victims in almost 43% of the scenes reviewed. Although this number is higher than official reports of male rape, it does bring attention to the fact that both women and men can be victims of rape and sexual violence. Therefore, the stereotypical image of women as victims and men as offenders was challenged within the comics reviewed. In the analysis, it was determined that 28.6% of the offenders were female. Each of the incidents involving female rapists depicted males as their victim. Although the rape of these heroes has been discussed previously, it should be noted that force, drugs, and trickery were all used against these victims. Not a single instance accurately portrayed the act as rape.
In contrast, male on male rape was characterized by excessive violence (e.g., the rape of the Invisible Man by Mr. Hyde discussed above). Another example is the portrayal of the rape of the Commander. He is raped with a jackhammer by the Midnighter. This is the only instance in which homosexuality is addressed. The Midnighter is a gay character and reinforces the stereotype that men who rape are homosexual. The final example is the portrayal of the rape of Johnny Bates. Johnny Bates (formerly Kid Miracleman) is gang raped by other residents while living in a group home.
Lookadm Cryin’! Wotcha Cryin’ For Yer Littul Poof? That Didn’t Urt. Ent Like a proper bloke Izzy more like a skinny little tart . . . Yeah, yeah, assright just like a tart. I fink I’’ give im one.
Nar! Cmon you mental bleeder, leave im. Look waddapund larst year when you shagged that kid.
Shatchafakkinole and wotch the door. Go on Pete turn im over.
What? What are you doing to me? Stop it! Stop it.
There . . . AAAAAAA!
Oh, NOOOO, oh please don’t. I can’t take this you don’t understand! I can’t!
You love it you littul poof, say you love it.
I. I’m SORRY. I’m so sorry . . . Miracleman.
As a result of the rape, Johnny turns back into Kid Miracleman and slaughters his attackers and almost annihilates the entire city for revenge.
Discussion
The current study examined instances of rape and sexual assault in comic books to determine which popular rape myths were identified and supported within the manifest and latent content of this form of media. Overall, findings suggest that comic portrayals of rape and sexual assault reveal negative cultural stereotypes and reinforce victim blaming (see Phillips & Strobl, 2013). These scenes support many different rape myths that contribute to victim blaming, such as the myths that victims provoke perpetrators to rape them and that victims could avoid rape by changing their conduct (i.e., job choice, dressing provocatively, being out alone, being under the influence). Other myths supported by comic books that contribute to victim blaming include the myths that when a victim says “no,” he or she really means “yes,” and that if a victim really wanted to stop the rape from occurring, he or she would have.
Supporting Rape Myths
Disturbingly, several comic book scenes supported the myth that rapes are violent and/or involve the use of force. The rape of Sue Dibny in DC’s Identity Crisis became the quintessential image of what a rape “should be” even if it contained undertones of victim blaming. Although this was not the case in every scene, more than half of the rape portrayals in comic books were violent acts, reinforcing the idea that non-violent rape is not a crime. All the perpetrators of the violent portrayal were male. Comic books tended to frame other, less violent instances of rape as non-criminal. Interestingly, most perpetrators of the “less violent” portrayals were female. If a victim was under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol, was non-violently coerced, or under mind control, comic books tended to not identify the act as rape. In addition, if the victim did not fight back, the act was not labeled rape. Rape myths that focused on perpetrators were commonly supported in comic books, such as the myths that perpetrators act out of sexual desire and/or a need for sexual gratification, and that rapists are mentally ill. Drawing on the rape myth acceptance literature (see Suarez & Gadalla, 2010), the link between media exposure and rape myth acceptance does not seem improbable (Franiuk, Seefelt, Cepress, & Vandello, 2008; O’Hara, 2012). Reading comics that portray images that support rape myths could potentially influence a reader’s rape myth acceptance.
Non-Supported Rape Myths
The stereotypical image of rape is that the victim is a female and the perpetrator is a male; this myth was not upheld in the analysis. Comic books not only portrayed females as perpetrators, but they did so much more frequently than previous research has documented. Although females can in fact be perpetrators of rape, official statistics suggest that it is fairly uncommon. There were gender differences in the portrayal of rapes perpetrated by males and rapes perpetrated by females. Societal prescribed gender roles likely influenced the portrayals of how women and men are supposed to be acting as perpetrators. Female perpetrators were portrayed as using emotional reasons (i.e., love) or manipulation to commit the rape. Comparatively, male perpetrators were portrayed as using power, force, and violence to commit the rape. Each of these portrayals would fit with societal expectations of “male” and “female” behavior.
Another major rape myth that was not supported is the myth that perpetrators tend to be Black males. Although races were depicted in the comic books examined, most of the characters were White, and the characters that were non-White were a variety of colors (i.e., red, purple, green, blue). This may have been done in an effort to make the characters seem less human. It should be noted that none of the characters, victims, or perpetrators was identified as Black, which may be more of a reflection of the lack of minorities used in comics than the intent to vilify them. Last, the myths that perpetrators are usually strangers, and that rape is a spontaneous act were not supported by the majority of comic books examined. The perpetrators portrayed in these storylines usually had some form of a relationship with the victims, and they planned out their crimes before committing them.
We noted that several popular rape myths were not addressed within the storylines of these comic books. For example, myths concerning the effects of rape on victims were generally avoided, such as the myths that victims always act noticeably different after being raped, and that rape does not have long-term mental and/or physical effects on victims. Rape victims do not necessarily change their behavior after the assault, and they often try to pretend that nothing happened at all due to embarrassment or fear of being raped again. This does not mean that the mental and physical effects of rape are short-term or non-existent, and the fact that comic books do not address these effects grossly undermines the seriousness of this crime. This was most noticeable in instances where there was a male victim. Although the effect of sexual violence on female victims has been well documented within the academic literature, researchers have failed to acknowledge similar patterns of both mental and physical trauma experienced by male victims. The failure to characterize male sexual victimization as rape is particularly disturbing because the majority of producers of comic books and the targeted audience of comic books are predominantly middle-aged males. Ignoring the fact that men can be raped and/or become victims of sexual violence minimizes the act that has occurred and reinforces the myths that feminism has fought to eradicate. As noted by Stemple and Meyer (2014), “treating male sexual victimization as a rare occurrence can impose regressive expectations about masculinity of men and boys” (p. 20). Although the authors can only speculate as to why there is an overrepresentation of male victimization in the comic books analyzed, it is possible that the purpose is to ensure empathy among its homogeneous readers. At the same time, by minimizing the phenomenon and using it as a mere plot enhancer, the producers of these comic books allow men the opportunity to maintain their masculine image while invariably being able to identify with the hero. Regardless, it inevitably ensures that these consumers will not be able to recognize rape when it occurs and will not be willing to report it if it is perpetrated against them.
Last, comic books tended to avoid rape myths concerning people who were already in romantic relationships, such as the myths that men cannot rape their wives, a woman “owes” a man sex after a date, and a man cannot rape a woman if they have had consensual sex previously. Rape may occur between anyone, regardless of their relationship, if one person does not consent to having sex.
Effects of Rape in Comic Books
Although it is apparent that there is a high level of aggression in comic books, the real effects of exposure to this material are unknown. Some research has suggested that exposure to violent themes in comic books may result in an aggressive bias toward social information processing (Kirsch & Olczak, 2002). The portrayal of rape in comic books undoubtedly has a profound effect on readers, who, as noted, are predominantly middle-aged males (Phillips & Strobl, 2013). Because comic book storylines are told through partially connected frames, the reader must invoke his or her imagination to fill in the missing information or actions (Kirsh & Olczak, 2002). Furthermore, there are no motor movements associated with comic books such as with other forms of entertainment such as video games, so any physiological arousal caused by a comic book is likely due to the images themselves, or from an interaction of the images with the reader’s own personality characteristics (Kirsh & Olczak, 2002).
Although comic books are read for entertainment value, the way this male-dominated industry portrays consensual sex versus rape may become internalized by readers. For the most part, comic books reinforce a narrow view of what constitutes rape: a violent, brutal event that was probably brought on by the victim. This allows men to think that having sex with a woman at a party who has had too much to drink, or having sex with a woman who says “no” because she did not physically force the man to stop, is acceptable. The way sex is portrayed in these comic books may allow readers to think that the burden should be placed on the female to make sure that she does not act in a way that provokes someone to rape her, and that if she is raped, she did not fight hard enough to make the perpetrator stop. It also does not allow for males to understand that they too may be victims of sexual violence. Not every male wants sex at all times, and portraying this as such only reifies the masculine-dominated ideology used in rape myths. Through unrealistic portrayals of rape, comic books contribute to and reinforce popular rape myths in society, allowing males (and potentially females) to embrace inaccurate ideas about how to acceptably approach sex. Victim blaming becomes normalized as perpetrators are not held accountable for their actions. Comic books often portray perpetrators as mentally ill or unable to control their sexual impulses, which send a wrong message to readers about the types of people who commit rape and the prevalence of rape in everyday society. Portraying rapists as “special” kinds of people leads readers to believe that they could never be perpetrators of rape because they are not “crazy” or out of control of their desires. This further narrows the view of what constitutes rape, allowing male readers to feel more entitled when initiating sex with another person.
Limitations and Future Research
Although the current study sheds some necessary light onto the portrayal of rape in comic books and how that portrayal reflects and contradicts society’s belief in popular rape myths, it has a few limitations that warrant discussion. As with any content analysis, the data are subjective and left to the interpretation of the researchers. Although manifest coding is reliable, latent analysis is more subjective (Kraska & Neuman, 2011); the authors attempted to avoid reliability and validity conflicts through intercoder reliability. As previously mentioned, this analysis did not include instances of attempted rape, past histories of rape, rape by a non-sentient being, and non-substantiated rape, which does not allow for a complete analysis of sexual violence portrayals in comics. Future research should include these “types” of sexual violence to examine a broader range of popular rape myths. In addition, with any content analysis, it is unable to examine causal relationships between variables, and as a result, the true impact of the images on readers is unknown (Berg, 2004). Future research on the subject should interview or survey readers of comic books on their interpretations of rape scenes within the storylines to further investigate the effects that rape in comic books has on readers and the influence these images have on attitudes toward rape and sexual violence.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.