“Who’s the Slut,Who’s the Whore?”

Introduction

Street-based sex workers are frequently portrayed as a social nuisance in the urban space (Hubbard, 1998; Kantola & Squires, 2004; Sanders & Campbell, 2007; Scoular, Pitcher, Campbell, Hubbard, & O’Neill, 2007). The construction of street-based sex work as a social problem can in part be linked to legal frameworks that have historically prohibited street sex work or limited the spaces in which sex workers can work by ghettoizing into “tolerance” zones (McKeganey, 2006). Areas in which street-based sex work exists have historically been considered what Wagenaar and Altink (2009) term “contested space,” in that they are often sites of conflict between sex workers and others in the public space (p. 168). Sex workers have typically been marginalized into what Hubbard and Sanders (2003) describe as “streets of shame,” in a society that has created a “moral geography” dictating the areas in which it is considered appropriate for sex work to take place (p. 79). The portrayal of street workers as undesirable and attempts to exclude them from the public space have functioned to imply that their presence is problematic and, as such, their removal would be beneficial to the rest of the society (Lowman, 2000; Sanders & Campbell, 2007). Lowman (2000) has argued that media accounts of attempts to “get rid” of street-based sex workers among resident groups, politicians, and police represent a “discourse of disposal,” and that this contributed to an increase in murders of street-based sex workers in Canada (p. 988). This framing of street-based sex work as an undesirable social phenomenon inevitably influences public perceptions, reinforcing stigma and negative positioning of street sex workers as existing outside of society rather than as part of society.

Women who sell sex on the streets have been constructed as problematic and deviant “others” who harass other members of the public and cause the harassment of “innocent” women who may be mistaken as sex workers and approached by clients in red light areas. However, a considerable amount of research has called attention to the fact that street sex workers are themselves often victims of violence in the course of their work (Abel, 2010; Benoit & Millar, 2001; Busch, Bell, Hotaling, & Monto, 2002; Deering et al., 2014; Farley & Barkan, 1998; Farley & Kelly, 2000; Kinnell, 2006, 2008; Lowman, 2000; Miller, 1993; O’Neill, 1996; O’Neill & Barberet, 2000; Phoenix, 1999; Plumridge & Abel, 2001; Pyett & Warr, 1997; Rhodes, Simić, Baroš, Platt, & Žikić, 2008; Sanders, 2004a; Silbert & Pines, 1982; Valera, Sawyer, & Schiraldi, 2001; Vanwesenbeeck, 2001; Williamson & Folaron, 2001). Owing to the construction of street-based sex work as polluting and socially undesirable, street workers have also been targeted by community protestors who harass them in an attempt to drive them out of the area (Morgan Thomas, 2009; Sagar, 2005; Sanders, 2004a; Williams, 2008). Researchers have also called attention to the frequent harassment street workers experience at the hands of passersby while working in the open space (Abel, 2010; Benoit & Millar, 2001; Campbell & Kinnell, 2000; Day, Ward, & Boynton, 2001; Kinnell, 2006; Nixon, Tutty, Downe, Gorkoff, & Ursel, 2002; Prostitution Law Review Committee [PLRC], 2008).

Debates about the negative views held on street-based sex workers and the violence they experience have often focused on the impact of the legal framework surrounding prostitution. Specifically, it has been argued that when sex workers are criminalized they are more vulnerable to experiencing violence as they must manage the risks of violence as part of a hierarchy of risks (Sanders, 2004b). In criminalized contexts, the policing of street sex work is highly variable between different areas and cities (Hubbard, 2006). However, it is clear that some police do proactively pursue sex workers on the street with an aim to arrest them (Benson & Matthews, 2000; Brents & Sanders, 2010; Hubbard, 2004; Rosen & Venkatesh, 2008; Sagar, 2007; Sanders, 2004a; Sullivan, 2008; Wotton, 2005). Sex workers working in this type of context therefore must manage this risk, in addition to the risks of violence from those approaching them as clients, passersby, residents, and other potential perpetrators. A number of researchers subsequently argue that decriminalization of sex work would better support the safety of sex workers (Brooks-Gordon, 2008; Day & Ward, 2007; Goodyear & Cusick, 2007; Jeffrey & Sullivan, 2009; Pyett & Warr, 1999; Scrambler, 1997; West, 2000).

While in recent years there have been calls to decriminalize sex work, by sex worker activists, researchers, and global organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations (UN) Women and Amnesty International, the decriminalization of sex work remains relatively uncommon. Although some countries have legalized prostitution, sex work is only decriminalized in New South Wales in Australia, New Zealand, and most recently in Canada, following a successful campaign led by sex workers (Canada Attorney General v. Bedford). Given the frequent arguments that decriminalization is more conducive to the personal safety of sex workers, more research on its impacts remains critical. In the New Zealand context, a number of studies highlight the broad positive impacts of the Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) on sex workers in all sectors of the sex industry (Abel, Fitzgerald, & Brunton, 2007; Armstrong, 2010, 2011, 2014; Mossman & Mayhew, 2007; PLRC, 2008). There is some evidence that decriminalization has created an environment in which street sex workers can more effectively manage risk of violence by being able to prioritize their personal safety (Armstrong, 2014). However, the lack of data collected before the PRA was passed means that it is impossible to conclude on whether there has been a decrease or an increase in rates of violence in the decriminalized context. What is clear is that sex workers have continued to be victims of violence since the law has changed (Abel et al, 2007; Armstrong, 2010, 2011, 2014). It is also clear that street sex workers continue to be viewed negatively in the public domain, evidenced by vigilante action against them in some areas of South Auckland, and persistent attempts to reverse or amend the provisions of the PRA to restrict street-based sex workers to specific areas (Loren, 2013; Manukau City Council, 2010). Community action against street-based sex workers has also occurred in Christchurch, where signs were displayed by some residents to discourage sex workers from working in the area (Dally, 2013). Thus, despite representing a symbolic change, since the passing of the PRA, street sex workers continue to be marginalized and continue to be victimized.

This article interrogates the ongoing marginalization and victimization of women working on the streets as sex workers in the decriminalized New Zealand context by focusing on one type of victimization that has not previously been explored in depth: street harassment. The article focuses on answering the following questions: How do female sex workers perceive and manage street harassment they experience? And, what is the significance of these experiences in the context of decriminalization? In doing so, this article attempts to shed new light on how street sex workers experience working in a decriminalized environment, and to begin a discussion on the limitations of decriminalization and what more needs to change to improve the treatment of sex workers in the open space.

Method

This article explores of the findings of qualitative research that formed the basis of a 3-year study conducted in Wellington and Christchurch between 2008 and 2011. The research was focused on exploring the strategies employed by female street-based sex workers to manage risks of violence while working on the streets. In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 28 women with experience working on the streets in Wellington and Christchurch. Further interviews were undertaken with 17 key informants from agencies with an interest in sex worker safety, such as the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective (NZPC), police, community leaders, and staff from youth- and social-service-based organizations. Researcher observation represented the third strand of data collection and involved documenting several hundred hours spent in drop-in centers and accompanying outreach workers on the street. Interviews with sex workers were focused on entry into sex work, perceptions of vulnerability, and experiences of violence, the shift to decriminalization, and strategies to manage risks. Interviews with key informants focused on perceptions of risk for street-based sex workers, strategies to support sex worker safety, the impact of the PRA, and changes for the future.

The sex workers interviewed were recruited using a snowball approach drawing on networks within the NZPC and at the evening drop-in center run by the Salvation Army in Christchurch. The first five interviews with sex workers, along with two key informant interviews, were conducted in Wellington where there is a relatively low population of street-based sex workers. The rest of the fieldwork took place in Christchurch, primarily as the city has the highest population of street workers in New Zealand as a proportion of all sex workers, 26% compared with 13% in Wellington and 11% in Auckland (Abel et al., 2007). The majority of interviews were conducted in the NZPC and Salvation Army drop-in centers, whereas two interviews were conducted in participant’s homes.

The demographic characteristics of the sex worker participants varied considerably. The youngest woman interviewed was 17 and the oldest was 57. The age of entry into sex work also varied and while the average age was 20, one woman described becoming involved in street prostitution at the age of 12 and another had started working in the sex industry when she was 45. Thirteen of the women identified as New Zealand European, 14 as Māori, and 1 as Cook Island Māori. The women described disparate histories of sex work, and the length of time working on the street varied between 2 months and 22 years. Seventeen of the women had children, although not all were full-time caregivers. Ten of the women reported doing no other work outside of the sex industry in the course of their lives, while the remaining 18 had worked in other occupations previous or concurrent to working in the sex industry. Five women were studying either full- or part-time at the time of the research and four women reported that they were involved in voluntary work. Five of the women had started working after the PRA was passed, while the remaining 23 worked in the sex industry before decriminalization. The research therefore incorporates a range of perspectives from women who had started selling sexual services at very different times in their lives and in variable circumstances. All of the women were invited to choose a pseudonym to protect their privacy, while ensuring that they could identify themselves in the research. A few women preferred that a name be chosen on their behalf, and this request was respected.

Unpacking the Nature of Street Harassment in Street Sex Work

Street harassment is a broad term that is understood to encompass a wide range of behaviors. Much of the literature on street harassment has focused on the experience of street harassment among women in general, focusing on behaviors, such as catcalls, whistling, leering, being followed, and indecent exposure, that women experience while doing everyday mundane activities in the public space (Macmillan, Nierobisz, & Welsh, 2000). While it is possible for men to be victims too, there is an overwhelming agreement that street harassment is a gendered experience, with women being the most likely victims and men the most likely perpetrators (Fileborn, 2013). A number of studies have found experiences of street harassment among women to be widespread, with estimates ranging from 25% to 87% of women having experienced it (Johnson & Bennett, 2015; Macmillan et al., 2000). Street harassment is therefore something that affects all women. However, sex workers are arguably particularly vulnerable to being targeted with street harassment. Richardson and May (1999) note that in the context of violence, sexual minorities are considered deserving victims, especially if they bring private and taboo behavior into the public domain. Indeed, the Madonna/whore dichotomy dictates that women who digress from expectations of “good” and “virtuous” female behavior are considered to bring violence on themselves (Russell, 1984; Stanko, 1985). As women who publically sell sex, it is likely that some people consider street-based sex workers to be “fair game” when it comes to street harassment. Given that women are harassed in the public space when engaging in very mundane activities such as walking to the shops or waiting for a bus, it is perhaps then not surprising that women are also harassed when working on the streets as sex workers. While street harassment is a hazard for all women, women who work as street sex workers are vulnerable to being specifically targeted with harassment. In line with this, a large amount of research has found that street harassment, particularly verbal abuse, toward sex workers is common (Abel, 2010; Day et al., 2001; Miller & Schwartz, 1995; Morgan Thomas, 2009; Nixon et al., 2002; Pitcher, Campbell, Hubbard, O’Neill, & Scoular, 2006; Sharpe, 1998). In agreement with this finding, all of the women who took part in this research had experienced harassment while working on the streets, and verbal abuse was an almost nightly occurrence.

Verbal Abuse

The findings of this research suggest similarities and differences in how street-based sex workers experience street harassment compared with other women, and this is evident in the verbal abuse that was described by the women. Shannon for instance noted that the harassment she experienced was often sexual in nature and involved gendered and sexualized comments such as “’Oh show us your tits’ and all that and call you a slut or they’ll throw five cents at you.” However, the harassment described by the women interviewed for this research was far broader than sexualized comments and included suggestions of more overt violence. One woman, Amy, recalled a passerby making light of the recent murder of a sex worker in the city, noting,

These guys the other night there must have been about six of them and I know men when they get together have that sort of mob mentality . . . They were like 50/55 and all six of them had a different comment like “Oh well you should be in the river” . . . like one of them said, “Shouldn’t you be in the river?” . . . They all said something different and I was thinking “you fucking filthy assholes” you know? . . . But we get that all the time. (Amy, Christchurch)

The areas in which the women worked in Wellington and Christchurch are known as areas in which street sex workers are working. Most of the women working in these areas dressed for the purposes of attracting clients and stood on corners, meaning that they could be easily identified as sex workers. They could do this easily as sex work is decriminalized, and they did not have to fear being identified by the authorities. While this was beneficial in enabling them to attract clients and to manage risks of violence from potential clients through screening processes (Armstrong, 2014), their visibility also meant that they can be easily identified by passersby who wanted to harass them. The verbal abuse described above by Amy indicates that this harassment was specifically targeted at her not just as a woman but as a woman who sells sex. Thus, it can be argued that the verbal abuse directed at sex workers on the street is targeted at them specifically because they are sex workers, and can have darker undercurrents that underline their vulnerability to being targeted with more overt violence while working in the open space.

Another interesting factor of the verbal abuse described by the women interviewed is that women were often the perpetrators of this harassment. It is commonly understood that men are the perpetrators of street harassment toward women in the open space. However, several of the women interviewed recalled experiencing verbal abuse delivered to them by other women. Shannon recalled, “I remember one night I was out there and there was these four girls in a car . . . driving up and down abusing the fucking shit out of me.” Similarly, Sydney noted, “The worst is when a girl goes past within a car of guys and she’s yelling out ‘slut’ and ‘whore’.”

The verbal abuse that was described by the women was therefore not only sexualized in nature but was also underpinned by internalized misogyny as both men and women were perpetrators. In verbally abusing sex workers, the female perpetrators were able to position themselves above the sex working women by publically scolding them for stepping outside of the boundaries of acceptable female behavior. In doing so, they could safely locate themselves within the category of “good” women and be reassured that they were not like “those” women. Therefore, while all women are vulnerable to experiencing street harassment perpetrated by men, these findings suggest that women who sell sex are targeted with verbal abuse by a broader range of perpetrators.

Responding to Street Harassment

Research on women’s experiences of street harassment has found that this type of harassment is often minimized, considered “normal” and lower level than other forms of sexual violence (Fileborn, 2013). In agreement with this finding, the majority of the women interviewed described ignoring the verbal abuse they encountered or responding to it liberally. Street harassment was a frequent occurrence and was something that all of the women expected to experience while working on the street. Emotionally reacting to the abuse was considered futile when it was evident that some people were deliberately coming to the street for the purposes of harassing sex working women. Bianca, for instance, described how she responded to verbal abuse. She explained,

They’re drunk, you know, and they’re smart and when they get smart to me I go “Well you should be at home with your mummy” [Laughs] . . . They know there’s sex workers [in the area]. And I think to myself, “Well, why do they drive around there when there’s other ways they could drive around to get to where they want?” But they just drive around just to get smart. Because they’re bored and there’s no one else they can pick on. But then I just say, “Well, have a lovely night!” [laughs] (Bianca)

For the most part, the women ignored the verbal abuse they experienced because they felt that responding to it would result in increased stress, would impact negatively on their work, and would be unlikely to resolve the situation. Deltah noted,

The ones that scream and yell at you at the side of the road, well I don’t listen to that. You just hear a whole lot of yelling and you just block it out because at the end of the day if you let it get to you then you’ve just let them ruin your whole night of work. I just let it go in one ear and out the other. (Deltah)

Similarly, Lisa-Lou noted,

The good thing to do is just take control and just ignore them and try not to retaliate . . . Because you’ll just get all worked up and then I can’t work, it’s like “Oh nah I’ve got to go home, because I don’t feel that I can work now because of that” . . . a few times. I’ve just thought “Nah I’m going home.” Because sometimes when it’s a slow night you’ll get, a lot of them that are going around abusing you and stuff like that. (Lisa-Lou)

Key informants also overwhelmingly understood that the women accepted this type of abuse as inevitable and ignored it, despite the fact they should not have to tolerate this behavior. One key informant noted, “I guess a lot of the girls out there build a wall to it and they ignore it . . . It shouldn’t be like that.”

While most of the women described ignoring the abuse, they did not passively accept this victimization. According to Goffman (1990), members of stigmatized groups internalize negative portrayals of their identity and are silenced by a fear of judgment, which is termed “felt stigma.” However, consistent with other research findings, it appeared that the women resisted internalizing these underlying messages. Instead, they reflected on the ideas implicit in the insults directed at them (Abel & Fitzgerald, 2010; Sallmann, 2010). Reflecting on the harassment that was directed at her by other women, Hollie explained,

I find it a crack up because, you know, the girls . . . they’re just jealous because we can get our money out there and do what we do and make more money than them. And they just yell out and abuse us because they can’t do it. You know, they’d have a big cry about it [doing sex work] . . . It’s like “Ok well if you’re going to yell out that then you get out here and see how you go.” You know, “You go and give it away for free—what do you get a couple of drinks out of it?” (Hollie)

Similarly, Sydney noted,

The worst is when a girl goes past within a car of guys and she’s yelling out “slut” and “whore” and you think “you’re the one with all these guys and you’re probably rooting them without protection.” So who’s the slut, who’s the whore? (Sydney)

A few women described actively challenging the verbal abuse by defiantly replying to it and refusing to buy into content that was intended to stigmatize and disrespect them (Armstrong, 2010). Vixen, for instance, recalled responding to the calling out of “whore” with the sarcastic reply, “Oh thanks for telling me, I forgot!” Similarly, Catherine described how she responded to verbal abuse while working on the street:

Usually I don’t react because that just encourages them. But sometimes . . . when they say something really stupid then I will yell out to them . . . Well you know I had someone call out “you fucking slut” and I was like “prostitute actually.” “Why don’t you get a real job,” “well I’m at university actually” and they don’t like that at all . . . And the fact is, even if we are out there because we want to have some fun or because we’ve got a drugs habit or whatever, it’s our choice and they have no right to make that judgment. (Catherine)

However, while a few women did describe responding to frequent verbal abuse in some situations, it was clear that the perpetrators were generally unlikely to engage in any direct confrontation. Shannon recounted an experience where she was repeatedly verbally abused by a group of young women in a car:

I say to them “what fucking wimps get out of the car and come over here.” . . . Well the lights at Tuam Street went red and the traffic was backed up and they were right on my corner and I went up to the car and you want to see how fast they locked their doors. You know, just mouth and too scared . . . at the end of the day they’re wimps, they’re only doing it to show off. (Shannon)

This example suggests that while the perpetrators of verbal abuse wished to engage with sex workers from a distance, this enthusiasm did not extend to any direct or meaningful engagement. This reinforces the extent to which women who sell sex are “othered” and the significance of this othering in legitimizing the harassment of sex workers on the street. While the people in the car felt able to harass Shannon, they were only willing to do so at a distance. This suggests that the harassment of street-based sex workers is not only opportunistic, but it is also motivated by fear and curiosity, an “us and them” mentality through which women who sell sex are viewed simultaneously as both scary and interesting to these abusive passersby. Stigma is clearly at the heart of this harassment. Several of the women indicated that they knew a lack of understanding was integral to the harassment directed at them. Holly noted,

Oh yeah . . . you get shit every time man. You get eggs thrown at you, like glass bottles and stuff thrown at you ay . . . they don’t know me they just think I’m some slut that works on the corner . . . they just drive off ay they don’t really come back. Too scared and stuff you know knowing “Oh fuck I shouldn’t have done that.” There are idiots out there because they don’t realize you’re out there to do it for yourself. Like they don’t realize how hard it is because their dad and mum’s fucking rich and got jobs and they get what they want. But try doing something for yourself ay, and getting it your own way. Yeah. (Zoe, Christchurch)

The experience of verbal abuse, despite its frequency, was generally minimized by the women as unimportant. However, there was less tolerance of the incidence of physical abuse among the women interviewed. Deltah noted, “I don’t like the ones that throw things out the windows ‘cause I’ve been hit by a few eggs and a lot of bottles . . . that’s horrible ay.” Similarly, Kay explained that while she would not generally respond to verbal abuse, she felt that physical abuse needed to be addressed: “I don’t comment unless they’re getting really smart and throwing shit . . . because that’s not cool, throwing things at girls . . . They could seriously injure someone.” However, in agreement with the findings of previous research, the women were unlikely to report what was considered “lower level” physical abuse, such as having bottles thrown at them, to the police (Abel, 2010; Campbell & Kinnell, 2000; Dalla, Xia, & Kennedy, 2003; Delacoste & Alexander, 1988; Downe, 1999; Harris, Nilan, & Kirby, 2011; Kinnell, 2006; Shannon et al., 2009; Silbert & Pines, 1981, 1982; Woodward, Fischer, Najman, & Dunne, 2004). Deltah explained that while she would record the vehicle’s details, she was reluctant to report these incidents to the police, feeling that this would have a detrimental impact on her work:

Yeah I normally just take their license plate numbers if I can see them . . . Sometimes I won’t go to the police because it just kills my night and I end up sitting at the police station when I could be out there making money. I just come home and get changed and go back out and make money instead of just going to the cop shop because there’s not very much they can do. (Deltah)

Although only a few of the women said that they would report the individuals who threw objects at them at work, in Christchurch the police were already well aware that sex workers were frequently abused by some members of the public. Indeed, all of the key informants commented on the extent and nature of abuse that was experienced by sex workers on the street. One police key informant reported making an effort to address this behavior when possible:

Oh I think they get harassed a lot. I mean I’ve seen people throw bottles at them, like get a drink bottle and throw water at them and I’ve stopped and had a go at people about that. And I think things like that they just put up with it. They don’t really report that type of thing . . . I think they almost see that that’s sort of part of their occupation . . . I mean I have actually seen, I’ve heard people yelling out to them and I mean I always stop and talk to people doing that sort of thing. (Key informant, Police)

It was evident that some police were genuinely committed to supporting street-based sex workers to challenge the abuse and harassment they experienced while working on the street. One woman, Claire, recalled reporting an experience she had while working on the street:

A car went past me and they pulled out a rifle . . . Yeah and shot it. And I happened to be on the side and it just went past me—the bullet. And I had a friend with me who witnessed it as well. And the cameras and stuff had seen it . . . I reported it to [youth workers] . . . And they took me down to the police station and made some complaints which I’d never done before. And . . . it just felt good, I mean having them idiots going past and doing that. I mean they’re probably one out of many who do that. And it’s not only guns, it’s bottles too . . . Everyone’s got opinions on the police but yeah I did actually have a little respect for them after that. I mean at least those little boys can’t go around shooting people. (Claire, Christchurch)

This example highlights how having a supportive experience of reporting abuse can have a significant impact not only in addressing harassment on the street but also in increasing confidence in the police among some sex workers. It appeared that this was particularly important for younger people working on the street who tended to have less confidence in the extent to which the police could assist them in the event of any kind of abuse or harassment. While older sex workers either ignored verbal abuse and the throwing of objects, or reported license plates to the police, among some younger people there was a tendency to retaliate with violence toward abusive passersby. One key informant explained,

I think a lot of the older workers get a lot more hardened to it and they can ignore it a lot more. The young ones get really volatile. Sometimes they’ll throw things back or so it can end up turning into just a big bloody mess especially when often you might have one person working but behind the fence there’s 15 of their friends. So you can imagine what can sometimes end up happening and the original perpetrator of the stupid behavior ends up getting absolutely hammered. (Key informant, Youth)

The stronger reactions of younger workers could also reflect lower levels of tolerance among a new generation of post-law reform street workers to the harassment they experience. This emphasizes further the great importance of police continuing to build relationships with street sex workers and demonstrating a willingness to respond to the harassment they experience.

Discussion

The PRA was passed in 2003 in the spirit of improving the health and safety of sex workers. The inclusion of street-based sex work as part of the legislation was unique as street workers have historically been stigmatized and criminalized to a greater extent than indoor sex workers. The decriminalization of street-based sex work transformed the selling of sex on the streets from an illegal and clandestine activity to a form of labor that individuals can freely engage in. However, the experiences documented in this article suggest that this transformation has not been entirely borne out in the experiences of street-based sex workers. The sex workers who were interviewed for this research recounted numerous experiences of harassment, which included verbal and physical abuse perpetrated by passersby. This finding in itself is not surprising for a number of reasons. One reason is the fact that street harassment is commonly experienced by all women. Another is that numerous studies throughout the world have documented the street harassment that sex workers experience in particular. However, the important contribution made by this article is in discussing the significance of this continued harassment in the decriminalized context, what might be done about it, and how this harassment fits into the broader picture of violence against women throughout western society.

Many of the women interviewed for this research expressed an ambivalent attitude toward the frequent harassment they experienced while working on the street. In relation to verbal abuse, there was a sense that these experiences were to be expected, normalized as inevitable background noise that could not be silenced. At the same time, the women resisted the messages implicit in the harassment directed at them. Several women demonstrated an acute awareness that the stigma attached to street-based sex workers was at the heart of the harassment they experienced. These findings are significant in demonstrating how stigma continues to prevail, even when sex work is decriminalized. In no other occupation would daily verbal abuse and having things thrown at you be considered an occupational hazard. The decriminalization of sex work had affected the women in contradictory ways. On the one hand, working in a decriminalized context meant that they could be more visible while working on the street as there was no risk of arrest. This made it easier to manage risks of violence from potential clients as the women could wait on the street for as long as needed before deciding to get in a car (Armstrong, 2014). On the other hand, this increased visibility arguably made them more vulnerable to being harassed by passersby, who could easily pick them out as they waited on their corner for potential clients. What this suggests is that providing an environment that is conducive to the safety and well-being of all sex workers requires much more than a law change that removes the criminality from their work. The success of the PRA is limited by social conditions in which it operates. The PRA provided legal change to improve the lives of street-based sex workers by enabling them to work without the fear of arrest. What is now needed is social change, so that street workers are accepted as part of the society, are respected in the open space, and can work in an environment where abuse and harassment are the exception rather than the rule.

The harassment that the women described shared commonalities with the street harassment that women report experiencing in their day-to-day lives (harassment that they too may experience when they are not working on the street). For instance, it was often very sexualized in nature and based on disparaging ideas about women and sexuality. However, it also differed in that it was dealt out by both male and female perpetrators. The content of the harassment sometimes also had a somewhat darker undercurrent that hinted at their vulnerability to more severe violence. Liz Kelly’s concept of a continuum of sexual violence provides a useful framework in which to locate these experiences. Kelly (1987) argues that the concept of a continuum is useful in highlighting the fact that all women experience sexual violence at some point in their lives, and that more common everyday abuses that women encounter can be linked to the less common experiences that are classed in law as crimes. The same can be said for the harassment that women experience while working on the streets and the harassment all women can experience when going about their everyday lives. The harassment meted out to the women interviewed represents, to some extent, a magnified version of the more common forms of street harassment that all women can experience. Dominant ideas about women and sexuality that continue to be prevalent support a common view that women who do street-based sex work are lesser than other women and are deserving of violence through the very act of publically soliciting for sex. While some women may be more likely to experience harassment that is characterized by more subtle, everyday sexism in the form of wolf whistles and catcalls, the harassment that street-based sex workers experience can be seen as raw, uncensored misogyny, with no ambiguity over the intentions of the deliverer. It can be argued that these women were targeted with harassment that is specifically directed at them as sex workers, by perpetrators who endorse negative views of women and sexuality. However, the harassment they experience forms part of the same picture of violence against all women, as all forms of sexual violence are underpinned by the same structures and the same social and cultural attitudes (Kissling, 1991).

When the harassment that these women experienced is considered in the context of violence against all women in general, the fact that women were also perpetrators of this harassment is significant. The type of harassment described by the women most often involved verbal insults such as “slut” and “whore,” and reflects internalized misogyny among groups of women. This is further reflected in the ways in which some of the sex working women responded to these insults, turning it back on the woman who delivered it by questioning their assumed identity as “good” women. Sydney for instance felt that it was ironic that she was called a slut by women who she surmised may have casual unprotected sex without payment with male acquaintances, causing her to ponder, “Who’s the slut, who’s the whore?” In their research on young women’s use of alcohol and social media, Hutton, Griffin, Lyons, Niland, and McCreanor (2015) found that some young women placed themselves in opposition to other women who they labeled as drunk, slutty, and out of control, which the authors termed “positioned othering.” This concept of positioned othering is useful in conceptualizing the ways in which the women were harassed by other women while working on the street, and how they in turn responded to this harassment. The harassment they experienced and their responses to it can both be considered a form of positioned othering in which the women doing the harassing disassociated themselves from the sex workers, presumably to avoid the label of the slut or the whore themselves. In this situation, Sydney disassociated herself from the women who harassed her by speculating that their behavior was in fact less respectable than hers as a professional sex worker. What is evident in this exchange is that negative ideas of women and sexuality are so ingrained and are sometimes held and reinforced by women themselves. The street harassment that sex workers in particular experience is therefore deeply complex and relates to factors far broader than the laws surrounding sex work.

Tackling the street harassment that street sex workers experience therefore relies on dismantling the structures that support the subjugation of all women. It also relies on women being part of the change themselves by supporting other women rather than tearing those down who do not adhere to gender norms. What this requires though is the transformation of these norms so that women’s worth is not measured against their sexual behavior, and all women are afforded the same respect.

In conclusion, the decriminalization of street-based sex work provided a symbolic shift in the societal positioning of women who sell sex. However, their status is still largely determined by social norms that control the behavior of all women and punish those who do not conform. Creating streets that can be a safe workplace for women who sell sex therefore requires far more dramatic change than a change in the law, rather a fundamental shift in societal views of women and sexuality in general.