A Longitudinal Test of a Feminist Pathways Model Among Black Youth: Incorporating Racial Discrimination and School Difficulties

Abstract

This study addresses important gaps in previous quantitative tests of feminist pathways theory by utilizing longitudinal data from Black men and women and by incorporating racial discrimination and school difficulties. We examine early physical abuse, sexual abuse, and racial discrimination as risks for criminal behavior and psychological distress, school difficulties, and substance use as links between early trauma and young adulthood crime. Consistent with previous studies, early abusive experiences were more salient for Black women than men, but racial discrimination was meaningful for both women and men. Moreover, the connections among mediators differed. Policy implications are offered.

Keywords

child abuse female criminality race

For decades, feminist criminologists have critiqued traditional criminological theories and related empirical work for ignoring causes of women’s offending, their criminal justice experiences, and the need for gender-specific programming (Belknap, 2007; Chesney-Lind, 1989; Covington & Bloom, 2007; Holsinger, 2000; Reisig et al., 2006; Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014). Relatedly, Black feminists and criminologists have noted that even as there is increased attention, both scholarly and public, to structural and societal influences of Black men’s experiences of oppression, there is no equal growth in concern for the injustices that shape Black women’s lives and contribute to their offending (Jones, 2010; Morris, 2016). Moreover, although men continue to offend at greater rates, growth in women’s and girls’ criminal justice involvement has significantly outpaced men’s as of late (The Sentencing Project, 2019). Thus, understanding risks for women’s offending is vital.

A central assertion of feminist criminology is that early victimization and trauma are precursors to women’s offending, a perspective referred to as feminist or gendered pathways theory (Covington & Bloom, 2007; Gehring, 2018). This perspective holds that early experiences of physical child abuse, sexual abuse, and other forms of trauma, as well as financial marginality and relational difficulties (e.g., familial drug use, intimate partner violence), start women on a trajectory toward criminal offending (Arnold, 1990; Covington & Bloom, 2007). In response to these traumatic and abusive experiences, some women develop mental health difficulties and attempt to cope and survive by engaging in behaviors such as running away, sex work, misbehavior at school, and substance use (Arnold, 1990; Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Crenshaw et al., 2015; Daly, 1992; Gehring, 2018). Rather than being viewed as survival strategies, these actions are criminalized, and, in turn, these women are treated as offenders instead of victims. As a result, women and girls make contact with the criminal justice system and escalate their criminal behavior over time (Chesney-Lind, 1989; Covington & Bloom, 2007; Daly, 1992; Gilfus, 1992). Although outside the scope of the current study, this perspective has also been utilized to explain women’s victimization, consistent with the idea of blurred boundaries between victim and offender (Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014, pp.198-200). Feminist criminologists recognize that the traumatic experiences that girls and women encounter as well as their responses to this adversity are rooted in patriarchal norms that justify the domination, abuse, sexualization, and oppression of women (Belknap, 2007; Chesney-Lind, 1989; Covington & Bloom, 2007; Holsinger, 2000).

The goal of the current study is to test a feminist pathways model among Black women and men. We posit that childhood/adolescent physical abuse, sexual abuse, and racial discrimination will impact criminal involvement in adulthood and that this will be partially explained by psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties in adolescence. We extend previous studies by utilizing longitudinal data from a community sample of Black youth and by incorporating racial discrimination and school difficulties, two aspects of feminist pathways theory that have not been extensively subjected to quantitative analysis.

Existing Work on Feminist Pathways Theory

Early work on feminist pathways theory was based on the notion that understanding the background of women criminals was a necessary precursor to theorizing about their criminal behavior. This research was qualitative, reflecting feminist criminologists’ focus on giving women a voice in explaining their own experiences. These early studies highlighted the extreme amounts of abuse and trauma that criminally involved women had experienced throughout their lives. For example, Arnold (1990) highlighted that the Black women in her study faced “triple jeopardy” related to their class, gender, and race (p. 163). Women detailed long histories of sexual and family violence based in male dominance, experiences of racial discrimination, and lifelong struggles with economic marginality linked to structural racism. Girls often ran away in attempts to resist and survive and, thus, became dislocated from vital social institutions. The criminalization of survival behaviors and social dislocation eventually lead to contact with the criminal justice system. Gilfus (1992) similarly documented childhoods characterized by sexual abuse, family instability, death of loved ones, educational neglect, and racial violence among Black incarcerated women (p. 70–71). These experiences led to adolescent survival attempts such as running away, truancy, stealing, sex work, and drug use. In adulthood, women’s lives were characterized by revictimization and the growth of criminal behavior and drug use.

In another foundational study, Daly (1992) utilized pre-sentence investigation reports, which include information on social, mental health, and substance use histories, and transcripts from women’s sentencing to build biographical profiles of women defendants. She found that five groups encapsulated women’s routes to crime. Harmed-and-harming women were characterized by histories of childhood maltreatment coupled with psychological and substance use issues as well as a tendency to behave violently. Battered women engaged in crime and violence as a result of their involvement with violent men. Street women had often run away from abusive homes, leading to street crimes (i.e., sex work, theft, drug selling), drug abuse issues, mental health problems, and extensive criminal records. Drug connected women were either addicted to drugs or sold drugs as a result of having drug-involved family members or partners. Finally, other women were those who engaged in crime due to economic circumstances but did not fit into the other profiles. Altogether, Daly’s (1992) work demonstrates that not all women follow the same pathways to criminal behavior but that, across these profiles, histories of abuse, substance use, and psychological issues are common.

Researchers have recently begun to utilize these early qualitative findings and other work by feminist criminologists (Belknap, 2007; Covington & Bloom, 2007) to guide quantitative tests of feminist pathways theory. Overall, these studies provide support for many of the patterns described in early qualitative pieces and add to this work by utilizing larger and more representative samples of women involved in crime (for an excellent review of existing work, see Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014). For example, Salisbury & Van Voorhis (2009) found that childhood abuse was indirectly related to incarceration among women on probation via substance abuse and ongoing depression and anxiety. They also found evidence for pathways stemming from dysfunctional relationships and from financial problems and poor academic achievement. In another study, Lynch et al. (2012) demonstrated that incarcerated women with serious mental illnesses had more extensive victimization and offending histories than other incarcerated women and reported greater substance use and criminal involvement.

Some research has also compared the salience of feminist pathways theory among both women and men. These studies show that the risks delineated by feminist pathways theory and the proposed relations among them are more relevant for women than men (e.g., Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Gehring, 2018; Jones et al., 2014; Walters, 2020). As an explanation for this pattern of findings, scholars note that women are more likely to be exposed to certain traumas (i.e., sexual abuse) because of the oppression and sexualization of women and because women sometimes respond to adversity in gendered ways (Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Gavazzi et al., 2006; Salisbury & Van Voorhis, 2009).

For instance, Belknap and Holsinger (2006) found that girls reported more extensive physical and sexual abuse histories and greater mental health difficulties compared to boys. They also reported that girls were more likely to believe that their delinquency was explicitly related to experiences of abuse. Gehring (2018) demonstrated that sexual abuse and physical abuse in childhood were linked to arrest and failure to appear via mental illness and substance use among women but not among men. For men, although physical abuse was related to mental health issues, neither mental health issues or substance use predicted recidivism, and childhood sexual abuse was only related to physical abuse but not recidivism. In a study utilizing the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, Walters (2020) reported that maternal closeness influenced rates of own and peer delinquency among girls but not among boys.

Other studies have demonstrated that some of these factors (i.e., abuse, mental illness) are relevant for both men’s and women’s offending. However, research also demonstrates that explanations for the connections between such variables and offending may still vary by gender (Johannson & Kempf-Leonard, 2009; Topitzes et al., 2011; Widom, 2017). For instance, Topitzes et al. (2011) asserted that the maltreatment and crime connection among women might be more influenced by utilizing substances to cope and by internalizing disorders (e.g., depression) compared to men.

Together, existing feminist pathways research highlights two key patterns. First, early experiences of physical and sexual abuse are potent risks for women’s later involvement and crime, and these risks may be more salient to women than men. Second, attempts to cope with early trauma are essential links between early risks and later crime, and work has demonstrated that substance use and psychological distress are two influences of the connection between early trauma and later criminal involvement.

The Potential Role of Racial Discrimination in Feminist Pathways Theory

Early qualitative pieces on pathways theory discussed that racial discrimination is a salient trauma pushing girls along a path of crime (Arnold, 1990; Gilfus, 1992). Feminist criminologists have also recognized the importance of incorporating experiences of racism into an understanding of women’s offending (Chesney-Lind, 2006; Holsinger, 2000), and others have recognized that racial discrimination is a form of violence and trauma (Henderson et al., 2019). Indeed, existing empirical work demonstrates that racial discrimination is a chronic and stressful experience reported by most Black youth in the United States (Seaton et al., 2008; Swim et al., 2003) and is a risk factor for delinquency and violence (Kang & Burton, 2014; Sutton et al., 2020). Moreover, research demonstrates that racial discrimination is a potent risk for psychological difficulties, problems at school, and substance use (Boynton et al., 2014; Hood et al., 2017; Kang & Burton, 2014).

To date, no quantitative test of feminist pathways theory has incorporated the role of racial discrimination. Consistent with Arnold (1990) and Gilfus (1992), among others, we argue that racial discrimination will be an early life experience that confers risk for criminal involvement in adulthood, akin to other traumatic experiences. Based on past research, it is likely that racial discrimination will impact both men and women’s crime (Burt et al., 2012; Evans et al., 2019). However, it is also possible that racial discrimination will not follow the same pathways to offending among men and women, consistent with pathways research more generally.

The Potential Role of School Difficulties in Feminist Pathways Theory

Arnold (1990) and Gilfus (1992) both documented school difficulties as precursors to women’s criminal involvement. They found that girls felt disconnected from their education and struggled to stay on track in the face of unacknowledged traumas and racism in the school system. This specific risk has rarely been considered in quantitative feminist pathways research. However, Belknap and Holsinger (2006) found that dropping out of school and problems with the law were more strongly related for girls than boys. Similarly, in a sample of women probationers, Salisbury and Van Voorhis (2009) found that educational strengths were protective against recidivism. Other empirical work demonstrates that academic issues, including truancy, suspension/expulsion, school performance, and lack of attachment or commitment to school, affect delinquency (Henry et al., 2012; Monahan et al., 2014; Topitzes et al., 2011; Watts, 2017).

Scholars have demonstrated that racial discrimination and scholastic experiences are often inextricably linked (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Fernandez et al., 2019; Morris, 2016; Unnever et al., 2016). Morris (2016) found that Black girls’ school experiences were characterized by implicit bias and outright racial violence by educators and school resource officers as well as racially biased discipline, curricula, and testing. Other work supports her findings (Smith-Evans et al., 2014; Welch & Payne, 2012). For example, Welch and Payne (2012) found racial threat (i.e., the percentage of Black students), but not delinquency, increased expulsion and suspension rates, as well as the enforcement of zero tolerance policies. Stereotypes about Black femininity also shape the academic context, and Black girls’ attempts to exert power and agency in the classroom are often perceived as disobedience and disrespect (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Morris, 2016; Smith-Evans et al., 2014). Together, these experiences can reduce educational attachment and success.

Research also demonstrates that children who are maltreated by parents are at an increased risk for school issues and, in turn, delinquency (Smith-Evans et al., 2014; Topitzes et al., 2011; Watts, 2017). For instance, Watts (2017) found that, among girls, school commitment mediated the relation between parental abuse and delinquency. Crenshaw et al. (2015) discuss that in a school environment characterized by punitiveness and a lack of counseling, girls dealing with abuse or other trauma may cope by misbehaving at school (p.35–36). When taken as a whole, existing work suggests that school difficulties may be relevant to feminist pathways research because they represent a link between early adversity and later criminal behavior and because Black girls’ experiences of school are influenced by both sexism and racism. Academic problems may affect both women’s and men’s offending (Monahan et al., 2014; Topitzes et al., 2011) or may only be influential for women (Watts, 2017).

The Current Study

With this study, we aim to add to a small but growing body of literature on feminist pathways theory. In addition to our incorporation of racial discrimination and school difficulties, we attempt to address other gaps in previous tests of the perspective. First, most previous quantitative tests to our knowledge have relied on defendant or offender samples. Relatedly, these studies have mostly investigated criminal justice involvement, such as recidivism or arrest. One exception is a study by Walters (2020), which utilized the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine child and peer delinquency. Still, this dataset was oversampled for families considered “at-risk” (p. 7).

Although these studies are groundbreaking, they are likely capturing the experiences of girls and women facing the most extreme adversities and outcomes. It is possible that youth in community samples, given their greater likelihood of having access to social resources, might experience a longer timeline between early trauma and arrest or incarceration. The experiences of such individuals will not be captured in work focusing on offender or “at-risk” samples or those examining criminal justice involvements as an outcome. Moreover, young adults engaging in crime but not currently involved in the criminal justice system are ideal targets for prevention efforts informed by a feminist pathways perspective. Put simply, it is vital to understand if the feminist pathways model has theoretical as well as prevention and intervention implications for women and girls across a range of risks or if the model is more salient in aiding those who are most marginalized or already involved in the criminal justice system. Thus, we utilize a community-based sample of Black youth and explore self-report criminal behavior as our outcome of interest.

Second, no study to our knowledge has utilized longitudinal data to test several major tenants of the feminist pathways theory. Given the centrality of childhood/adolescent traumas and linking mechanisms in the feminist pathways perspective, this gap in the literature has the potential to impede our full understanding of the model’s relevance to women’s crime. Specifically, retrospective reports may be influenced by a participant’s current mental state or context. To address this omission in the literature, we utilize prospective and longitudinal data spanning from late childhood to young adulthood. The only exception is that our measure of early sexual abuse (before the age of 15 years) was gathered when participants were 18 years old.

Our theoretical model for predicting young adulthood crime is shown in Figure 1. As we utilize longitudinal data following youth from late childhood into young adulthood, we focus on adversities that are likely to occur early in the life course and are consistent with previous work by feminist criminologists (e.g., Arnold, 1990; Gehring, 2018; Lynch et al., 2012): physically abusive parenting, sexual abuse, and racial discrimination. Outside of feminist pathways research, empirical work demonstrates that physical and sexual abuse and racial discrimination are potent risks for offending (Kang & Burton, 2014; Tyler et al., 2010; Widom, 2017). Feminist pathways theory also posits that psychological difficulties and coping behaviors will mediate the effect of early adversity on later crime. Thus, consistent with both feminist pathways theory (Arnold, 1990; Gehring, 2018; Salisbury & Van Voorhis, 2009; Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014) and other work (Burt et al., 2012; Henry et al., 2012; Morris, 2016; Schubert et al., 2011; Tyler et al., 2010; Watts, 2017), we examine psychological difficulties, substance use, and school difficulties in adolescence. There is also some evidence that substance use and school problems may partially result from attempts to cope with psychological difficulties (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Fernandez et al., 2019; Hood et al., 2017; Lynch et al., 2012). We, therefore, examine this possibility in our model. Last, to account for other variables that influence criminal behavior (Evans et al., 2019; Franzese et al., 2017; Simons et al., 2016; Watts, 2017), we control for baseline conduct disorder, deviant peer association, self-control, exposure to neighborhood victimization, and family economic hardship.

Figure 1.

Conceptual model.

We test our model with both men and women. Based on previous feminist pathways theory work, we expect that women’s, but not men’s, crime will be explained by pathways stemming from physical abuse and sexual abuse (e.g., Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Gehring, 2018). As described previously, we also expect that both women’s and men’s crime will be explained by pathways rooted in racial discrimination (Burt et al., 2012; Evans et al., 2019).

Method

Sample and Procedure

We utilize the Family and Community Health Study (FACHS), a longitudinal, prospective dataset. The purpose of this study is to explore community and family predictors of youth development. Families were recruited in Georgia and Iowa from block group areas that were composed of at least 10% Black individuals and in which at least 10% were living in poverty (Simons et al., 2003). Of the contacted families, 88% agreed to participate. Data collection began in 1997 with a target youth around the age of 11 years, a primary caregiver, and a secondary caregiver (if living in the home).

Data for the current study come from Waves 1 through 4. Over 85% of the original target youth participated at Waves 2, 3, and 4. Those who did not participate at these waves did not differ from those retained in the study in terms of several variables including economic hardship, baseline conduct disorder, caregiver education, target or primary caregiver age, or gender.

The sample consists of 478 female and 411 male youth and their families. Across the waves of the study, youth were an average age of 10.6 years (W1), 12.6 years (W2), 15.7 years (W3), and 18.8 years (W4). A little less than half of the families had single-parent caregivers (47.4%). Of those with a co-caregiver, most were mother–father families (39.1%) or a parent and their romantic partner (25.3%). Others were mother–grandmother dyads (11%) and other parenting pairs (e.g., aunt-uncle, adoptive parent, other relatives; 24.6%).

Measures

Racial discrimination

Youth reported on experiences of discrimination at Waves 1, 2, and 3 using an adapted version of the Schedule of Racists Events (SRE; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Original items were altered to be relevant to youth (see Simons et al., 2003). Participants indicated how often in the last year they had experienced 13 occurrences such as being hassled by police, being called a racial slur, or being mistreated due to their racial background (1 = Never to 4 = Several Times). All items were averaged for the final scale (α = .93).

Sexual abuse before 15

At Wave 4, participants were asked if they had experienced sexual abuse before the age of 15 years. Specifically, they were asked, before the age of 15 years, if an adult ever touched them sexually, persuaded them to engage in a sex act, or forced them to engage in a sex act. The final variable was dichotomously coded so that 1 = any instance of sexual abuse and 0 = no sexual abuse.

Parental physical abuse

At Waves 1 through 3, youth responded to eight items that indicated how often their caregiver had engaged in physically abusive behaviors in the past year (1 = Never to 4 = Always). For example, youth were asked how often their caregiver had pushed or shoved them, slapped or hit them, hit them with an object, or threw things at them. All items were averaged for the final scale (α = .67).

Substance use

Youth indicated how often they had used alcohol and marijuana at Wave 3. Two items were used. First, participants were asked how often they had had three or more drinks in the last year. Second, participants were asked how often they had used marijuana to get high in the last year. For each item, response categories ranged from 0 = never to 5 = several times per week. The items were summed for a measure of substance use in adolescence (α = .64).

Psychological distress

At Wave 3, targets were interviewed using the Diagnostic Interview Schedule for Children—Version 4 (DISC-IV; Schaffer et al., 1993). We utilize 33 depression and anxiety items to form an index of psychological distress. For example, youth were asked if, in the last year, they had felt sad/unhappy, had trouble sleeping, thought about suicide, had worried about mistakes, had been very tense, and had aches and pains (1 = yes). All items were summed (α = .87).

School difficulties

At Wave 3, youth responded to several items indicating issues they were having at school. First, youth were asked if they had been suspended from school in the past year. Then, youth answered four items indicating their school commitment and attachment. For example, youth indicated their agreement with statements about skipping school, doing well at school, and feeling like they belong at school (1 = strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree). Finally, utilizing two items, youth indicated the quality of their relationship with teachers. Specifically, they were asked how much they agreed with “You feel very close to at least one of your teachers” and “You get along well with your teachers” (1 = strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree). All items were coded so that higher scores indicated more problems at school. Items were standardized and summed for the final measure (α = .63).

Young adulthood crime

At Wave 4, when participants were an average of 18 to 19 years old, they were asked about their involvement in violent and property crime. Specifically, they were asked if they had engaged in 11 different behaviors, including shoplifting, larceny, vandalism, burglary, robbery, fighting, and hurting someone badly. Each item was dichotomously coded as 0 = did not engage in this behavior and 1 = did engage in this behavior. All items were summed to form a count of criminal behavior in young adulthood (α = .70).

Control variables

Five additional variables measured at Wave 1 were included. First, we account for baseline conduct disorder. This construct was measured using the DISC-IV (Schaffer et al., 1993) and includes status offenses (e.g., running away), property crime (e.g., shoplifting, larceny), and violence (e.g., bullying, fighting). Second, a measure of deviant friends was included. Youth indicated how many of their friends (1 = none of them, 3 = all of them) engaged in 19 antisocial behaviors in the last year, including skipping school, larceny, vandalism, fighting, and substance use. Third, we include a measure of self-control (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1977). Participants were asked to indicate agreement with six questions (1 = not at all true, 3 = very true) such as “You enjoy taking risks” and “Life with no danger could be dull for you.” Fourth, to account for exposure to neighborhood crime and violence, we include an indicator of neighborhood victimization. Targets were asked if they or a household member had experienced violence (e.g., mugging, assault) in their neighborhood (1 = yes). Finally, primary caregivers reported on the amount of economic pressure their family experienced with 17 items. For example, caregivers were asked, in the last year, if they struggled to pay for basic needs such as food and clothing; if they had made financial cutbacks in several areas including utility use, medical insurance, and housing costs; and if they had enough money to make ends meet.

Analysis

Since our measure of criminal behavior is a count variable with a Poisson distribution (high right skew), we employed negative binomial regression in a path analysis framework. Preliminary analyses were performed in SPSS, and all path analyses were performed with Mplus version 8. Missing data were handled with Full Information Maximum Likelihood (FIML). Indirect effects were tested with the bootstrapping method, which is more rigorous than more traditional methods (i.e., Sobel tests) and accounts for non-normality in variables (Preacher & Hayes, 2008).

Results

Descriptive statistics are shown in Table 1. Women and men did not differ in their exposure to racial discrimination or parental physical abuse in late childhood/early adolescence, but Black women reported rates of sexual abuse that were almost 2 times as high as rates for Black men (9.3% vs. 5.4%). Participants also did not differ by sex concerning substance use or school difficulties. Women reported significantly greater psychological distress, and, as expected, men reported greater engagement in crime during young adulthood. Descriptive statistics indicate that, in our community sample of Black youth, men and women did not differ in exposure to many risks identified by the feminist pathways literature, but women did report greater sexual abuse and psychological distress. However, as described in the following, path analysis indicated that the pathways to crime for women and men did differ in our sample.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables.

	Women (n = 478)		Men (n = 411)
Variables	M (SD)/%	Range	M (SD)/%	Range
Racial discrimination	1.68 (0.44)	1–3.00	1.64 (0.46)	1–3.64
Sexual abuse	9.3%*	0–1	5.4%	0–1
Parental physical abuse	1.38 (0.20)	1–2.35	1.40 (0.22)	1–2.75
Substance use	0.78 (1.70)	0–10	0.79 (1.74)	0–10
Psychological distress	9.69 (6.88)*	0–28	7.09 (6.29)	0–26
School difficulties^a	–0.14 (3.85)	–7.96 to 12.84	0.16 (3.77)	–7.49 to 16.21
Young adult crime	0.72 (1.19)*	0–7	1.07 (1.60)	0–9

Note. ANOVA = analysis of variance.

Items for school difficulties have been standardized.

Significant difference by sex at p < .10 (ANOVA, χ²).

Path Analysis: Women

Figure 2 displays the results of path analysis for women (Figure 2). Fully recursive models were run, but, for clarity, only significant paths are shown. Since negative binomial regressions are used, coefficients for paths to the count outcome variable of crime can be interpreted as incidence rate ratios (IRRs). Other coefficients should be interpreted as regular standardized regression coefficients. This results in larger coefficients for paths to the outcome variable (IRRs) than between the other variables (standardized regression coefficients).

Figure 2.

Results of path analysis for women.

Several paths emerged as significant in the model examining Black women’s crime in young adulthood. Early experiences of racial discrimination (IRR = 1.791, p = .00) had a direct impact on young adulthood criminal behavior at Wave 4. Racial discrimination was also related to adolescent substance use (β = .15, p = .00) and psychological distress (β = .17, p = .00). Early sexual abuse also increased young women’s psychological distress (β = .12, p = .02). Parental physical abuse was related to an increased risk of substance use (β = .18, p = .00) and school difficulties (β = .18, p = .00) among adolescent women. As expected, psychological distress during adolescence increased girls’ substance use and their issues at school. In turn, both substance use (IRR = 1.114; p = .00) and school difficulties (IRR = 1.063, p = .00) directly increased young adulthood criminal behavior. Each one-unit increase in substance use was related to 11.4% greater likelihood of crime, and each one-unit increase in school difficulties to 6.3% greater likelihood of crime during young adulthood among Black women.

These results indicate that all three forms of early trauma examined here were influential in understanding women’s pathways to crime in young adulthood. Although evidence that sexual and physical abuse as precursors to women’s crime exists (e.g., Gehring, 2018; Widom, 2017), this is among the first studies to provide empirical support that racial discrimination is a type of trauma that influences crime via risks delineated by feminist pathways theory. Adolescent reactions to early adversity included psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties. These results also indicate that, in part, substance use and problems at school represented reactions to psychological distress for the women in our study.

Bootstrapping analysis (iterations = 1,000) was utilized to test for indirect effects. Results indicated that there were several significant mediations (Table 2). Psychological distress significantly mediated the effect of both sexual abuse, β = .02, 95% confidence interval (CI) = [0.006, 0.233], and racial discrimination, β = .02, 95% CI = [0.016, 0.186], on substance abuse. In turn, the indirect effect from psychological distress to women’s crime via substance use approached significance (at the .10 level), β = .05, 95% CI = [0.000, 0.009]. Similarly, psychological distress linked sexual abuse, β = .01, 95% CI = [0.015, 0.510], and racial discrimination, β=.02, 95% CI = [0.019, 0.425], to school difficulties, and the mediated effect from psychological distress to school difficulties to crime approached significance, β = .06, 95% CI = [0.000, 0.009]. Substance use also mediated the effect of racial discrimination on crime, β = .05, 95% CI = [0.008, 0.126]. Finally, two indirect effects involving physically abusive parenting were significant: both substance use, β = .07, 95% CI = [0.026, 0.410], and school difficulties, β = .08, 95% CI = [0.032, 0.496], linked physically abusive parenting in adolescence to women’s crime in young adulthood. Results of indirect effects analysis provide further evidence that early traumas are linked to women’s crime via coping responses, including psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties. These findings support the major contention of feminist pathways theory that women’s early adversity and trauma lead to survival and coping behaviors in adolescence and, in turn, involvement in young adulthood crime.

Table 2.

Results of Bootstrapping Analysis (Iterations = 1,000).

Mediation Pathways	β	95% CI
Women
Sexual Abuse → Psychological Distress → Substance Use	.02*	[0.006, 0.233]
Racial Discrimination → Psychological Distress → Substance Use	.02*	[0.016, 0.186]
Psychological Distress → Substance Use → Crime	.05**	[0.000, 0.009]
Sexual Abuse → Psychological Distress → School Difficulties	.01*	[0.015, 0.510]
Racial Discrimination → Psychological Distress → School Difficulties	.02*	[0.019, 0.425]
Psychological Distress → School Difficulties → Crime	.06**	[0.000, 0.009]
Racial Discrimination → Substance Use → Crime	.05*	[0.008, 0.126]
Physically Abusive Parenting → Substance Use → Crime	.07*	[0.026, 0.410]
Physically Abusive Parenting → School Difficulties → Crime	.08*	[0.032, 0.496]
Men
Racial Discrimination → Substance Use → Crime	.11*	[ 0.046, 0.238]
Racial Discrimination → Psychological Distress → Crime	.04**	[–0.006, 0.133]
Racial Discrimination → School Difficulties → Crime	.10**	[–0.006, 0.235]

Confidence interval significant at <.05.

Confidence interval significant at <.10. Standardized coefficients presented.

Path Analysis: Men’s Results

Unlike the results for women, pathways to men’s crime were not influenced by either parental physical abuse or sexual abuse (see Figure 3). Rather, racial discrimination increased risk for substance use (β = .18, p = .00), psychological distress (β = .12, p = .03), and school difficulties (β = .23, p = .00). In turn, each of these adolescent risk factors was directly related to men’s crime in young adulthood. Among men, each one-unit increase in substance use increased risk for crime by 18.6%, each one-unit increase in psychological distress by 2.2%, and each one-unit increase in school difficulties by 4.0%. Contrary to the results for women, psychological distress did not have a concurrent impact on either school difficulties or substance use among Black men. Bootstrapping analysis (see Table 2) demonstrated that substance use mediated the effect of racial discrimination on crime among men, β = .11, 95% CI = [0.046, 0.238]. The indirect effects from racial discrimination to crime via psychological distress, β = .04, 95% CI = [−0.006, 0.133], and school difficulties, β = .10, 95% CI = [−0.006, 0.235], approached significance.

Figure 3.

Results of path analysis for men.

Contrary to the results for women, men’s pathways to crime were exclusively influenced by racial discrimination. However, men and women did tend to react to early experiences of racial discrimination in the same way—with psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties. A major difference that emerged is that men’s psychological distress did not influence substance use or academic problems. This finding indicates that men may be less likely than women to use substances to cope with psychological distress and are also less likely to experience low commitment and attachment to school as a result of mental health problems. Together, our results demonstrate that a feminist pathways model, although somewhat relevant to men, provides a more comprehensive explanation of women’s criminal involvement.

Discussion

The goal of this study was to test and extend previous works on feminist pathways theory. We examined late childhood/early adolescent racial discrimination, parental physical abuse, and sexual abuse as risk factors for later criminal behavior, and we included adolescent psychological distress, school difficulties, and substance use as potential pathways linking early adversity to young adulthood crime. Overall, our results were consistent with early qualitative work (Arnold, 1990; Daly, 1992; Gilfus, 1992) as well as previous quantitative tests of feminist pathways research (Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Gehring, 2018; Lynch et al., 2012; Salisbury & Van Voorhis, 2009).

We also built on previous research by utilizing longitudinal and prospective data (except for our measure for early sexual abuse) from a community-based sample of Black youth. No other study to our knowledge has been able to test relations among various feminist pathways theory variables with data spanning from adolescence to young adulthood. Indeed, the use of longitudinal data is important because it allows us to demonstrate that the mechanisms described in feminist pathways theory can unfold over time.

Furthermore, youth in this sample come from various socioeconomic backgrounds and areas of residence (e.g., rural, urban, suburban) and live in families of various forms (e.g., married parent families, grandmother-mother families, stepfamilies, and single parenting families). Thus, the sample used in the current study is more diverse and representative of Black youth than the offender samples used in most other work on feminist pathways theory. So, our work provides initial evidence that the feminist pathways theory is meaningful not only to those facing extreme adversity or who are already justice involved but for youth who might be considered “lower risk” and are not currently entrenched in the justice system.

This study is also among the first to incorporate both racial discrimination and school difficulties into a quantitative test of feminist pathways theory. The inclusion of each of these potential risks is important given work showing their close connection (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Morris, 2016; Unnever et al., 2016) as well as independent influences on crime (Evans et al., 2019; Watts, 2017). Others have discussed racial discrimination as a form of trauma (Henderson et al., 2019), and our results provide some evidence that this experience has similar effects to other early life adversities (i.e., abuse) discussed in feminist pathways literature (Chesney-Lind, 2006; Holsinger, 2000). Our findings also highlight that, as Arnold (1990) discussed, dislocation from social institutions such as school represents a meaningful link between early adversity and criminal behavior.

We found that all three early forms of trauma (i.e., physical abuse, sexual abuse, and racial discrimination) were indirectly linked to criminal behavior among young Black women and that racial discrimination also exerted a direct effect on crime. Alternatively, only racial discrimination was a salient early risk for men—neither sexual abuse nor physical abuse was related directly or indirectly to crime among Black men. These results support previous work demonstrating that experiences of abuse are more likely to impact women’s than men’s offending (Belknap & Holsinger, 2006; Gehring, 2018; Watts, 2017) and research showing an impact of racial discrimination on crime for men and women (Burt et al., 2012; Evans et al., 2019).

Our findings also indicate that the pathways linking early abuse and trauma to adulthood crime differed for men and women. We found evidence of several avenues from early adversity to crime among women. For one, sexual abuse lead to psychological distress, which, in turn, was linked to young adult criminal behavior via school difficulties and substance use. Adolescent racial discrimination started women on a path toward psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties, ultimately leading to offending in adulthood. Physical abuse was directly or indirectly related to all three proposed mediators. As expected, psychological distress was indirectly linked to crime via substance use and school difficulties. These findings are consistent with theorizing and empirical work that highlight women’s coping and survival strategies, as well as dislocation from social institutions, are pathways to criminal behavior following trauma and abuse (Arnold, 1990; Gehring, 2018; Lynch et al., 2012; Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014).

For men, the pathways to crime were less varied—only racial discrimination was indirectly linked to young adulthood crime via psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties. Also, unlike women, psychological distress was not a predictor of either substance use or school difficulties. Rather, it was a direct predictor of men’s offending. Contrary to the pattern of women’s results, this suggests that academic problems and substance use might not represent attempts to cope with or respond to mental health difficulties among men. Given these differences between men and women, our findings align with work by feminist criminologists who assert that the impact of abuse on women is gendered and rooted in patriarchal norms that justify the domination, sexualization, and oppression of women (Belknap, 2007; Chesney-Lind, 1989; Covington & Bloom, 2007; Holsinger, 2000).

As a whole, our findings provide meaningful new insights to the body of work on feminist pathways theory. One goal of this study was to demonstrate the need to include both racial discrimination and school difficulties in future tests of feminist pathways theory, when possible. Racial discrimination and school difficulties emerged as important precursors to both women’s and men’s crime. Given the direct and indirect influence of racial discrimination on psychological distress, school distress, substance use, and crime, our results suggest that racial discrimination exerts a powerful and traumatic influence on the lives of Black youth over time and across domains.

Another purpose of this study was to examine psychological distress, substance use, and school difficulties as mediators of the link between early experiences and young adulthood crime and to test the influence of psychological distress on substance use and academic problems. We found that school difficulties acted as a salient pathway to offending for women broadly, linking not only discrimination to adulthood crime but physical abuse, sexual abuse, and psychological distress as well. These findings support our contention and the arguments of others (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Morris, 2016) that both gender- and race-related mechanisms of influence shape girls’ experiences at school and, therefore, are relevant to feminist pathways research. Our results also support previous claims that women, in particular, utilize substance use to cope with trauma (e.g., Gilfus, 1992; Topitzes et al., 2011). Indeed, mental health difficulties were partially responsible for the link between early trauma and substance use among women in our study, but among men, psychological distress and substance use were unrelated and distinctly connected to crime.

There are some limitations to this study. For one, although all other variables are measured prospectively, participants reported sexual abuse experienced before the age of 15 years when they were about 18 years old. Future longitudinal studies would benefit from including prospectively collected data on sexual abuse experiences. Second, we utilized a broad measure of racial discrimination that does not include questions specific to the school context. Youth who experience discrimination at school may face more academic difficulties than those who experience racial discrimination elsewhere. Future studies may explore if racial discrimination experienced at school, in the community, or among peers have differential impacts on psychological distress, substance use, school difficulties, and crime.

There are several practical implications of this study. We found that sexual abuse was significantly higher among women than men, and early experiences of physical and sexual abuse were only related to women’s crime. These findings, consistent with previous work, support the need for gender-responsive services for women offenders (Covington & Bloom, 2007; Gehring, 2018; Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014). Gender-responsive programming must avoid recreating traumatic environments (Covington & Bloom, 2007, p.13). Programming should also address early traumas by offering safe spaces to heal and to discuss the impact of abuse and adversity on problematic behavior. Moreover, given the influence of psychological distress on women’s substance use, school difficulties, and crime, addressing mental health may represent a linchpin in preventing future offending. Programs will be most effective when they address each of these issues with integrated and comprehensive services (Covington & Bloom, 2007, p. 14).

In addition to targeting women already involved in the criminal justice system, gender-responsive programming should be available for women and girls who are at-risk for criminal justice involvement because of experiences of early adversity and related coping responses, dislocation from social institutions, and criminal involvement (Wattanaporn & Holtfreter, 2014). It must also be recognized that Black women have unique backgrounds that diverge from experiences of both Black men and White women (Jones, 2010; Morris, 2016; Roberts et al., 2000). Thus, efforts to intervene with Black women and girls must address the inseparable influences of racism and sexism on their lived experiences and pathways to crime.

Furthermore, our findings demonstrate a need for culturally competent interventions for young Black men and women engaged in offending or who display risks for adulthood criminal behavior. Roberts et al. (2000) made several recommendations based on feminist and Afrocentric theories including training facilitators to “shed stereotypes” of Black women, providing positive Black role models as examples, utilizing media that portray Black men and women in positive ways, and teaching critical thinking skills as a path to empowerment (p. 908–911). Research on partner violence can also guide policy recommendations in this area. Scholars discussing this issue have highlighted how opportunities to discuss social and racial injustice provide men with an opportunity to confront the indirect cause of their criminal behavior and encourage openness to change (Williams, 1999). These approaches should be strength-based and recognize the existing assets of Black women and men.

This study also demonstrates a need for school-based interventions and policies. Black youth experiencing abuse and trauma need resources to help them succeed in school. Scholars have suggested the availability of mentoring programs; healthy relationship and social–emotional education; counseling services; the reduced presence of law enforcement; culturally competent curricula; and allowing youth chances to influence their educational environment (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Morris, 2016; Smith-Evans et al., 2014). Disciplinary practices that unfairly target Black youth must also be replaced with more restorative options that center learning (Morris, 2016). For instance, willful defiance sanctions, zero tolerance policies, and dress code policies unfairly affect both Black boys and girls and should be repealed (Morris, 2016; Smith-Evans et al., 2014; Welch & Payne, 2012). Finally, although many educators genuinely care about their students, implicit biases related to both race and gender can result in differential treatment of Black youth (Morris, 2016), so the availability of professional development opportunities is important. These opportunities may include education on counteracting implicit violence, restorative conflict resolution skills, and the various ways racism, classism, and sexism shape the lives of Black youth (Morris, 2016; Smith-Evans et al., 2014). Educators may also benefit from training in trauma-informed approaches for working with youth experiencing a wide range of issues (Crenshaw et al., 2015).

In conclusion, our study builds on existing feminist pathways theory work. Our findings demonstrate the powerful force that racial discrimination exerts on the lives of Black youth. Although feminist criminologists have highlighted the importance of racism previously, our study provides empirical evidence that racial discrimination should be considered a major source of trauma akin to abuse and victimization. We also found that early physical and sexual abuse were more salient risks for women’s than men’s crime and that women might be more likely to respond to mental health issues with substance use and school difficulties. These findings indicate that prevention and intervention efforts aimed at helping women need to address the healing of various traumas and responses to trauma comprehensively. Moreover, our study provides evidence that the mechanisms suggested by feminist pathways theory do hold up when examined over time. Our findings, alongside previous work, also demonstrate that the feminist pathways theory is relevant to women and girls across a range of risks and is salient to those who are not currently involved in the criminal justice system. Our findings have important implications for culturally sensitive and gender-responsive intervention efforts as well as school-based programs and policies.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: RO1 HL188045; R01 HD080749

ORCID iD

Tara E. Sutton

Author Biographies

Tara E. Sutton, PhD, is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at Mississippi State University. Her research focuses on the social and family contexts of intimate partner violence, sexual assault, child abuse, and other criminal and deviant behavior among adolescents and young adults. She is particularly interested in violence against women and children, the intergenerational transmission of violence, and women’s crime.

Leslie Gordon Simons, PhD, is a professor of sociology at the University of Georgia. Her program of research focuses on the sociocontextual predictors of experiences in the family of origin and antisocial outcomes for adolescents and emerging adults. Of particular interest are issues related to women and children such as child abuse, intimate partner violence, and sexual assault.

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