Abstract
Limited research exists on police officers’ service provision for sexual and domestic violence survivors after they formally report. This study used surveys from 452 commissioned officers at an urban police department in one of the five largest and most diverse U.S. cities to examine police perceptions of victim advocates, self-reported frequency of referral, and predictors of service referral among police. Findings revealed officers were relatively likely to provide referrals and held somewhat favorable attitudes of advocates. Knowledge of services and positive perceptions of advocates increased the frequency of service referral to victims. Implications and future research directions are discussed.
Keywords
Introduction
Gender violence is common, produces long-term negative consequences for victims, and has historically been downplayed by the criminal justice system. Domestic violence (DV) was historically framed as a “private” matter that did not require formal intervention (Martin, 1975). Social change was heavily influenced by paternalism and enforcement strategies that limited victim agency by implementing mandatory arrest and no-drop prosecution policies (Lutze & Symons, 2003). Similarly, shortcomings in response to sexual assault (SA) have been demonstrated through a national backlog of untested forensic medical exams in U.S. cities (Campbell et al., 2017) and high rates of case attrition (Morabito et al., 2019). Also, SA victims who have contacted police have reported experiencing disbelief and stigma, producing secondary victimization and discouraging victim cooperation (Campbell, 2008; Lorenz et al., 2019; Maddox et al., 2011; Patterson, 2011a, 2011b).
Police have regular contact with DV and SA victims and possess the ability to influence case processing (Campbell, 2008; Maddox et al, 2011; Patterson, 2011a, 2011b). Moreover, scholars have argued that police may draw upon existing frameworks or schema to inform decisions surrounding the need for intervention (Robinson, 2000; Stalans & Finn, 1995; Watson et al., 2014). Schema theory explores how individuals make decisions and interpret events based on external factors that shape an individual’s frames of reference (Rumelhart, 1984; Rumelhart & Ortony, 1977; Taylor & Crocker, 1981). These influences include cultural myths perpetuated by a patriarchal society that blames victims of gender violence and neutralizes perpetrator behavior (Burt, 1980; Koss et al., 1994). Among police, schemata are shaped by officers’ broader socialization, academy training, and prior experiences (Watson et al., 2014). An officer’s schema about an SA or DV incident, for example, could compel them to determine whether they should activate the criminal justice system or informally respond through mediation or service referral. Of particular importance is understanding officer decisions to make a service referral, as direct resource provision can mitigate victim trauma and encourage participation in the criminal justice system (Camacho & Alarid, 2008; Campbell, 2008; Dawson & Dinovitzer, 2001). Thus, schema theory may aid in understanding the importance that police place on providing service referral to DV and SA victims.
Using schema theory as a theoretical framework to understand decision making, the present study examined police officers’ intentions to provide service referral for DV and SA victims. The study used surveys from a sample of 452 participants commissioned at a sizeable urban police agency located in one of the five most populous and diverse U.S. cities. This builds upon existing police decision making and gender violence research by: (1) assessing police perceptions of victim advocates; (2) determining the frequency of service referral to survivors; and (3) identifying predictors of service referral.
Schema Theory & Police Response to Domestic and Sexual Violence
Nearly half of DV and SA victims describe their experiences with police as negative (Campbell, 2008; Erez & Belknap, 1998; Monroe et al., 2005; Stephens & Sinden, 2000). Adverse responses from officers have included reactions such as disbelief, judgment toward a victim’s attire and sexual history, and questions surrounding credibility or moral character (Campbell, 2008; Erez & Belknap, 1998; Lorenz et al., 2019; Maier, 2014; Patterson, 2011a, 2011b; Stephens & Sinden, 2000). When victims feel invalidated, are met with uncertainty, and perceive police as blaming, they have discontinued participation in case processing (Koss, 2000). One factor that may explain negative police response is an adherence to myths that blame DV and SA victims for their victimization (DeJong et al., 2008; Franklin et al., 2019; Garza & Franklin, 2020; Page, 2010).
According to schema theory, an individual’s interpretation of a particular event is influenced by the shorthand they draw upon to understand a given circumstance. This can be informed by broader patriarchal socialization that has distrusted women and justified gender violence. A patriarchal society is male-dominated, male-identified, and male-centered (Johnson, 1997), and facilitates harmful stereotypes about women (Johnson, 1997; Koss et al., 1994). When translated to policing, officers may view gender violence with skepticism, express disregard for the victim, and exhibit frustration surrounding the complex dynamics involving intimate partners ( e.g., “if it was so bad, she could leave”) or sexual violence (e.g., “she shouldn’t have been dressed that way”). Police may respond to gender violence in ways that are belittling and disenfranchising because schema could suggest these incidents are not intervention-worthy offenses. Alternatively, positive police responses to DV and SA victims consist of compassion and empathy (Maddox et al., 2011), which can include the decision to provide service referrals and involve victim advocates.
The importance of service referral is underscored by the benefits of advocate involvement, which has improved relations between police and victims, enhanced cooperation, augmented investigative progress, and increased guilty case dispositions (Camacho & Alarid, 2008; Dawson & Dinovitzer, 2001; Regoeczi & Hubbard, 2018). Of note, police agencies may engage in different models of services for victims (Wilson & Segrave, 2011). Wilson and Segrave (2011), for example, introduced three categories for understanding police victim service referral: (1) dedicated unit services; (2) dedicated liaison officer; and (3) referral services. Dedicated unit services may include a particular unit (Family Violence Unit or Sex Crimes) created with specialized officers and advocates. Moreover, a dedicated liaison officer is tasked with working with victims and connecting them to services, in addition to their general duties. Referral services include direct provision from front line officers in the form of tangible information with resources (a victim services form). Thus, there is no “one size fits all” model for victim service delivery from police, and in fact, agencies may benefit from a hybrid model to best support victims (Wilson & Segrave, 2011). The police agency in the current study uses a hybrid model of dedicated unit and referral services.
Similarly, there are two types of advocates who most frequently work in concert with police: (1) community-based advocates housed outside government agencies (non-government organizations, or NGOs); and (2) system-based advocates embedded within government agencies (Lonsway & Archambault, 2008). Community-based advocates or NGOs can include rape crisis counselors, mental health providers, social workers, and domestic violence shelters. System-based advocates consist of in-unit victim advocates, specialized SA response teams (SARTs), and specialized domestic violence units embedded within and employed by police and/or prosecutors offices. Regardless of location, both types of advocate professionals are committed to providing service provision for all victims.
Police Perceptions of Victim Advocates
Relations between advocacy and police organizations are often tense. Conflict can stem from contrasting goals, policies, and perspectives in responding to victims (Carmody, 2006; Lonsway & Archambault, 2008; Martin, 2005; Sudderth, 2006). The structure of police organizations are also largely militaristic, with officers prioritizing investigative protocols (Martin, 2005) rather than mediating conflict and addressing victim needs. Alternatively, advocacy agencies are founded on feminist values and focus on victim-centered approaches (Martin, 2005; Sudderth, 2006), with less attention given to suspect apprehension and justice outcomes. Despite the positive impact victim advocates have on gender violence case processing, research on police perceptions of victim advocates is limited.
Existing scholarship has demonstrated inconsistencies in police perceptions of advocates (Corcoran et al., 2001; Gaines & Wells, 2017; Hatten & Moore, 2010; Lonsway & Archambault, 2008; Lord & Rassel, 2000; Sudderth, 2006; Ward-Lasher et al., 2017). Mixed findings within the literature may be attributed to the type of advocate (community-based NGO or system-based), heterogeneity of officer samples, and various methods used to assess perceptions of advocates. Still, some officers have perceived advocates as beneficial because they provide support, improve communication with police, and help victims navigate the complexities of the criminal justice system (Corcoran et al., 2001; Gaines & Wells, 2017; Hatten & Moore, 2010; Lord & Rassel, 2000). Corcoran and colleagues (2001), for instance, examined the perceptions and use of an in-unit domestic violence response team (DVRT) among a sample of 219 patrol officers in a southwestern state. More than half of officers (65.8%) reported using the DVRT, and 79% perceived the DVRT as helpful in investigating DV incidents.
Alternatively, some police have reported negative perceptions of advocates. These concerns stemmed from notions that advocates may have encouraged non-reporting, disrupted the investigation process, and interrupted suspect prosecution in order to protect a victim’s well-being (Gaines & Wells, 2017; Lonsway & Archambault, 2008; Martin, 2005; Ward-Lasher et al., 2017). Ward-Lasher and colleagues (2017), for example, assessed perceptions of risk assessment collaborations with community social workers among more than 500 Arizona police officers. Nearly three-quarters of officers did not agree that a social worker would be helpful in terms of DV investigations. Despite mixed perceptions, the utility of victim advocates with DV and SA incidents should not be undervalued. Much remains unknown in terms of understanding police perceptions of advocates and their role, if any, on police officer service referral.
Importance of Service Referral
Service referral has been one of the more tangible tools that police use to respond in a trauma-informed manner and enhance responses to gender violence (Department of Justice, 2015). Despite the implications of service referral on police outcomes, a comprehensive review of research on police referral produced few existing studies. This literature is also relatively dated. Four studies have examined frequency of service referral by police (Ferraro, 1989; Jones & Belknap, 1999; Kernic & Bonomi, 2007; Oppenlander, 1982), and nine studies have reported bivariate relations and/or significant predictors of service referral by police (Belknap & McCall, 1994; Buzawa & Hotaling, 2006; Finn & Stalans, 1995; Fritsch et al., 2004; Homant & Kennedy, 1985; Kernic & Bonomi, 2007; Ngo, 2018; Stalans & Finn, 1995, 2000).
Findings from these studies have suggested that the majority of police fail to consistently provide resource information to all victims (Belknap & McCall, 1994; Ferraro, 1989; Fritsch et al., 2004; Jones & Belknap, 1999; Kernic & Bonomi, 2007; Ngo, 2018; Oppenlander, 1982). In terms of referrals involving DV incidents, early findings from 147 police officers in 24 communities across three U.S. states suggested that officers referred DV survivors in only 4% of all calls for service (CFS; Oppenlander, 1982). Subsequent studies have demonstrated that less than one-fifth of police request crisis intervention services (Kernic & Bonomi, 2007) and about two-fifths of police have contacted local shelters (Jones & Belknap, 1999), despite informal policies that have directed officers to contact shelters for all victims and children involved in DV (Jones & Belknap, 1999). Shortcomings in the frequency of service referral have also been documented for victim compensation services (Fritsch et al., 2004) and service referrals for other gendered offenses (Ngo, 2018). Unfortunately, research on the frequency of officer service referral for SA victims is lacking, reiterating the need for assessment.
Predictors of Service Referral
Officer demographics and victim characteristics have predicted which victims are referred to services in prior research (Belknap & McCall, 1994; Buzawa & Hotaling, 2006; Finn & Stalans, 1995; Fritsch et al., 2004; Homant & Kenndey, 1985; Ngo, 2018; Stalans & Finn, 1995, 2000). Early findings from self-reported data show that female officers were more likely than male officers to agree that they should provide victims with shelter information and be responsible for ensuring victim safety in assisting with movement to a shelter (Homant & Kennedy, 1985). Subsequent assessments of officer service referral used official data and demonstrated the effect of occupational characteristics, such as increased educational attainment and higher rank, as predictors of increased referral in DV incidents (Belknap & McCall, 1994).
Studies examining predictors of service referral have also relied on police responses to vignette scenarios (Finn & Stalans, 1995; Stalans & Finn, 2000). Stalans and Finn (2000) assessed officer sex and experience in police perceptions and decisions surrounding a DV case using a 2 (victim injury) × 2 (antagonism between victim and suspect) × 3 (victim conduct: normal, hallucinations, intoxication) manipulated vignette. Female officers were significantly more likely to provide shelter referral information. Presence of injury increased referral, particularly if participants believed there was potential for future injury or if they assessed the case as convictable. Findings also demonstrated that female officers who had at least 1 year of DV case exposure were significantly more likely to provide shelter referral compared to similarly-situated male officers (Stalans & Finn, 2000).
Finally, using 2,035 surveys from police in Texas, Fritsch and colleagues (2004) examined demographic, attitudinal, and structural impediments to crime victim compensation referral. Higher educational attainment significantly increased service referral, while police who perceived victim liaisons as capable (rather than not capable) were less likely to refer victims. This may have been the result of police confidence in the embedded advocates and their ability to assist victims, as officers may have felt less responsible for providing additional information regarding compensation. In addition, positive perceptions of the victim increased the odds of referral to crime compensation programs by 1.5 times. Finally, time restrictions and lack of supervisory support decreased victim compensation referral (Fritsch et al., 2004).
Purpose of the Present Study
Few studies have examined police perceptions of victim advocates and the decision to provide service referrals, and generalizability is limited given the narrow and somewhat dated research. The current study used schema theory as the framework to assess perceptions of victim advocates, frequency of service referral, and predictors of service referral among officers commissioned at a sizable urban police agency located in one of the five largest and most diverse U.S. cities. The present study addressed three research questions:
Methods
Survey data were collected in August 2018 from participants commissioned at a sizeable police agency located in one of the five most populous and diverse U.S. cities as part of a larger federally-funded project on police and gender-based violence. 1 A purposive sample of roll-call times was selected from all 15 police agency substations. To maximize participation, roll call times for each substation were selected based on the number of officers expected during each time slot while considering scheduled leave and targeting officers with experience in responding to DV and SA. Administration of the survey took place during roll calls at 15 substations, held at 6:00 am, 7:00 am, 2:00 pm, 3:00 pm, 10:00 pm, and 11:00 pm. A total of 68 roll calls were scheduled for survey administration, and 62 were successful. 2 The administrative police Lieutenant from the Special Victims’ Division at the partner agency contacted each substation supervisor prior to survey administration to facilitate participation. On the scheduled date, doctoral research assistants solicited voluntary and anonymous participation from police following an institutional-review-board-approved description of the study. Paper-and-pencil surveys were administered, the survey was described as “Police Attitudes about Crime and Victimization,” questions were presented in set order, and completion took approximately 25 min. In total, 661 surveys were handed out and 599 surveys were returned, for a response rate of 90.62%. Of the 599 returned surveys, 452 contained completed data. 3
Dependent Variable: Service Referral
When responding to DV and SA, 4 officers in this agency operate under an informal policy that emphasizes the importance of providing victims with referrals to available departmental and community services. Officers are encouraged to provide DV and SA victims with a form that includes information on crime victims’ rights, 5 DV crisis hotlines, community-based advocacy organizations, and services embedded within the department. To capture service referral in this study, police were instructed to think about their use of resources available to victims of DV and SA crimes in the greater [city] area. Participants were prompted, “When a victim has reported a crime to you, how frequently have you provided a referral to the following resources?” This was followed by four items that identified available resources in this particular location and included, a “community advocacy agency,” an “advocate embedded within the police department,” a “children’s assessment center,” and the police department’s “victim services unit.” Responses were captured on a 5-point, Likert-type scale (0 [never], 1 [almost never], 2 [occasionally/sometimes], 3 [almost every time] and 4 [every time]). 6 The 4-items were subjected to exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with principal components (PC) estimation and varimax rotation, which produced one factor with an Eigenvalue >1 that accounted for 78.67% of the variance. Factor loadings ranged from 0.798 to 0.916. A mean score was calculated from the 4-items. Higher scores represented increased frequency of service referral. Mean values for each of the 4-items that comprised the service referral scale ranged from 2.28 to 2.97, and standard deviations ranged from 1.47 to 1.39, indicating adequate variability. Internal consistency reliability was excellent (α = .909).
Independent Variables
Police Demographics
Sex was a dichotomous variable (Men = 0 [n = 389, 86.1%]; Women = 1 [n = 63, 13.9%]). Education was an ordinal variable that measured highest educational attainment (High school = 0 [n = 23, 5.1%]; Some college = 1 [n = 122, 27.0%], Two-Year degree = 2 [n = 68, 15.0%]; Four-Year degree = 3 [n = 185, 40.9%]; Graduate degree = 4 [n = 54, 11.9%]), and was recoded into three dummy variables: “High School Degree” (n = 23, 5.1%), “Some College or Two-Year Degree” (n = 190, 42.0%), and “Four-Year Degree and Graduate School” (n = 239, 52.9%) with “Four-Year Degree and Graduate School” as the reference category.
Occupational Characteristics
Years of service, 7 current rank, and the number of “family violence” and “sexual assault” calls responded to in the previous 12 months were included. Years of experience was a continuous variable to capture years employed in law enforcement (M = 9.18, SD = 8.93). Current rank was captured as an ordinal variable (Police officer = 0 [n = 401, 88.7%]; Sergeant = 1 [n = 43, 9.5%], Lieutenant = 2 [n = 7, 1.5%]; Captain = 3 [n = 1, 0.2%]; Assistant Chief or Above = 4 [n = 0, 0.0%]) and recoded into a binary variable (Police officer = 0 [n = 401, 88.7%]; Higher rank = 1 [n = 51, 11.3%]). Number of family violence calls was an ordinal variable that captured how many “family violence” calls participants had responded to in the past 12 months (None = 1 [n = 20, 4.4%], 1 to 5 = 2 [n = 50, 11.1%], 6 to 10 = 3 [n = 39, 8.6%], 11 to 20 = 4 [n = 106, 23.5%], 21 or more = 5 [n = 237, 52.4%]). Number of SA CFS was an ordinal variable that captured how many “sexual assault” calls participants had responded to in the past 12 months (None = 1 [n = 72, 15.9%], 1 to 5 = 2 [n = 269, 59.5%], 6 to 10 = 3 [n = 62, 13.7%], 11 to 20 = 4 [n = 26, 5.8%], 21 or more = 5 [n = 23, 5.1%]).
Attitudes toward DV
An initial pool of 18-items from the Domestic Violence Myth Acceptance Scale (DVMA; Peters, 2008) was used to capture attitudes that blame the victim, excuse the perpetrator, and justify partner abuse (see Appendix A). Items were measured on a 6-point, Likert-type scale from 0 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The 18-items were subjected to EFA with PC and varimax rotation, which produced four factors with Eigenvalues >1, accounting for 54.67% of the variance. Overall, 17-items were retained. The first factor comprised 6-items, with loadings from 0.456 to 0.741 and was labeled domestic violence myth (DVM) victim precipitation. Items included statements such as, “women who flirt are asking for it,” and “women can avoid physical abuse if they give in occasionally.” A mean score was calculated from the 6-items, with higher values indicating stronger adherence to victim precipitation in DV incidents. Mean values for the 6-items ranged from 0.40 to 1.34, and standard deviations ranged from 0.87 to 1.38. Internal consistency reliability was acceptable (α = .751). The second factor consisted of 4-items, with loadings from 0.576 to 0.778. This factor was labeled DVM neutralization of violence and included statements such as, “if a woman continues living with a man who beats her, then it is her own fault if she is beaten again.” A mean score was calculated from the 4-items and higher scores indicated stronger adherence to neutralization of DV. Mean values for the 4-items ranged from 0.65 to 1.43, and standard deviations ranged from 1.14 to 1.43. Internal consistency reliability was excellent (α = .808). The third factor comprised 4-items, with loadings from 0.532 to 0.723 and was labeled DVM deviance. Items included statements such as, “when a man is violent toward his partner, it is because he lost control of his temper,” and “domestic violence results from a momentary loss of temper.” A mean score was calculated from the 4-items, and higher values indicated increased beliefs that psychopathologize perpetration of DV. Mean values for the 4-items ranged from 1.51 to 2.24, and standard deviations ranged from 1.40 to 1.68. Internal consistency reliability was acceptable (α = .673). The fourth factor included 3-itmes, with loadings ranging from 0.475 to 0.782 and was labeled DVM masochism. Items included statements such as, “some women unconsciously want their partners to control them.” A mean score was calculated from the 4-items and higher values indicated adherence to beliefs that DV survivors enjoy abuse. Mean values for the 3-items ranged from 0.46 to 1.18, and standard deviations ranged from 0.91 to 1.28. Internal consistency reliability was acceptable (α = .657).
Perceptions of victim advocates
Seven author-created items measured police perceptions of the role and helpfulness of victim advocates during the criminal justice process. 8 Items were measured on a 6-point, Likert-type scale from 0 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Items included, “I am comfortable talking to sexual and family violence victims about social services within the community,” “Victim advocates are a helpful resource for sexual and family violence victims,” “Victim advocates improve victim cooperation with law enforcement,” “Victim advocates are easy to work with,” “Victim advocates do a good job meeting the needs of sexual and family violence victims,” “Victim advocates are a benefit to the police investigation process,” and “Victim advocates are a benefit to the criminal justice system.” The 7-items were subjected to EFA with PC and varimax rotation, which produced 1 factor with an Eigenvalue >1, accounting for 69.03% of the variance. Factor loadings ranged from 0.493 to 0.914. mean scores were calculated from the 7-items and higher values indicated more positive perceptions of advocates. Mean values for the 7-items ranged from 3.70 to 4.24, and standard deviations ranged from 0.90 to 1.13, indicating adequate variability. Internal consistency reliability was excellent (α = .917).
Control Variables
Officer race/ethnicity and familiarity with available services were included as control measures. Race/ethnicity was measured as a categorical variable (White = 0 [n = 159, 35.2%]; African American = 1 [n = 82, 18.1%]; Latinx = 2 [n =148, 32.7%]; Asian/Pacific Islander = 3 [n = 44, 9.7%]; Native American/Alaska Native = 4 [n = 2, 0.4%]; Other = 5 [n = 17, 3.8%]) and was recoded into four dummy variables: “White” (n = 159, 35.2%), “Latinx” (n = 148, 32.7%), “African American” (n = 82, 18.1%), and “Other race/ethnicity” (n = 63, 13.9%), with “White” as the reference category.
Familiarity with available services was measured using 4-items that asked officers to indicate familiarity with a “community advocacy agency,” an “advocate embedded within the police department,” a “children’s assessment center,” and the police department’s “victim services unit.” Items were measured on a 5-point, Likert-type scale from 0 (very unfamiliar) to 5 (very familiar). The 4-items were subjected to EFA with PC estimation and varimax rotation, which produced one factor with an Eigenvalue >1 that accounted for 69.51% of the variance. The factor loadings ranged from 0.816 to 0.853. Mean scores were calculated from the 4-items and higher values indicated familiarity with victim services. Mean values for the 4-items ranged from 2.24 to 3.08, and standard deviations ranged from 1.38 to 1.52, indicating adequate variability. Internal consistency reliability was excellent (α = .853).
Analytic Strategy
The present study proceeded in three stages. First, bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations were calculated, addressing Research Questions 1 and 2. Second, a multivariate ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model was estimated to assess Research Question 3. Finally, semi-partial correlation coefficients were calculated and reported to estimate the unique variance of each significant predictor on self-report frequency of service referral. 9
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics. Likelihood of service referral fell above the scale midpoint (M = 2.57, SD = 1.20), demonstrating that officers were relatively likely to provide victims with resources. Officers scored just above the scale midpoint on familiarity with services (M = 2.81, SD = 1.23). Officers scored well above the scale midpoint (M = 3.98, SD = 0.86) on perceptions of victim advocates, indicating increasingly positive perceptions of advocates. Finally, officers scored well below the scale midpoint for DVM victim precipitation (M = 0.79, SD = 0.75), DVM neutralization (M = 1.16, SD = 1.05), DVM deviance (M = 1.89, SD = 1.08), and DVM victim masochism (M = 0.86, SD = 0.88).
Summary of Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations for Study Variables (n = 452).
Note. For all scales, higher scores are indicative of more-extreme responding in the direction of the constructed assessment. Spearman bivariate correlations were used to account for dichotomous variables and uneven data distributions.
Correlation is significant at the p < .05 level (2-tailed).
Zero-order Correlation Matrix, Means, and Standard Deviations
Table 1 presents the bivariate correlations, means, and standard deviations for all variables in the analysis. Several statistically significant and substantively important relations emerged between the independent and dependent variables.
Multivariate OLS Regression Predicting Service Referral
Table 2 presents the results of the multivariate OLS regression model predicting service referral, while independent and control variables were entered simultaneously. The regression equation was statistically significant, R2 = 0.28, F(16, 435) = 10.64, p = .000. First, perceptions of victim advocates was a significant, positive predictor of service referral, b = 0.25, t = 3.85, p = .00, such that officers with increasingly positive perceptions of victim advocates reported increased frequency of service referral. High school education was a significant, positive predictor of service referral, b = 0.55, t = 2.32, p = .02, where officers who obtained a high school degree reported increased service referral to DV and SA victims compared to officers who had obtained a four-year degree or graduate school. In terms of control variables, familiarity with services was a significant, positive predictor of service referral, b = 0.37, t = 8.82, p = .00, such that officers who reported increased familiarity with services also reported increased service referral to DV and SA victims. Semipartial correlations were calculated and demonstrated that familiarity with services accounted for 12% of the unique variance in the service referral. Approximately 1% of the variance in service referral was accounted for by high school educational attainment and 3% of the unique variance in service referral was accounted for by perceptions of victim advocates. 10
Multivariate OLS Regression Predicting Service Referral (n = 452).
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.
White is the reference category. bFour-Year Degree or Graduate School is the reference category.
sr2 = semi-partial correlations.
Supplemental moderation analyses were conducted to identify if officer sex conditioned the effect of years of service, rank, and domestic violence myth adherence on service referral. Interaction terms were calculated and included in a multivariate OLS regression model. Table 3 presents the results of the moderation analyses with two-way interaction terms. The regression equation was statistically significant, R2 = 0.30, F(23, 428) = 7.78, p = .000. Among all interactions, only years of service conditioned the effect of officer sex on service referral, b = 0.05, t = 2.21, p = .03, such that women with increased years of service reported increased service referral. The remaining interactions were not statistically significant.
Multivariate OLS Regression with Two-Way Interactions Predicting Service Referral (n = 452).
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.
White is the reference category. bFour-Year Degree or Graduate School is the reference category.
sr2 = semi-partial correlations.
Discussion
Recently, police agencies have recognized the importance of providing trauma-informed responses to victims (Department of Justice, 2015; International Association of Chiefs of Police, n.d.). One of the primary ways that officers can provide trauma-informed care is to refer victims to service agencies for direct service provision. From the standpoint of schema theory, police may have misperceptions about gender violence (see also Franklin et al., 2019; Garza & Franklin, 2020), and view DV and SA through this lens when making service referral decisions. To further examine service referral, this study used 452 police survey responses to examine: (1) perceptions of victim advocates; (2) frequency of service referral; and (3) predictors of service referral. Several interesting findings emerged.
First, the average officer perceived victim advocates favorably. Police displayed some level of familiarity with victim services and were relatively likely to provide service referrals. These findings reiterate research where police hold positive perceptions of victim advocates and suggest that officer schema surrounding gender violence may have evolved over time to reflect the seriousness of DV and SA (Corcoran et al., 2001; Gaines & Wells, 2017; Hatten & Moore, 2010; Lord & Rassel, 2000). Given the present study’s findings, apprehension about victim service providers may not feature as prominently into police culture as previously demonstrated (Gaines & Wells, 2017; Parker, 2001; Ward-Lasher et al., 2017). Instead, officers may accept victim advocates as important stakeholders tasked with coordinating a victim-centered crime response (Corcoran et al., 2001). Moreover, officers may recognize that their goals are more closely aligned with victim service providers’ than originally thought, where advocates help survivors navigate the criminal justice system and improve case processing (Corcoran et al., 2001; Gaines & Wells, 2017; Parker, 2001). This may be the result of training, a focus on victim-centeredness, and a shift in officer schema related to DV and SA (Kinney et al., 2008).
Second, results revealed that officers who held more favorable perceptions of advocates provided service referrals more often than officers who held less favorable perceptions of advocates. This provides some support for schema theory’s basic tenet that an individual formulates ideas about a particular phenomenon and proceeds to make decisions based on their existing schema. This finding contradicts results from Fritsch et al., (2004), where officers were less likely to refer crime victims to victim compensation programs when they viewed victim liaisons as capable. It may be that measurement of perceptions of advocates in this study captured a more comprehensive spectrum of police attitudes toward victim advocates. Fritsch et al., (2004) used one item to capture police perceptions of victim liaison capability, whereas this study used multiple items to assess perceptions of victim advocates specific to their location and particular agency. This finding is the first to demonstrate that attitudes toward victim advocates predict the self-reported frequency of service referral among police using a multi-item scale. Favorable perceptions of advocates have the potential to increase service referral. While we do not know the exact mechanisms underlying favorable perceptions, it is possible that increased exposure to and knowledge surrounding service providers may eliminate adverse feelings centered on agency loyalties and conflicts related to the objectives of a given organization (Martin, 2005). In other words, when police are aware of victim service providers, the role they play, and how they interact with victims, this knowledge may enhance perceptions in key ways that facilitates referral. Future studies should disentangle what factors exactly promote favorable perceptions of advocates.
Agencies have an important opportunity to educate police about the ways that advocates can assist in case processing through investigation, thereby decreasing overburdened police workloads. These educational efforts can enhance perceptions of advocates by removing concerns surrounding conflicting roles and objectives and perhaps enhance police use of referral as a tool when responding to DA and SA. Agency leaders would also benefit from using respectful language to describe advocates and portraying them as important partners, because officers may follow the example provided by supervisors and a police culture that has long been insular in its unwillingness to accept outsiders (Parker, 2001). In addition, it would be beneficial if advocates continued to be open and willing to work cooperatively with officers to approach victims collaboratively.
Third, officers who expressed greater familiarity with available victim services reported more frequent service referral compared to officers who reported less familiarity. Familiarity with services was the strongest predictor of officer referrals, providing support for the ideas proposed by schema theory, assuming schema surrounding advocate involvement for these officers was positive. Police departments can continue to enhance responses to gender violence through training to raise awareness about advocacy organizations in their local communities and the services they offer. Indeed, police officers at all levels have the potential to benefit from enhanced programming on victim advocacy and resource availability.
One possible explanation for the positive relation between service familiarity and referral frequency is that officers who take it upon themselves to identify available victim services may also recognize the importance of referring victims. Conversely, officers who are less motivated to learn about available victim services and the benefits of resource provision may only issue referrals when they cannot avoid doing so. This perspective suggests that differences in officer characteristics, such as self-motivation, may underlie differences in both service familiarity and referral frequency. Alternatively, officers who know less about existing victim services may simply exhibit greater uncertainty about the services offered by particular providers, and therefore forego referrals for fear of sending survivors to the wrong place. It is also possible that officers with greater service familiarity may issue referrals for victims regardless of offense seriousness, while officers with less service familiarity may only issue referrals for particularly egregious crimes. Future research should explore how officer and case characteristics influence these referral decisions and if there are differences based on specific factors such as injury, criminal history, weapon use, and crime seriousness.
Fourth, officers who obtained high school diplomas reported more frequent service referral compared to officers with 4-year college or graduate degrees. This finding was unexpected, as prior research has suggested higher educational attainment increases service referral (Belknap & McCall, 1994; Fritsch et al., 2004). Supplemental bivariate analyses revealed officers with high school diplomas had more years of service and reported greater familiarity with services compared to counterparts. Perhaps increased years of service provided more opportunity for exposure to available services, increasing familiarly and subsequent service referral. Future research should continue to explore the effect educational attainment has on service referral.
Finally, officer sex conditioned the effect of years of service on referral. Specifically, female officers with increased years of service reported more frequent service referral compared to counterparts. Prior research has not explored this interaction. Early findings suggested that women police officers provided DV victims with service referrals more frequently (Homant & Kennedy, 1985; Stalans & Finn, 2000) and this effect was compounded by exposure to and experience with DV CFS (Stalans & Finn, 2000). It could be that experienced female officers may have more knowledge surrounding DV and SA, thus increasing service referral.
In terms of limitations, first, the primary dependent variable captured service referral to both DV and SA victims as an aggregate construct. This was constrained by the phrasing of items in this study. As a result, differences in service referral to DV and SA victims could not be disentangled. Future research should assess DV and SA service referral separately to identify potential differences. When looking at mean scores on each of the individual items that comprised the outcome variable, estimates demonstrated limited variability. Results should be interpreted accordingly. Second, the dependent variable consisted of self-reported service referral frequency rather than an objective measure of how often officers informed survivors about services. Officers may not have accurately estimated the frequency with which they made referrals, may have inflated this number due to social desirability, or assumed that they made referrals in cases where they intended to, but did not. Also, because service referral frequency was measured categorically, officers may have associated different frequencies with the same response category. An objective service referral rate of 50%, for example, may have been perceived as low by Officer A, but high by Officer B. Consequently, Officers A and B may have chosen different response categories (“occasionally/sometimes” and “almost every time,” respectively). At the same time, research has noted the reliability of methodologies that query participants’ behavioral intentions as predictive of actual behavior (Kim & Hunter, 1993). To remedy this concern and increase reliability, future research should ask officers to estimate the percentage of cases in which they make service referrals.
Third, data was collected from a sizeable police agency located in one of the five largest and most diverse U.S. cities and produced a higher response rate than has been typical in efforts involving officers (Nix et al., 2019). While this response rate (90+%) is laudable, Nix et al. (2019) noted that face-to-face surveys increase social desirability bias, which may account for discrepant findings. Results reflect responses from officers employed at one large metropolitan agency; findings may not generalize other agencies. This is especially true for police located in more rural areas, where officer demographics and available victim services may differ. Future studies should control for officers’ own experiences with DV and SA, both during childhood in their families-of-origin and into adulthood. Officers with a history of DV and SA exposure, who experienced DV in their own relationships, or whose loved ones have been affected, may refer victims at different rates than officers who have not had these experiences. Finally, bivariate analyses suggested a significant positive relation between other officer race/ethnicity and frequency of service referral. While other race/ethnicity was not a significant predictor in the multivariate model, future research should explore the relation between officer race/ethnicity and frequency of service referral to provide additional insight on the effect that officer race/ethnicity has in providing victims referrals to service agencies.
The simplest ways for police to respond to DV and SA victims in a trauma-informed manner is to provide service referrals. Findings from this study demonstrate that police generally view victim advocates favorably, are reasonably familiar with available services, and make referrals fairly often. Additionally, officers who view advocates more favorably compared to less favorably, and officers who are more familiar with services compared to less familiar, both make victim service referrals more frequently. Collectively, these results support the need for agencies to continue educating officers about the important role that advocates play in addressing DV and SA. Officer schema concerning gender violence may be molded for factual accuracy surrounding the seriousness of DV and SA and encourage this victim-centered response. Training should highlight the specific services that each provider offers and identify concrete guidelines that clarify the circumstances under which a referral should be made, thus enhancing trauma-informed responses.
Footnotes
Appendix
Domestic Violence Myth Items, Factor Loadings, and Reliability Estimates.
| Scale | DVM Victim precipitation |
DVM Neutralization of violence |
DVM Deviance |
DMV Victim masochism |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1. Women can avoid physical abuse if they give in occasionally. | .741 | |||
| 2. Women who flirt are asking for it. | .716 | |||
| 3. Domestic violence rarely happens in my neighborhood. | .631 | |||
| 4. Making men jealous is “asking for it” | .533 | |||
| 5. Women instigate most family violence. | .528 | |||
| 6. A lot of domestic violence occurs because women keep on arguing with their partners. | .456 | |||
| 7. I don’t have much sympathy for a battered woman who keeps going back to the abuser. | .778 | |||
| 8. If a woman continues living with a man who beats her, then it is her own fault if she is beaten again. | .753 | |||
| 9. I hate to say it but if a woman stays with a man who abuses her, she basically deserves what she gets. | .675 | |||
| 10. If a woman goes back to the abuser, that is the result of her character. | .576 | |||
| 11. When a man is violent toward his partner, it is because he lost control of his temper. | .723 | |||
| 12. Domestic violence results from a momentary loss of temper. | .715 | |||
| 13. Abusive men lose control of themselves so much that they don’t know what they are doing. | .673 | |||
| 14. Most domestic violence involves mutual violence between the partners. | .532 | |||
| 15. If a woman doesn’t like the abuse, she can leave. |
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| 16. Some women unconsciously want their partners to control them. | .782 | |||
| 17. Many women have an unconscious wish to be dominated by their partners. | .702 | |||
| 18. Domestic violence does not affect that many people. | .475 |
Note. Bolded items were not retained due to double loading or low factor size.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the police partner agency for their cooperation and the supervisory staff at the Special Victims’ Division for their assistance, support, and instructive feedback with this project.
Authors’ Note
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2018 annual meeting of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences in New Orleans, LA. The opinions, findings, conclusions, and recommendations expressed in this presentation are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Justice, Office on Violence Against Women or the CVI.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This project was supported by Grant Number 2016-SI-AX-0005 awarded by the Office on Violence Against Women, U.S. Department of Justice and the Crime Victims’ Institute (CVI) at Sam Houston State University.
