“We All Have Power”: Using Photovoice to Document Challenges and Strengths of Lakota Women With Histories of Incarceration

Abstract

Results from a photovoice study with 13 Lakota women found that there were numerous barriers (e.g., finding stable housing, finding a job) to reintegration following incarceration and that trauma, grief, and loss were identified as prominent challenges throughout attempts at reintegration. Despite tremendous aversities, Lakota women identified their ability to connect with people, nature, and culture as key sources of their strength and resilience. This research highlights the urgent need for comprehensive, culturally grounded, strengths-focused initiatives as well as structural policy change that will support Lakota and other Indigenous women’s reintegration into their communities.

Keywords

photovoice strengths challenges incarceration reintegration Lakota indigenous

Research documents that Indigenous¹ women are incarcerated at disproportionately high rates in the United States (U.S.) (Carson, 2018; Wang, 2021). Indigenous women, including those with histories of incarceration, also experience childhood trauma, sexual violence, and intimate partner violence at rates higher than any other racial/ethnic group in the United States (U.S.) (Black et al., 2011), all of which is rooted in colonization, multiple historical traumas, and present-day systemic and structural oppression (Kirmayer et al., 2003). Further, research suggests that women face myriad challenges (e.g., housing, employment, social support) reintegrating into the community following their release from prison (Berman, 2005), although these challenges, as well as strengths, are not well documented among Lakota women in the scholarly literature (Wodahl & Freng, 2017). This lack of research perpetuates the marginalization and invisibility of Lakota women with histories of incarceration. This paper is an attempt to undo this harmful absence and give voice to one of the most silenced and structurally marginalized groups of individuals in the U.S. More specifically, we conducted a photovoice project to amplify the voices and document challenges and strengths of Indigenous women, specifically Lakota women in the He Sapa (Black Hills) of South Dakota (SD), with histories of incarceration.

The current study took place in Rapid City, SD a border town of two large, rural and impoverished Indian Reservations (i.e., Pine Ridge [home to the Oglala Lakota] and Rosebud [home to the Sicangu Lakota]). In Rapid City, and SD more broadly, Indigenous peoples experience high rates of racism, poverty, and sexual and related forms of violence (Diamond-Welch, 2021). The state of SD ranks third for the highest female state imprisonment rate (96 per 100,000 U.S. female residents) (Monazzam & Budd, 2022). Although Indigenous persons comprise only 9% of the SD state population, 33% of people in prison are Indigenous (Vera Institute of Justice, 2019). The number of women in prison in SD continues to rise, having increased a staggering 3467% between 1980 and 2017, while it is decreasing in other states across the U.S. (Vera Institute of Justice, 2019).

In addition to high rates of incarceration, research documents the concerning rates of lifetime trauma (including adverse childhood experiences [ACEs], sexual assault, and intimate partner violence in adulthood), substance misuse, mental and physical health challenges, and poverty among Indigenous women (Edwards, Waterman, Mullet, Herrington, Cornelius, Hopfauf, Trujillo, Even-Aberle et al., 2022; Edwards, Waterman, Mullet, Herrington, Cornelius, Hopfauf, Trujillo, Wheeler et al., 2022). These experiences, along with racial profiling and mass incarceration, both increase women’s risk for incarceration and exacerbate challenges to reintegration following release from prison (Berman, 2005). For example, 70% of Indigenous women who were incarcerated in Oklahoma experienced five or more ACEs, and ACEs were positively associated with the perpetration of physical violence in adulthood (Jones et al., 2021). Research conducted in New Mexico suggested the most common ACEs among incarcerated Indigenous women were dysfunctional families (75%), witnessing violence (72%), sexual abuse (53%), physical abuse (42%), and physical neglect (22%); ACEs were related to both intimate partner violence and suicidality (De Ravello et al., 2008). A few studies have documented that criminal offending among Indigenous women is deeply rooted in their experiences of victimization and resulting use of substances to cope, in addition to psychological and physical health challenges (Corcoran, 2017). As such, a trauma-informed and sociohistorical lens is critical when understanding incarceration experiences among Indigenous women.

To date, however, there is a dearth of literature which has investigated the challenges unique to Lakota women following incarceration. Yet, some research suggests that Indigenous women are the least likely of all racial/ethnic groups of women to find housing and support services following release from prison (Baldry, 2009). A report based in Australia found that Indigenous women seeking to reintegrate into society following incarceration face myriad challenges such as intergenerational unemployment, high levels of violence, lack of social support, difficulty with employment, loss of cultural connection, and difficulty affording food and housing accommodations (Willis & Moore, 2008). Specific to the U.S. context, Ross (2010) discussed how systemic oppression of Indigenous peoples contributed to higher rates of imprisonment, histories of interpersonal violence, the gendered and racialized nature of prison, unique challenges facing mothers, and reintegration difficulties following release from prison. Ross’s (2010) work documents the challenges of reintegration through the story of an Indigenous woman named Gloria. Her account highlights the limitations of prison programming to effectively prepare prisoners for the outside world, feelings of isolation and disconnection from her tribal community following release, limited access to legal resources and adequate legal representation, difficulty adjusting to life with her immediate family members, and experiencing racial harassment (Ross et al., 2010). In a study of persons with criminal histories, correctional officials, and social workers, results from interviews documented that Native Hawaiians face myriad challenges to reentry including lack of services and resources, marginalization associated with cultural trauma, and stigma (Ka’Opua et al., 2012).

Overwhelmingly, the limited research involving incarcerated Indigenous women has almost exclusively focused on the challenges of reintegration, without discussion of strengths. Understanding the challenges of incarceration among Indigenous women is critical for identifying the negative impact of oppression on the lives of individuals. However, a sole focus on challenges sans strengths reifies a deficits orientation, which may perpetuate marginalization and oppression rather than offer solutions. Research not specific to Indigenous women finds that strengths and sources of resilience among women with histories of incarceration include self-esteem and confidence (Liebman et al., 2014), interpersonal relationships and social support (Clone & DeHart, 2014), connections to animals (Jarldorn, 2020), storytelling or sharing one’s narrative (Mahoney & Daniel, 2006), and working through trauma in groups (Karlsson et al., 2015). Although not specific to Lakota women with histories of incarceration, Indigenous Elders/knowledge keepers and researchers remind us that connection to culture and cultural identity development are important sources of strength and resilience (Edwards, Herrington, et al., 2022), and these strengths are likely applicable to Lakota women with histories of incarceration.

We have much to learn about the challenges and strengths of formerly incarcerated Indigenous women, including Lakota women. This information can be used to directly inform practice and policy. It is critical that this type of work be led by Lakota women, consistent with principles of community-based participatory action research (CBPAR) (Baum et al., 2006; Chevalier & Buckles, 2019). The idea for this photovoice project stemmed from collaborative discussions with two Lakota women (fourth and fifth authors) in Rapid City (and University of Nebraska-Lincoln [UNL] employees) and a professor at UNL (first author) who works extensively in the Rapid City and surrounding communities (see more in positionality statement below).

Photovoice is a strengths-focused, community-based participatory action research (CBPAR) method that utilizes group discussion and photography to center resilience among individuals of a shared identity or experiences. The goals of photovoice are to: (1) give agency to individuals to capture and recall the strengths and concerns of their own community, (2) use photography to foster conversation, share knowledge, and accumulate resources, and (3) ultimately create tangible social change by connecting policy and change makers with individuals’ stories and insights (Wang & Burris, 1997). Bennett et al. (2019) suggested that photovoice is particularly appropriate for research involving Indigenous populations because it increases accessibility and can be adapted to meet cultural needs. CBPAR and photovoice attempt to dismantle the inherent colonialist nature of academia by allowing for cultural-specific practices to be incorporated and neutralizing power between researchers and participants (Castleden et al., 2008).

We are not aware of any photovoice projects with Indigenous women formerly-incarcerated in the U.S. A few studies in Australia and Canada have used photovoice with formerly incarcerated women, including Aboriginal/Indigenous women (Castleden et al., 2008). Results from these studies document how photovoice, as a form of CBPAR, helped foster trust, equalize power between researchers and participants, and give voice to participants through sharing their own stories (Castleden et al., 2008; Fitzgibbon & Stengel, 2018). Additionally, Jarldorn and Deer (2020) highlight how participants may be empowered as co-authors through, in this case, expression of poetry. Further, in an intergenerational photovoice project with Indigenous (mostly Lakota) children and their caregivers, caregivers described criminal offending and incarceration as prevalent challenges impacting many Indigenous families; yet, Indigenous cultural identity and engagement in traditional Indigenous activities (e.g., prayer, smudging, ceremonies) was instrumental in supporting family resilience and strengths (Edwards, Herrington, et al., 2022).

In addition to providing nuanced and action-oriented information on a specific social problem, some research documents that photovoice leads to positive impacts on participants. Indeed, although not specific to Indigenous women with histories of incarceration, research suggests that photovoice contributes to feelings of empowerment and agency, enhances connectedness to others with similar lived experiences, and fosters awareness that promotes individual and collective growth (Castleden et al., 2008). In a study with Indigenous (largely Lakota) families, participants shared that photovoice was enjoyable and provided an opportunity to strengthen family bonds; photovoice was also perceived to be a meaningful family intervention for some (Edwards, Herrington, et al., 2022). Better understanding how photovoice impacts Indigenous women, including Lakota women with histories of incarceration, is an important source of data, as we currently know little about the types of supports Indigenous women need when reintegrating into communities following incarceration.

Current Study and Positionality

Using photovoice, the purpose of the current study was to answer the following questions: (1) What challenges do Lakota women with histories of incarceration face? (2) What strengths-based factors help Lakota women with histories of incarceration overcome these challenges; and (3) What are the perceived impacts/benefits on Lakota women with histories of incarceration who participate in photovoice?

The idea for this project originated with two Lakota women in Rapid City, SD. One of the women (third author) is deeply involved in participatory action research via her position at UNL and community-based advocacy (including advocacy and service specific to supporting Lakota women reintegrating into communities in West River, SD following release from prison). The other woman (fourth author) spent over 20 years incarcerated in federal prison for drug-related convictions intricately tied to her own history of trauma and abuse.

Regarding positionality, collectively we represent a team comprised of white, non-Latinx and racially/ethnically diverse individuals (including Lakota women); sexual and gender minorities and cisgender, heterosexual individuals; individuals representing diverse life stages ranging from young people to Elders; undergraduate and graduate students, community-based research staff, community activists, clinicians, prevention specialists, and individuals working in higher education, including faculty. We are also all recognize the critical importance of family (tiwahe, Lakota word for immediate family) and community (tiyospaye, Lakota word for extended family) as key pillars of well-being and healing. Collectively, we are committed to developing and evaluating interpersonal violence prevention and response efforts, as well as efforts to prevent substance abuse, houselessness, and food insecurity among Indigenous relatives (primarily in South Dakota where our work is centered). We believe that incarceration of Native women and related public health and safety issues must be understood from a sociopolitical and historical lens, that community based participatory action research is the most effective way to promote resilience and social change, and that researchers’ power and privilege, including white privilege, must be acknowledged and dismantled through reflexivity and a commitment to anti-racism work. These values that we brought to the research as well as the diversity represented on our team allowed for (1) insiders to recognize aspects of the data that outsiders may not recognize and to situate this within Lakota culture and history and (2) outsiders to situate the findings within the broader literature on challenges and strengths of women formerly incarcerated.²

Methods

Relatives (Participants)

Relatives included thirteen women who met eligibility criteria (i.e., 18 years of age or older; identify as Indigenous/American Indian [all women in the study identified as Lakota]; incarcerated in prison for one or more years) and consented to participate. Women ranged in age from 28 to 55 (M = 42.46; SD = 8.705). The majority of relatives were struggling financially with 53.8% reporting that they worried about not having enough food at home. Further, 38.5% of women reported that their income was between $0 to $10,000 per year, 23.1% reported that their income was between $10,001 to $20,000 per year, 15.4% reported that their income was between $20,001 to $30,000 per year, 7.7% reported that their income was between $40,001 to $50,000 per year, and 7.7% reported an annual income of more than $100,000 per year. Further, the majority of relatives were heterosexual (61.5%) and either single (46.2%) or married (30.7%); the remaining women reported casually dating (7.7%), seriously dating (7.7%), or being engaged (7.7%). Relatives were incarcerated, often multiple times, for drug offences and/or violent offences. Length of incarceration among relatives ranged from one to ten years.

Procedures

Women were recruited via fliers posted throughout the community, word of mouth, and social media. Relatives met for seven weeks; each session was 2 hours. Following each session, relatives were provided with $25 in cash. Relatives were also served dinner at each session. They were provided with a digital camera, which they kept following the end of photovoice. Each session started and ended with a prayer (wacekiye) and smudging (wazilye), which are traditions in Lakota culture.

Following procedures of previous photovoice projects (Gabel et al., 2016), the first session focused on (1) rapport building (although the facilitators knew many of the woman who enrolled, given the facilitators are well-known Lakota women leaders in the community; many of the relatives also knew each other given the close-knit nature of the community), (2) providing an overview of photovoice and why we were doing this photovoice project specifically, (3) discussing group agreements, (4) technical training on how to use cameras, and (5) selecting the first photovoice homework assignment.

Relatives were made aware of who would be facilitating the photovoice sessions and that their decision to participate or not would not have any impact on their relationships with anyone involved with the research. This research comes from a relatively small community where most Indigenous people know other Indigenous people in the community. Having Indigenous people that no one knew facilitate would be impossible. Having non-Indigenous people facilitate photovoice likely would have led to low enrollment rates and/or low acceptability by relatives. Our work in the community finds that having other Indigenous people in the community lead this work (be in research, programming, etc.,) is much more well received than if a non-Indigenous person led it.

During sessions two through six, women shared and discussed photos using the “SHOWED” method (Gant et al., 2009; Lightfoot et al., 2019). The SHOWED method included sharing what relatives saw in each photo, how they felt it related to their and others’ lives, why things are this way, and how they can educate others and create change about the issues they see represented in the photos (see Table 1 for more details). Specific SHOWED questions asked to facilitate sharing included: 1. What do you See here? 2. What is really Happening here?’ 3. How does this relate to Our lives? 4. Why does this condition Exist? 5. What can we Do about it? Facilitators also asked probing questions (e.g., “tell me more about that” and “what do others think”) when needed to elicit more details.

Table 1.

SHOWED Method Overview.

Questions Asked for Each Photo Discussed
What do we see in the photo?
What is happening in the photo?
How does this photo relate to our lives?
Why do these issues exist?
How can we become empowered by our new understanding? Empowered means strong and proud!
What can we do to address these issues?

The bolded letters correspond to the letter relevant in the SHOWED method.

Women generated the specific topic on which to take photos at the end of each session. They were reminded of guidelines (e.g., do not photograph faces or anything illegal) but otherwise were not provided with additional instructions. Women were told to take as many photos as they would like but that depending on time, they may only be able to share one with the group so that all women have time to share. If relatives missed the session, they received a phone call to check in with them and let them know what the prompt was for the following week. At the beginning of each session photos were transferred by a staff member to a laptop where they were put into a PowerPoint presentation. At the final photovoice session, women provided input on the photos they wanted to be featured in the exhibit and in this manuscript.

There was sufficient time in all the sessions to go through all the photos shared by relatives. On average, 12.2 photos were discussed at each session. At the end of sessions one through six, relatives decided together on the theme for the following week. Session two focused on survival, session three focused on trust, session four focused on overcoming obstacles, session five focused on their journey, and session six focused on disappointment. Session seven focused on planning the exhibit.

At the sixth photovoice session, women completed a survey with open-ended questions that asked them about their perceptions of photovoice, including how it impacted them. Open-ended questions asked women what they thought about photovoice, what they liked most and least about photovoice, how they thought photovoice benefited and impacted them, and what they hope will come from this project.

Session attendance ranged from 38.4% (n = 5) of relatives to 69.2% (n = 9) of relatives. All sessions were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim for analysis (with identifying information removed). All research procedures were approved by the University of Nebraska – Lincoln Institutional Review Board (IRB) and the Great Plains Indian Health Services IRB.

Data Analysis

We used an iterative process to analyze the photos and transcript data. First, facilitators started and ended each session by having relatives summarize key themes from current and previous sessions. These themes were regularly discussed with the research team while photovoice was underway, following analysis procedures described in the literature (Lightfoot et al., 2019; Vaismoradi et al., 2013). The first and eighth authors also observed photovoice sessions via zoom or in person. The majority of the authors then read the transcripts and met on four occasions to discuss themes. The Lakota facilitators (also co-authors) provided input on the themes, and the themes were discussed with women in the seventh and final photovoice meeting, as a form of member checking. Relatives also provided their ideas for implications of the data, which are integrated in the discussion section. The decision was made to have the research and facilitator teams conduct data analyses, rather than relatives, given time constraints and literacy concerns (see Foster-Fishman et al., 2010) for examples of more participant centered data analysis).

Regarding analyzing women’s written responses to perceptions of being in a photovoice project, we used content analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Hsieh & Shannon, 2005) given that the responses were relatively brief (e.g., ranging from a few words to a few sentences). The first, third, and eighth author read all of the responses, met to discuss them on one occasion, and created an initial set of categories that were mentioned by at least three relatives. Once the categories of responses were finalized, they were shared with the broader team of co-authors, including photovoice facilitators and relatives. These individuals did not suggest any refinements.

The community exhibit took place in October 2022 at the Black Hills Powwow, a three-day event in Rapid City that includes Lakota singing, dancing, drum groups, art show, hand games, athletic competitions, and a variety of other events. The event draws in thousands of people from the region and nation per year. Additionally, that same weekend, the exhibit was on display at a community feed and storytelling event for the Rapid City Family Project (a project focused on ACEs prevention among Indigenous relatives) that drew in approximately 100 people. In all, it is likely that hundreds, if not thousands, of individuals saw the photo exhibit. Findings were also disseminated at these events in the form of a 1-page community report.

Results

In line with our research questions, themes emerged and were organized according to three categories: (1) challenges, (2) strengths, and (3) the impact of photovoice. In the following sections, overarching patterns are described briefly before describing themes which emerged relevant to each category. These themes emerged from analysis of transcripts, photographs, conversations with the relatives, and feedback from the research team. Relatives’ quotations and photographs are presented to provide detail on each theme.

Challenges

Relatives reported that Lakota women with histories of incarceration face several challenges. These challenges impacted their experiences of both incarceration and reintegration in the community following their release from prison. Themes related to these challenges are organized into one overarching pattern, systematic oppression, which ties together three sub-themes: barriers to reintegration, feeling of starting over, and trauma, grief, and loss.

Systemic Oppression

An overarching pattern which emerged was that the challenges that Lakota women with histories of incarceration face (e.g., barriers to reintegration, feeling of starting over, and trauma, loss, and grief) should be understood in the context of historical and ongoing oppression. Such oppression impacted the initial incarceration of these women, and ongoing oppressive practices create barriers to reintegration such as systemic barriers to obtaining and maintaining housing and employment. In addition, the feeling of starting over is rooted in the oppressive practice of the incarceration of Lakota women, and experiences of trauma, loss, and grief are inseparable from this overarching context. Relatives reported challenges related to discrimination, and this discrimination was due to both being Lakota as well as having a history of incarceration, creating a multiplicative effect. As one woman explained:

They’re racist around here. I applied for the positions [and do not get them] because [of my conviction for] drugs. It’s not like I murdered somebody. Why can pedophiles get more freedom than people who did drugs? We get the harshest punishments ever.

This quote reveals that racism interacts with discriminatory practices facing people with histories of incarceration. Such discrimination has a substantial impact on the ability of formerly incarcerated Lakota women to get jobs. As another woman reported experiencing similar difficulties, “Because of my past. I have felonies on my records. So right away they stereotype me. That’s always been an issue.”

In addition to experiences of discrimination based on race and conviction status, some women experienced discrimination due to other minoritized social identities, including their sexual orientation and class status. For example, one relative shared her experience of being fired after an employer discovered she was gay, “We got hired there. And the minute they found out we were married, and we were gay, they fired us.” Relatives recognized that they were being discriminated against due to their minoritized sexual orientation. Women also recognized that the impact of systemic oppression (e.g., racism, stereotyping, discriminatory firing practices), on their class status, in addition to how their class status impacted their incarceration struggles. As one relative said, “A lot of our struggles have to do with social class and being poor.” Relatives’ reflection on these aspects of their identity presented evidence that systemic oppression is an overarching pattern, which permeates and compounds the other challenges that our relatives faced, including three sub-themes to be described subsequently: feelings of starting over, barriers to reintegration, and trauma, loss, and grief.

Barriers to Reintegration

Relatives reported experiencing barriers to reintegration following their incarceration, and these barriers impeded their ability to find secure housing and pursue a career. Finding secure housing surfaced as a significant barrier to reintegrating into their communities. Relatives often had to find homes to rent that they could afford post-incarceration, and the lack of options available to them often left them vulnerable to “slumlords” and housing instability.

As one woman stated:

[My landlord] sold the house. We don’t know if we will have a home next month. She asked me for my rent this month, and I know as renters we have no ground to stand on when she wants to sell the house, they can make me [move out] ...even with that lease.

Another relative recounted her experience with housing instability, sharing, “I don’t feel secure in my own home. That’s my struggle with a lot is just finding a really good home in a good area.” For some women, the inability to find secure housing resulted in houselessness like sleeping outside or having to stay with family. One woman shared:

I have been so homeless... I could take pictures of myself, like going [looking for] safety or myself sleeping outside.

Another woman recounted her experience of having to live with her son:

I was put in my youngest son’s home, and he is married and had two babies. And I was locked up during that time [that he had babies] so, they’re already walking and talking by the time I get to meet them. My son wanted to keep tabs [on me] or you know looking in my eyes to see if something’s going on.

The difficulties of finding secure housing placed strain on their relationships, and the need to depend on others created barriers to gaining the independence and agency necessary for reintegration. In addition to housing barriers impacting reintegration for Lakota women with histories of incarceration, the women also reported barriers related to pursuing a career. These barriers were often tied to systemic oppression, and such discrimination impacted their ability to find employment and maintain a job. One woman said, “It is hard to get a job anywhere… people don’t want to be around you.” Another woman shared: “Every application you have to fill out, [the questions ask] ‘Do you have a felony?’ or ‘Have you ever been incarcerated?’ Every time. Every time.” Despite challenges finding a job, women wanted to work and noted that jobs are critical because they are “legit ways of making money” and having a job “keeps you out of trouble” and provides “stability and routine.” One relative shared a picture of her computer at work (see Image 1), explaining its relationship to her survival, “I mean the significance to me...it’s your job. It’s my job. You have to have a job to survive…”

Image 1.

Description: Computer/office representing challenges finding jobs. Note: Color images are provided for online publication and black and white images are provided for printed publication.

Difficulty Coping With Trauma, Grief, and Loss

Relatives shared how their difficulties coping with trauma, grief, and loss were related to incarceration. First, the women noted that their incarceration was often catalyzed by trauma, loss, and grief, which triggered coping through substance use that resulted in subsequent arrests. One woman reported that the loss of her brother and sister caused difficulties coping. She said:

I watched two of my brothers commit suicide and my sister did too. I was there for [one of my brother’s suicide]; I tried to save one of my brothers. I went to prison and because of [these tragedies] I reacted in a bad way. I did self-destructive things. And I ended up in prison because I’m so sad. I was so sad to watch so watch... my brother’s die. So, I self-destructed. Life is tough.

Another woman shared a similar experience in which her father’s death proceeded her dependence on drugs as a coping mechanism. She said, “My dad passed away and that’s when I started using. That’s how I dealt with that.”

Women also recognized how their experiences of incarceration were related to their personal and historical traumas and systemic oppression. Many of the women had “been through a lot of trauma,” and rates of trauma are especially high among Indigenous populations, often due to historic and ongoing systems of oppression. Women also described their experiences with the judicial system as present-day continuations of historical trauma (see Image 2). For example, one woman shared:

The prisons are the new boarding schools. It’s just a whole different type of abuse and I think that it causes us not to be able to have more kids. It stops the bloodline right there ‘cause you’re in prison for twenty, thirty years, you know. It’s like they single out the strong ones and send them to prison forever.

Image 2.

Description: Prisons as the new boarding schools.

Another woman shared:

Boarding Schools were similar to the judicial system, jails, prison, etcetera. We were taken away from family, culture, and community. We were taught that we are wrong and then dropped back into society, expecting something different with no guidance. So the harmful cycle goes on.

They also discussed how being incarcerated impacted loss and grief. Notably, several women described losing loved ones while they were incarcerated and expressed the pain of having to mourn in isolation. One woman shared: “My sister died while I was in jail. When she died, I wasn’t able to say goodbye to her or anything.” Furthermore, relatives reported experiencing losses as they were also reintegrating, which was complicated by the struggles of trying to reintegrate with their communities while simultaneously losing loved ones. Another relative shared a picture of her sister’s coffin being lowered into a grave (see Image 3). She shared,

That’s my little sister that just passed away. This year has been my biggest disappointment in my life. It’s life and trying to learn to cope with everything. I have people I talk to. I go to counseling. That’s been helping me through all this loss, all this sadness.”

Image 3.

Description: A coffin being lowered into the ground after a relative made their journey.

Strengths

Relatives also reported that Lakota women with histories of incarceration exhibit several strengths despite experiencing tremendous adversity. In this section, themes related to these strengths are organized into one overarching pattern, connection to Lakota virtues and values, which ties together the four themes: (1) kinship, (2) the wisdom of nature, (3) importance of prayer, and (4) activism is fortitude.

Connection to Lakota Virtues and Values

Connection to Lakota virtues and values emerged as an overarching pattern, serving as a primary source of resiliency and strength. There are twelve key Lakota virtues which are interwoven: humility, perseverance, respect, honor, love, sacrifice, truth, compassion, bravery, fortitude, generosity, and wisdom. The strengths that formerly incarcerated Lakota women identified align with several of these virtues such as perseverance (e.g., “I am tired of struggling. I am willing to work hard”), hope (e.g., “There’s always gonna be rainbow at the end of a storm”), positive mindsets (e.g., “Life is too short to be miserable.”), and healthy coping (e.g., “Learning to cope and grieve and stuff in the right way”).

Such virtues and values also underscore each theme of this section including the need for kinship (wotakuye), the wisdom (woksape) of nature, and the importance of prayer (wocekiya). In Lakota culture, kinship (wotakuye) is an essential need, and kinship involves strong connections, living in harmony, belonging, family, and the importance of trusting others. The Lakota value of wisdom (woksape) involves understanding that natural processes and patterns are filled with meaning. Prayer (wocekiya) is critical to Lakota people as speaking to the Creator and having a close relationship with the Great Spirit is part of living consciously and expressing gratitude for the honor of living. Fortitude (wowaciŋtaŋka) for the Lakota means facing challenges with courage, strength, and confidence while striving for personal and community-oriented goals. These virtues and ways of being Lakota were embodied in many of the strengths identified by formerly incarcerated Lakota women.

Relatives reported being proud of who they are, and that their pride stemmed from pride in their Lakota identity. Describing what she sees in a photo of a medicine wheel that she took, a woman explained, “I see balance, like with my culture… but also being proud of who I am and where I come from.” Further, being Lakota was a key source of strength and resiliency, and the women noted that despite their incarceration challenges, “we all have power” and that power came from connection to Lakota culture and connection to others and all living things.

Need for Kinship (Wotakuye)

Relatives reported that kinship was an important part of their strength and resilience. For many women, these connections were critical to their survival and life purpose. For example, one woman shared a photo of her daughter and dog (see Image 4), explaining their importance in her life, “[My dog and my kid] make me want to keep going and keep pushing for survival.” The relative went on to explain, “She is my survival. My daughter is. She is all I have in this world. I don’t have a family, I don’t have a mom, dad, grandpa, grandma, she’s all I have.” Another woman also shared the importance of being a mom, “I created that. I provided her with a home. I might not be the best mom, [but being a mom] makes me feel accomplished and that I have a purpose in life.”

Image 4.

Description: A daughter and dog.

Relatives identified their families as sources of strength during challenging times and reported relying on one another for support. As stated by one woman, “I lost a lot, but I know my family, we are still strong together.” Another woman shared:

My brothers go to my other sisters [to talk], but they mainly come to me. But we all do talk about [family members who have passed]. It’s harder for my younger [brother], he was in prison, so that’s one when…[he] got to heal. But we never give up on family.

Further, many relatives acknowledged their desires to support their families by raising them well and being positive role models. For example, one woman discussed her desire to help her raise her daughter in a way that was different from her own upbringing:

What I really want [is to teach] my daughter to grow up right now. She sees my struggle; she sees the hurdles I go through. I didn’t have a mom there for me to show me this is what you need to do, this is what you don’t do. So, I want to teach her that you can do anything in life if you put your heart into it.

Relatives recognized that trust and vulnerability were necessary for kinship, despite being challenging at times. One woman said, “We need to have trust because if we don’t have trust you know, you can’t, got nothing. Without trust you can’t open up and share your emotions, [you can’t share what] you’re feeling.” For many relatives, the ability to be vulnerable and trust others allowed them to begin healing. Another woman shared:

That’s what I’m learning now. Because I’ve always been like a private person and I never let people see me, like if I was down and out or sad, I never let people see that side of me. It just took me a lot to ask for help you know, but I'm glad I did because I got a lot of help.

Trusting others is essential for making kinship work, and the women also recognized that re-building trust takes time. For example, one woman stated: “I know I broke their trust. I stole things from them when I was doing drugs. My daughter is who I’m trying to get her trust back still. Once you lose trust it’s really hard to get it back.”

The Wisdom (Woksape) of Nature

Connection to the land and sky was also viewed as source of resilience, as well as a metaphor for their experiences and from which women derived wisdom, purpose, hope and inspiration. As one woman explained:

[I] try to do my part. No matter what the struggle is with that tree, it will always still be trying to survive. It’s still trying to find some light. Still trying to exist. It affects me because my daughter has to live here, even after I’m not here. We’ve got to save this planet for our kids.

In addition to recognizing the importance of caring for the planet, many women discussed the symbolism of nature. Its beauty was a sign of hope and a reminder to be present in the moment. One woman shared how seeing the sunset acted as a reminder to focus on healing for herself and in her relationships:

It’s a sunset and I’m driving down the highway. I know at that moment I felt like I didn’t know where I was going. I had a little bit of a heartbreak for something going on like my sons [and] dealing with them being locked up. They are the strength that I need back, I need back to feel better, to get better and be sober. [The sunset reminds me] to repair all that.

Another woman shared how the sunrise and sunset acted as a daily reminder to be present in the moment and to see the beauty in things:

That’s the sunrise there. Those are the kinds of scenes I like to take a moment and look at. Sunset, sunrise. It’s just my mind and my heart, the beauty of everything. I am happy for the beginning of the day.

The wisdom of nature allowed many of the relatives to feel hope. This wisdom was also inseparable from the Lakota understanding of how earth’s pattern and processes are a sacred testimony of the Creator (Tuŋkasila) and Great Spirit (Wakaŋ Taŋka). Honoring and respecting the earth is an important value, and many relatives felt blessed by earth as they were reminded of the privilege, power, and honor of life. One woman shared a photograph of a rainbow (see Image 5), which acted as a sign of God’s power in her life:

[It’s] just a reminder that no matter what it’s like she says that’s God’s doing. Not mine. That’s beautiful. How can I be empowered by it? I don’t know. It’s just uplifting because it has storms, and it has the clear skies. After the storm. That’s inspiring to me to know nature’s way applies to us.

Image 5.

Description: Rainbow after a storm.

Importance of Prayer (Wocekiya)

Prayer was recognized as an important element in the lives of many of the women. One woman shared, “I’ve learned to pray and give it to God. I started feeling release. And my day starts getting better here and there. It got easier, but I had to do a lot of reading, praying, and paying attention.” Relatives believed in the healing power of prayer, as it helps them release some of their pain. Another woman shared how prayer offers the strength she needs to battle the challenges she faces, “Praying. Let go of all the negative emotions feeling about something, someone, or even myself. I battle depression every day. It’s something I have to do, release things, give it to God and let it go.”

Besides the importance of prayer for healing, prayer was also seen as an important daily practice for many of the relatives as they continue their journeys reintegrating into their communities. Prayer helped them endure life. As one woman discussed, “That was my main thing for this was just no matter what you’re going through they’re always feeling like got to keep going keep going, keep going. Keep praying and keep going.”

Moving Forward With Fortitude (Wowacíŋtaŋka)

Women also identified the need to move forward by responding to their and their communities’ challenges with courage, strength, and confidence. Many of the women chose to respond to challenges facing their communities (e.g., gun violence and police brutality) by seeking to enact positive changes via activism. For these women, engaging in activism was also a source of resilience. Sharing a photograph from an activism event (see Image 6), one woman stated that she publicly fought: “against gun violence and standing up for their rights. For their safety.” More specifically, relatives discussed how activism helped them cope with their challenges (e.g., injustices) and honor their ancestors. In a reflection on a photo from an activism event, one woman shared, “I see people who are fighting for justice for their relatives that have passed on.” Enacting social change for their communities was an important strength and source of resilience for many women.

Image 6.

Description: Activism.

Relatives also acknowledged how striving towards goals allowed them to move forward with fortitude. Goals identified were both personal and community-oriented and included getting their records cleared, working on their mental health, going to college, getting jobs, and supporting their communities. As one woman shared, “[I want to] apply for [clemency] to wipe my record. It’s, it’s called up or your pardon or whatever it is. Yeah. apply for that. Volunteer, stuff like that.” Another relative escribed how clearing her record would allow her to go to college and eventually advocate for social change in her community:

You know, for me, I’m a felon, like, for my life. You know, I know, I’d have to make a stand for myself first, before I could help others behind me, you know, one year from now I want to go back to college and the next five years when I went to apply for a clemency and get even on my records, and then after that, I want to go to school to become a judge. I really do because I want to fight for my people, you know, because we all have rights, but especially when our brown color that we truly threatened this year, you know, and that’s the sad part. But change, it takes a while. There’s a lot of women out there that that have a lot of wasted rights, too. They just stand behind and don’t voice to speak up.

Moving toward opportunities and goals that would allow the women to contribute to their communities were seen as an important part of facing and overcoming their challenges.

Impact of Photovoice

Overwhelmingly, women reported that participating in photovoice benefitted them and had a positive impact on their lives. Benefits included improved understanding of their experiences and how to help others, social support, and building their skills as photographers. Positive impacts included learning about themselves and others, acquiring new skills (e.g., photography, communication), an opportunity to share their stories, and providing a safe space to heal from past traumas and losses. Across all these themes was the importance of connection to other women in photovoice and a desire that the photos they took would lead to positive change and ultimately help other women (see Table 2 for a summary of quotes). Although not stated in the feedback surveys, one of the women verbally stated the following in a later session that echoed the impact of this project on the women: “I know I didn’t really know all of you really well, but I really think that you guys know what you need. I love every one of you. I want to support you.”

Table 2.

Impact of Photovoice on the Lives of Women (Representative Quotes).

Quote	Representative Theme
“Learning new ways and helping others that are being released or transitioning from jail, prison etc.,”	Growth/learning, helping others
“I will keep doing this and teach my daughter for us to do something together”	Connection to others
“I really enjoyed this class it has helped with my own healing process”	Healing
“I feel I bonded with the other females”	Connection to others
“It was a great learning experience, and help [ed] with social anxiety”	Healing
“It will help other people that are going through the same things”	Helping others
“Thank you for letting me be a part of something good, I am trying not to go back, that is why I really enjoy being at the meetings”	Healing
“[Help other women to] see that if we can get through the struggle, she could also”	Helping others
“We are heard and stronger with support”	Connection to others
“[It got me] out of isolation”	Connection to others
“I am an artist now I can do bigger and better.”	Growth/learning

The only negative feedback noted was that the women wished photovoice could have lasted longer (e.g., “I did not like that we had to leave”), and they hoped that they and other women would have the opportunity to do this again in the future (e.g., “I would love to participate in more projects like this”).

Discussion

The purpose of the current photovoice study was to document, via photovoice, challenges and strengths of Lakota women with histories of incarceration and leverage this data to advocate for structural change as well as culturally grounded, strengths-focused initiatives to support Lakota women’s reintegration into communities following release from prison. We also sought to document, from Lakota women’s perspectives, the impact of participating in photovoice.

Findings suggest that Lakota women face myriad challenges (e.g., housing, employment) when seeking to reintegrate into communities following release from prison, which closely aligns with previous work involving incarcerated women both Indigenous and non-Indigenous (Berman, 2005; Richie, 2001). Their challenges are exacerbated by complex trauma, grief, and loss as well as systemic racism and classism. These findings add to the small body of existing literature on challenges that Indigenous women with histories of incarceration experience as they seek to reintegrate into society (Ka’Opua et al., 2012) the first ever study, to our knowledge, specific to Lakota women in SD, a state with one of the highest incarceration rates of women in the U.S. (Monazzam & Budd, 2022).

Despite myriad challenges, women also identified a number of strengths that they, and other women with similar lived experiences, possessed. A major source of strength for women was connection to Lakota culture, virtues, and values, especially prayer and connection to a higher being. There is a growing body of literature documenting the power of culture and spirituality in promoting well-being and recovery from substance use disorders, trauma, loss, and grief among Indigenous peoples (Allen et al., 2016) none of this research is specific to Lakota women with histories of incarceration. Even intrinsic strengths (e.g., grit, hope, positive mindset) identified by women were congruent with Lakota virtues and values (e.g., woohitike [bravery] and wowacintanka [perseverance]). These data suggest that programs for Lakota women released from prison should be deeply embedded in Lakota culture/spirituality.

Women also identified the role of social support and kinship as source of tremendous strength. In fact, the social relationships developed through participating in photovoice were perceived as key mechanisms for promoting their healing and recovery. Although a growing body of literature highlights the important role of social support in supporting reentry following prison release, little of this research is specific to Indigenous persons and none specific to Lakota women (Clone & DeHart, 2014). The tiwahe, immediate family, and tiospaye, extended family, are key pillars of Lakota society and their social support systems. An important role of the tiwahe and tiospaye is to care for and protect one another (Hawk Wing, 2022). In addition to connection to individuals, many women found strength in their connection to animals and nature, consistent with the phrase mitakuye oyasin (all are related) and reflective of the Lakota worldview that all things, including people, animals, and nature are interconnected (Hawk Wing, 2022). When women were in prison, and even after being released, they experienced high levels of disconnection. Opportunities to connect with people, animals, and nature following their release was a powerful source of strength, resilience, and healing for Lakota women with histories of incarceration.

Several limitations should be noted. The sample size was relatively small and focused on one geographic region in the U.S. As such, findings may not be generalizable to formerly incarcerated Indigenous women in other regions of the U.S. However, it is highly likely that many of the challenges and strengths identified in this photovoice study would be relevant to the lives of Indigenous women in other regions of the U.S. Although, replication research is needed. Another limitation is that we had only individuals who identify as women participate. Future research would benefit from engaging Indigenous men, trans and gender diverse individuals, including Two Spirit people. Further, while the written feedback about photovoice is important, future research would benefit from conducting 1–1 interviews to gain more detailed and nuanced information on impacts of photovoice on formerly incarcerated Indigenous women. Finally, although this project hopes to generate significant discussion and change, more action-oriented research is needed to address mass incarceration and reentry challenges experienced by Ingenious relatives across diverse geographies.

Despite limitations, these data have important implications for practice and policy. First, these data highlight the importance of comprehensive supports for Indigenous women that includes educational opportunities, job training, financial supports, safe and affordable housing, and comprehensive healthcare. Further, these data support the need for initiatives that are culturally grounded and trauma-informed and seek to enhance Indigenous women’s connections to their families, communities, and lands. Although evidence-based efforts to garner social support for individuals released from prison exist (Kjellstrand et al., 2022), we are not aware of widespread efforts to ensure that reentry programs for Indigenous relatives are culturally-grounded. However, there have been more recent discussions about the critical need for these programs and some pilot initiatives (American Indian Prison Project Workgroup, 2022). In Rapid City, SD (the location of this study) a recently formed nonprofit, Oaye Luta Okolakiciye (Moving Forward in A Sacred Way), offers culturally based, trauma-informed reentry programming for Lakota relatives, grounded in spiritual assessments, cultural teachings, ceremonies, and mentorship. Culturally grounded services are also needed while relatives are incarcerated. Some progress in these areas have been made. For example, inipis (sweat lodges) are offered at the South Dakota Women’s Prison where over 50% of the population is Indigenous (Office of Human Services Policy et al., 2021), and other efforts (e.g., reentry talking circles) exist, largely led by the American Indian Prison Project Working Group (American Indian Prison Project Workgroup, 2022) and other grassroots organizations. Based on perceptions regarding the impact of this study, photovoice may also be one part of comprehensive support opportunities for Indigenous women with histories of incarceration.

Implications and Directions for Future Research

These data also speak to the urgent need for policy efforts for criminal justice reform. These efforts might include restoring tribal sovereignty, incentivizing states to reduce their prison populations, advancing police reform (including supporting and training more Tribal officers), broadening culturally-relevant prevention and therapeutic approaches, supporting more expansive drug law reform, offering alternatives (e.g., substance abuse treatment facility, restorative justice practices) to incarceration, improving prison conditions, and supporting formerly incarcerated people to rejoin the workforce and community with clean-slate legislation (Eid, 2015). Additionally, local, state, and national laws are needed to further prevent housing and employment discrimination based on race, class, and history of criminal offending and incarceration (Sugarman et al., 2018). Finally, community education and anti-racism training are needed; such efforts might include developing programs that reduce racist and intersecting prejudices among individuals (Sugarman et al., 2018), as well as teaching bystanders and allies to recognize discriminatory actions, take prosocial actions against these concerns, and intervene with offenders while promoting empathy (Sue et al., 2019). Efforts to enhance Indigenous women’s awareness of systems of oppression and their connections to colonization and multiple historical traumas may facilitate critical conscientious and activism to collectively fight oppressive systems, which may serve as an additional source of strength and resilience. Further, critical consciousness (Freire, 1973) can empower Indigenous women to develop attitudes and engage in behaviors that promote the rejection of internalized trauma, including racism.

Concluding Thoughts

In sum, the current study provides important insights into challenges and strengths of Lakota women with histories of incarceration, as well as the urgent need for comprehensive culturally grounded, strengths-focused, collectivist initiatives to support their reintegration into communities. At the same time, however, efforts are needed to prevent the mass incarceration of Indigenous women (and other people of color), and structural changes are essential to prevent the poverty and racism that are intricately connected to challenges faced by Lakota women across the lifespan. Despite extreme adversity, the women in this study possessed tremendous power and agency, enhanced by their connections to others. We hope that this paper generates future research and immediate collective action. We also hope that this paper serves as a reminder that “we all have power” – power to find agency in the most adverse of circumstances and power to collectively fight systems of oppression.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

We have the utmost respect and gratitude for the women who shared their stories and photos with us. Their stories will be with us forever. Wopila Tanka.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Funding for this project was provided by the Nebraska Tobacco Settlement Biomedical Research Development Funds.

ORCID iDs

Katie M. Edwards

Emily E. Camp

Natira Mullet

Diana Than

Notes

Author Biographies

Katie M. Edwards is a professor of Educational Psychology at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. She uses community-based participatory action research to understand: (1) How do we prevent sexual and related forms of violence? and (2) How do we effectively support survivors in the aftermath of violent victimization? Much of her work focuses on minoritized populations, specifically Native American/Indigenous youth and families and LGBTQ+ youth. Her work has been funded by multiple federal agencies as well as foundations.

Emily E. Camp is a sixth-year Counseling Psychology doctoral candidate at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, currently employed as a psychology doctoral intern at the University of New Hampshire. Her line of research primarily considers: (1) the development, implementation, evaluation, and dissemination of best practices for reducing the prevalence and societal burden of interpersonal violence through prevention science and community-based participatory action research methods and (2) how to best support those who have survived interpersonal violence through trauma-informed counseling and remediation efforts.

Tiffany N. Luethke is an Assistant Professor at the University of Nebraska Kearney. Her research is focused on how people adapt and reintegrate following life changing experiences, like forced displacement, military deployment, serious medical diagnosis, or prison.

Ramona Herrington is an enrolled member of the Oglala Sioux Tribe and cultural outreach manager at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. She is passionate about helping her relatives, especially children through culturally grounded violence prevention initiatives.

LaVonne Roach is an enrolled member of the Oglala Sioux Tribe and survivor of the prison industrial complex. She commits her life to helping other Lakota relatives especially those formerly incarcerated. She is also very engaged in community activism.

Maggie Bertsche is a current graduate student in counseling psychology at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. She is also an integrative massage therapist. She is interested in how mind/body connections can be integrated into psychology research.

Preciouse Trujillo is an enrolled member of the Rosebud and senior community liaison at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Her work focuses on engaging community members in all aspects of research specific to culturally grounded violence prevention and response work.

India Rose Carter-Bolick recently graduated from Bennington College with a self-designed major focusing on community psychology, restorative justice, and social activism. Their research centers on the empowerment of minoritized communities through CBPAR, restorative justice, and other anti-colonialist approaches. They are currently a research coordinator at Ibis Reproductive Health.

Natira Mullet is an assistant professor at North Dakota State University. Her research focuses on examining intergenerational, cultural and familial protective factors to reduce interpersonal trauma and resulting substance use and mental health outcomes among marginalized communities.

Diana Than graduated from University of California Long Beach with Psychology and Political Science Degrees. Diana is passionate about using research to prevent and respond to violence against women.

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