Expanding the Transformative Explanatory Sequential Mixed Methods Design Archetype in a Cross-Cultural Context: The Polemics of African Refugee Livelihoods in Places of Resettlement

Abstract

Transformative sequential mixed methods design in a cross-cultural context is seldom straightforward. Using a community-based participatory research approach as the transformative lens in an African refugee context in the southern United Status, we explored: (a) the intersection of culture, financial stress, and financial self-efficacy and (b) tested the efficacy of financial literacy as the focus of a culturally responsive solution grounded in community-identified priorities. Through a three-phased explanatory sequential mixed methods design, we demonstrate how the addition of a third phase of analysis that focuses on convergence and expansion of quantitative and qualitative data integration and cyclical processes of dissemination and action can strengthen the utility of transformative mixed methods research in a cross-cultural context. Our study offers a unique contribution to the long-standing methodological dialogue between the design elements of mixed methods research, community-based participatory research, and migration studies by expanding the transformative explanatory sequential design archetype in a cross-cultural context.

Keywords

explanatory sequential design transformative mixed methods design community-based participatory research African refugees financial literacy financial self-efficacy financial stress

Recent research has firmly established the utility and implications of mixed methods research (MMR) for addressing complex social issues across different fields of study. Yet there is a widely recognized need for studies on advanced applications of MMR that demonstrate how it intersects with other research approaches (Hesse-Biber & Johnson, 2013; Plano Clark & Ivankova, 2016) and how its methodological tactics lead to measurable outcomes (DeJonckheere et al., 2018). This is particularly true in migration research, where complex social conditions and power differentials call for new ways of conceptualizing, theorizing, and conducting empirical research (Bergman, 2018). With the development of advanced applications that integrate transformative pragmatic research approaches (Hesse-Biber & Johnson, 2013), researchers can use mixed methodology—which is well suited to migration’s complexity, mutability, and transdisciplinarity (Bergman, 2018)—to address cultural complexity and resilience throughout the research process as a basis for social change (Mertens, 2007). One such advanced application is the sequential explanatory mixed method design combined with community-based participatory research (CBPR).

The two-phased sequential explanatory design has been widely applied in social and behavioral sciences research, yet it suffers from a lack of methodological clarity (Ivankova et al., 2006). This problem is also true of the transformative paradigm, which provides a metaphysical framework but not pragmatic approaches for conducting transformative research (Mertens, 2012). Furthermore, even when mixed methods studies are conducted using the transformative paradigm, they often underutilize the transformative criteria and are limited in their advocacy stance for social change (Sweetman et al., 2010). In a cross-cultural context, the use of a transformative sequential explanatory design becomes more complex because of the unique cultural situation, participatory approach, and transformative principles—enrichment of social justice, promotion of human rights, and value for cultural norms (Mertens, 2009). Given these issues, we maintain that transformative sequential explanatory designs must be further developed and refined to bolster MMR’s pragmatic utility. The methodological purpose of our study, therefore, was to exemplify and advance the repertoire of transformative sequential explanatory design in a cross-cultural context. We did so by adding a third phase of data integration and analysis that focused on convergence and expansion of mixed methods data as well as inclusion of community voices to define an entry point for a transformative cycle of dissemination and action (Mertens, 2003).

Through an illustrative research study, we investigated the phenomenon of financial capability by focusing on financial stress, financial literacy, and financial self-efficacy among an African refugee population in the southern United States. Using CBPR as the transformative lens, we explored the financial challenges of resettled African refugees with two goals: (a) to identify barriers to financial capacity and inclusion and (b) to garner culturally responsive solutions grounded in community voices and priorities. We incorporated the mixed methods integration trilogy—philosophical, methodological, and methods (Fetters & Molina-Azorin, 2017)—to increase the pragmatic utility of transformative MMR, which calls for addressing cultural complexity and resilience throughout the research process (Mertens, 2007).

We begin with a summary of literature on transformative explanatory sequential mixed methods design and CBPR in cross-cultural contexts. We then present our illustrative MMR study and its empirical purpose, followed by a detailed description of the development of our three-phased explanatory sequential design, data collection and analysis, and integration of results within the transformative paradigm. Lastly, we discuss our contribution to mixed methods methodology literature.

Transformative Research, CBPR, and Sequential Explanatory Mixed Methods Design

Transformative Research

The need for transformative MMR stems from two major circumstances: the persistent research gaps related to the needs of marginalized populations and the potential of mixed methods to provide a basis for addressing human rights and social change (Mertens, 2007). Reason and Bradbury (2006) have advocated for transforming research in ways that democratize social relationships and promote the equality of all participants. The transformative paradigm championed by Donna M. Mertens (2009) emphasizes the need to address human rights and social justice, highlights inequities in access to culturally appropriate services among marginalized communities, and challenges the usual deficit perspectives by focusing on community resilience. It calls for transforming all stages of the research process, including problem identification, design, data collection, sampling, analysis, interpretation, dissemination, and action (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018; Mertens, 2003). Transformative mixed method designs mandate active collaboration with marginalized communities to critically examine diverse historical and social perspectives (Garnett et al., 2019). A major aim is to improve lives by generating solutions, with research participants mobilized at the community level in ways that engender ripple effects in the larger society (Mertens, 2009). In a cross-cultural context, the cultural complexities and ethical concerns associated with traditional research and the need for multicultural validity grounded in community voices provide the rationale for transformative MMR (Mertens, 2009).

CBPR in Transformative Research

CBPR has been firmly established as a transformative approach with the potential to develop, implement, and disseminate effective interventions across diverse communities (Wallerstein & Duran, 2010). It has been increasingly used to bridge science and practice when addressing complex social and health inequities (Wallerstein & Duran, 2010). However, there is only fragmentary knowledge about the best practices to maximize CBPR’s impact (Lucero et al., 2018). Furthermore, although MMR’s potential to advance CBPR has been widely discussed (Lucero et al., 2018), little is understood about the intersection of these approaches (DeJonckheere et al., 2018) within the transformative paradigm. To improve CBPR’s reach, rigor, and relevance, researchers must address its methodological challenges, including by delineating how the transformative paradigm can be practically incorporated into MMR.

In the context of migration, the sparse discourse connecting MMR, CBPR, and migration studies have led to missed opportunities for transformative research, practice, and policy that improve immigrant well-being. Given the dominance of acculturation perspectives that overlook the structural and contextual factors affecting immigrant health inequities, the advancement of transformative research in migration studies is especially crucial (Maleku, 2015). Emerging evidence shows that CBPR has the potential to enhance research of marginalized migrant populations and to address persistent social exclusion with community capacity building (Minkler & Chang, 2014). Community capacity building in CBPR is based on enduring partnerships and infrastructure centered around the bilateral transfer of knowledge and colearning between researchers and community partners (Hacker, 2013). Its outcomes are often manifested in the increased capacity of communities to respond to future challenges (Hacker et al., 2019).

Sequential Explanatory Mixed Methods Design

Although the characteristics of sequential explanatory mixed methods design, which entails collecting and analyzing quantitative and qualitative data in two consecutive phases, is well described (Creswell et al., 2003), its implementation is seldom straightforward (Ivankova et al., 2006). There is a need to streamline decisions regarding the priority of methods, to consider implementation issues, and to define how and when to connect quantitative and qualitative phases and integrate their results (Ivankova et al., 2006). When sequential explanatory design is combined with a transformative approach, such as CBPR, there is an added layer of complexity that greatly limits the design’s potential. The typical two-phase sequential explanatory design—in which quantitative data provide a general picture of the research problem, which is extended or explained by qualitative data (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011)—cannot accommodate the transformative paradigm’s cyclical dissemination and action (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018; Mertens, 2003). New ways of conceptualizing and actualizing hybrid designs are thus needed for advanced applications of MMR (Creswell, 2016). In the context of migration research, advanced mixed methods designs are needed both to provide empirical evidence for migration knowledge and to assist in “systematic investigation of knowledge production and policy recommendations to deal with emergent sets of phenomena” (Bergman, 2018, p. 373).

Illustrative Study Context: African Refugee Livelihoods in Places of Resettlement

Although refugees are one of the most scrutinized groups of immigrants entering the United States, there is a paucity of research examining their resettlement challenges and socioeconomic characteristics (New American Economy, 2017). Data disaggregation further limits this picture: Refugees are often studied as a unitary group, obscuring unique cultural contexts and integration experiences. African refugees have been an especially invisible subpopulation (Akinsulure-Smith, 2017), even though Black African immigrants—who had the fastest growth rate (41%) from 2000 to 2013 among major immigrant groups arriving between 2012 and 2017 (Anderson, 2017)—are more likely than other voluntary immigrants to come to the United States as refugees or to gain asylum after immigration (Capps et al., 2012). Particularly little is known about this population’s financial well-being and the intersecting effects of resettlement challenges, culture, the active remittance phenomenon, and postresettlement livelihood. Without more information on these factors, efforts toward refugee integration and a more cohesive society cannot be achieved.

Economic Adaptation and Financial Well-Being

Fostering economic self-sufficiency, adaptation, and integration into U.S. economic and financial systems is central to refugee resettlement programs (Capps et al., 2015). Refugee economic adaptation, conceptualized as a function of six factors—demographic characteristics, flight-related characteristics, host-related characteristics, policy characteristics, residency characteristics, and noneconomic aspects of adaptation—is typically measured through indicators such as employment, welfare utilization, and income (Potocky-Tripodi, 2001). Studies using these measures have indicated that despite the political debate about the cost of resettlement, refugees demonstrate high labor force participation and entrepreneurialism, and represent a strong upward trajectory of contribution to the U.S. economy (New American Economy, 2017). Economic contribution is, however, asymmetrical: African immigrants earn less than other groups, even with higher educational attainment (Capps et al., 2012).

Economic adaptation and financial well-being involve a solid understanding of the financial landscape and the confidence to engage in existing financial systems. Refugees face unique challenges in financial service utilization because of language barriers, cultural factors, immigration status, experiences of financial institutions in their home country, and the need to conduct international financial transactions (Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service [LIRS], 2012). These challenges may be compounded by the urgency of their situation, transition to new spaces, and limited opportunity to network with family members at home or elsewhere (LIRS, 2012). Although use of mainstream financial services is crucial to economic and social integration (Zhan et al., 2013), immigrants are generally less likely to use bank accounts and other mainstream financial services (Rhine & Greene, 2006), access credit or other financing (Newberger et al., 2004), and save and invest (Zhan et al., 2013). They also have lower wealth accumulation (Osili & Paulson, 2004) and are more vulnerable to predatory lending practices (Paulson et al., 2006). Immigrants, especially with low incomes (Zhan et al., 2006, 2009), are often unfamiliar with the mainstream banking system and may lack knowledge of bank account management and loan requirements (Schoenholtz & Stanton, 2001; Suro et al., 2002). They may consequently lack the confidence to engage with financial institutions and may also express difficulties with and skepticism about them (Zhan et al., 2006, 2009).

Culture, Financial Behavior, and Well-Being

Culture informs financial behaviors and decisions in numerous ways, including with respect to the use of financial services, spending and saving habits, and responsibility for household financial decision-making (LIRS, 2012). Understanding the influence of culture on financial behavior is, therefore, crucial to understanding economic adaptation and financial well-being. Among refugee populations, the failure to meet household financial obligations or to fulfill the financial demands from home countries creates financial stress (Heckman et al., 2014). Overall mental well-being is thus affected by this “global breadwinner” role (Stoll & Johnson, 2007). African immigrants stay connected to their countries of origin via ethnic, national, political, and religious affiliations (Wilson & Habecker, 2008). It is often in association with these affiliations that African immigrants make economic transfers in the form of remittance. Although remittance is recognized as an important source of support for kin in Africa and the Middle East (Naudé, 2010), little is known about the active remittance phenomenon and its intersection with financial stress among African refugees.

Financial education can improve financial literacy and change financial behaviors (Jacob et al., 2000). Consequently, interventions targeting educational enhancement may have the biggest impact on refugee economic adaptation (Potocky-Tripodi, 2003). However, more research is needed on effective financial literacy interventions for immigrant populations (LIRS, 2012) and on how immigrant experiences affect financial literacy, especially among Asian, African, and European immigrants, who have not been the focus of financial literacy programs (LIRS, 2012). Furthermore, there is a need for holistic, culturally informed efforts that target psychological and social well-being in addition to economic adaptation (Potocky-Tripodi, 2001).

In this study, we used a transformative explanatory sequential mixed method design to gain insights into an often-misunderstood segment of the refugee population. We used the financial capability lens to examine financial stress, financial literacy, and financial self-efficacy in the migration context in order to bridge gaps in knowledge of African refugee livelihoods.

Illustrative Study Purpose and Conceptual Framework

Our illustrative research study had a threefold empirical purpose: (a) explore the relationships between financial stress, financial literacy, and financial self-efficacy, which together characterize patterns of financial well-being in refugee post-resettlement context; (b) understand the financial conditions that contribute to financial stress; and (c) garner a community-grounded culturally responsive solution targeted to African refugees.

Financial capability is both an individual and a structural concept (Sherraden, 2013), residing in the relationship between individuals and their social reality (Nussbaum, 2000). People make financial decisions based on their innate ability, knowledge, and skills and within their realm of possibility (Sherraden, 2013). We argue that in addition to the social, economic, and political contexts internalized in attitudes, motivation, confidence, self-efficacy, and behavior (Reynolds & Pemberton, 2001), cultural context influences financial behavior and decisions. We thus focused on cultural elements that act as protective and risk factors for financial well-being and economic adaptation.

Financial capability is linked to financial literacy (internal capability) and financial access (the external environment that promotes financial functioning to enhance financial capability; Nussbaum, 2000). For many low-income families, particularly newly arrived immigrants and refugees, financial literacy is the stepping-stone out of poverty (LIRS, 2012). When immigrants are better equipped to make informed financial decisions, they reach self-sufficiency more quickly and integrate into their new communities more successfully (LIRS, 2012). To manage personal finances, however, individuals also need a sense of self-assuredness in their own capabilities—or self-efficacy (Farrell et al., 2016). We therefore posited that financial stress, financial literacy, and financial self-efficacy interact to achieve the larger goal of financial capability.

CBPR Approach

We used the CBPR approach as the transformative lens to include community voices in exploring the financial capability of African refugees. The transformative mixed methods design was particularly important as it acknowledges the complexities inherent in research with diverse and marginalized cross-cultural populations (Mertens, 2012). For our study, we viewed transformation as a social process in which the African refugee community participated at all levels of the research in order to identify financial challenges and build community capacity to derive a culturally responsive solution. Foregrounding the combination of community knowledge and research expertise, this process offered a colearning opportunity to improve conditions for the community’s financial well-being. Thus, we focused on shifting power through bidirectional learning, shared resources, collective decision-making, and pragmatic outcomes advantageous to the community (Wallerstein & Duran, 2010). We emphasized building research capacity through mentorship, supporting community involvement in research and training, and employing community members as research staff (Caldwell et al., 2005). African refugee members were trained in research protocols and employed for data collection and analysis through interactive processes; this bolstered community participation in research and contributed to refining a research protocol centered on cultural humility. Community leaders, collaborators, and stakeholders were active partners throughout the study and were involved in study conceptualization, study protocol refinement, data collection, and dissemination of research findings at local conferences. A major aim of the study was to leverage study results and partnerships to promote changes in social conditions that ultimately benefit the community (Balazs & Morello-Frosch, 2013). Thus, the study created opportunities for community members, stakeholders, and researchers to build their collective capacities for participatory research through periodic reflection on community lived experiences and identification of community capacity, needs, and priorities. Finally, the study created an entry point for continued partner collaboration and capacity building, most notably through the codevelopment of an intervention to address the community priorities emerging from this study.

Method

Research Design

Guided by the transformative paradigm and the CBPR approach, we used a three-phased explanatory sequential mixed methods design (Figure 1). The quantitative data were used to determine the direction of qualitative study, and the qualitative data were used to explain the quantitative findings (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). The quantitative and qualitative data were used in the third phase to identify and confirm the potential solution based on community voice and priorities. The study’s three interrelated phases were executed sequentially with the goal of engaging multiple perspectives to produce a nuanced explanation (Creamer, 2018). A second goal was to generate a cross-cultural research model that integrates mixed methods approaches at all levels and offers an entry point for social change (Mertens, 2007).

Figure 1.

Procedural diagram.

Phase I entailed quantitative data collection using a community survey (N = 130). In Phase II, qualitative data were collected in focus group discussions (N = 23) to generate a community-grounded solution. In Phase III, quantitative and qualitative data were converged to test the efficacy of the community-grounded solution. This process helped generate powerful meta-inference (Creamer, 2018) and to expand the methodological archetype of transformative sequential mixed methods design. This phase also provided entry point for intervention codevelopment grounded in community voices and priorities. The study was approved by the study site’s institutional review board. Data were collected from December 2017 to April 2018.

Data Collection and Analysis

Phase I: Quantitative Data Collection

We conducted a cross-sectional community survey from a sample of resettled African refugees (N = 130; Table 1) in the southern United States. Participants were recruited in collaboration with two community-based organizations at their formal and informal events. Eligibility criteria were age 18 or older and refugee status from an African country. Participants proficient in English completed the survey independently. For participants with limited English proficiency, trained bilingual data collectors translated the consent form and survey into Kiswahili, French, and Arabic. Because the data collectors were from the refugee community, they were adept at understanding the cultural context of African refugee livelihoods. The data collectors’ training in interactive research and data collection methods further strengthened their capacity for cultural responsiveness during the research process (Caldwell et al., 2005).

Table 1.

Demographic Characteristics of Survey Respondents (N = 130).

Variable	Percentage (n)
Age (years)
20 or younger	12.2 (16)
21-30	40.0 (52)
31-40	20.8 (27)
41-50	16.2 (21)
51 or older	10.8 (14)
Gender
Female	56.9 (74)
Male	41.5 (54)
Other	1.6 (2)
Length of stay
Under 2 years	25.8 (33)
3-5 Years	21.1 (27)
6-10 Years	25.0 (32)
11 Years and over	28.1 (36)
Countries
Congo	33.8 (44)
Liberia	23.8 (31)
Sudan	10 (13)
South Sudan	11.5 (15)
Sierra Leone	3.1 (4)
Central African Republic	3.1 (4)
Togo	3.1 (4)
Rwanda	3.1 (4)
Uganda	2.3 (3)
Other	6.2 (8)
Marital status
Single	53.5 (69)
Married	34.1 (44)
Other	12.4 (17)
Education
Graduate degree	11.0 (14)
Bachelor’s degree	16.5 (21)
High school	26.0 (33)
Vocational training	21.3 (27)
General equivalency diploma (GED)	4.7 (6)
Middle school	8.7 (11)
Elementary school	6.3 (8)
No education	5.5 (7)
Employment
Full-time	60.3 (76)
Part-time	22.2 (28)
Not employed	17.5 (22)

Note. Actual n varies based on missing values.

The average age of study participants was 33.62 years (SD = 12.65). The sample was 56.9% female, 41.5% male, and 1.5% identifying as “other.” Participants came from 17 African countries, including Congo (34.6%), Liberia (23.8%), and Sudan (21.5%). Almost a third of respondents (28.1%) had been in the United States for more than 11 years, followed by those in the United States for about 2 years (25.8%), for 6 to 10 years (25%), and for 3 to 5 years (21.1%). More than half of the participants (53.5%) were single, followed by married (34%) and other (12.4%). Participants with a high school diploma constituted 26% of the sample; 4.7% had a general equivalency diploma (GED), 21.3% vocational training, 16.5% a bachelor’s degree, and 11% a graduate degree. A majority (60.3%) worked full-time, and about one fifth (22.2%) worked part-time; less than one fifth (17.5%) were not employed.

Quantitative variables

There were three domain-specific variables: financial literacy, financial self-efficacy, and financial stress.

Financial literacy: We defined financial literacy as the inputs required for the financial knowledge and skills that shape financial behavior (Lusardi, 2012). Financial literacy was measured with a three-item scale: “I am good at dealing with day-to-day financial matters, such as checking accounts, credit and debit cards, and tracking expenses”; “I am pretty good at math”; and “Overall, I feel knowledgeable enough about money, checking accounts, credit/debit cards, tracking expenses, etc., to manage my financial responsibilities on an everyday basis.” The items were rated on a 7-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree) showing strong internal consistency (Cronbach’s α = .89). However, due to lack of response variability, we recoded the scale into two categories: low (0; less than mean score) and high (1; more than mean score) based on the mean composite score cut point (M = 5.17, SD = 1.73, range = 1-9; Altman & Royston, 2006). This dichotomization simplified data analysis and the interpretation and presentation of results; it also provided opportunities for group comparison with low and high financial literacy levels. However, some statistical power might have been reduced in the analysis (Altman & Royston, 2006)

Financial self-efficacy: We defined financial self-efficacy as the capacity to make sound financial decisions for financial well-being (LIRS, 2012). It was measured with three items: “I have little control over financial things that happen to me”; “I often feel helpless in dealing with the money problems of life”; and “There is little I can do to change many of the important money issues in my life” (Dietz et al., 2003). The items were rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly agree to 4 = strongly disagree). Higher scores indicate higher levels of financial self-efficacy (Cronbach’s α = .80).

Financial stress: We defined financial stress as the inability to meet financial obligations and as the psychological or emotional effects caused by the inability to fulfill financial obligations (Heckman et al., 2014). The construct was measured with three items: “I have enough money to participate in most of the same activities as my peers do”; “I regularly spend more than I have by using credit or borrowing”; and “I pay my bills on time every month” (Heckman et al., 2014). Each item was measured on a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree). Items 1 and 3 were reverse-coded. Higher scores indicate higher levels of financial stress (Cronbach’s α = .50). Although .70 is a commonly cited cutoff point for Cronbach’s alpha, Raykov (2004) and Zimmerman (1972) have suggested that lower values are acceptable in some behavioral research applications. Given the unavailability of a financial stress scale adapted for the refugee context, we proceeded to use the measure.

Descriptive statistics described the sample characteristics. Independent samples t tests assessed mean differences in financial stress and financial self-efficacy based on the levels of financial literacy. Pearson’s correlations evaluated relationships between financial self-efficacy, financial literacy, and financial stress.

Phase II: Qualitative Data Collection

Participants for the first focus group discussion (FGD; n = 11; Table 2), with refugee informants, were selected from the community survey sample. The participants represented four African countries: Sierra Leone, Congo, Cameroon, and Sudan. Because local stakeholders are integral to any CBPR project, service providers to the refugee population (n = 12) participated in a second FGD (Table 2). About half of the stakeholders were affiliated with local nonprofit organizations.

Table 2.

Demographic Characteristics of the Focus Group Participants (N = 23).

	Refugee key informants (n = 11)	Service providers (n = 12)
	Percentage (n)
Age (years)
20-30	18.2 (2)	16.7 (2)
31-40	18.2 (2)	8.3 (1)
41-50	45.4 (5)	8.3 (1)
51-60	18.2 (2)	33.3 (4)
61-70		25.0 (1)
70 Years and older		8.3 (1)
Gender
Female	45.5 (5)	75 (9)
Male	54.5 (6)	25 (3)
Race
White		75 (9)
Black	100 (11)	8.3 (1)
Other		16.7 (2)
Length of stay
5-7 Years	10.0 (1)
7-9 Years	20.0 (2)
10 Years or more	70.0 (7)
Countries
Sudan	36.8 (4)
Sierra Leone	27.3 (3)
Cameroon	18.2 (2)
Congo	9.1 (1)
Other	9.1 (1)
Education
High school diploma or equivalent	20.0 (2)
Associate’s degree	40.0 (4)
Some college, but no degree		16.6 (2)
Bachelor’s degree	10.0 (1)	33.3 (4)
Master’s degree	30 (3)	33.3 (4)
Doctoral degree or equivalent		16.7 (2)
Full-time employment
Yes	66.7 (6)
No	22.2 (2)
Other	11.1 (1)
Organization type
Public agency		25 (3)
Nonprofit organization [501(c)(3)]		50 (6)
Other		25 (3)

Note. Actual n varies based on missing values.

FGDs focused on community issues, access to culturally appropriate services, the service landscape, and targeted solutions to community problems. Both FGDs were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. Rapid and Rigorous Qualitative Data Analysis (RADaR) technique—a method to organize, reduce, and analyze qualitative data (Watkins, 2017)—was used to develop (in Excel) a data reduction table with multiple rows and columns and text from both focus group transcripts. The table formed the basis for thematic coding and analysis. We followed five steps for thematic analysis (Nowell et al., 2017). First, researchers familiarized themselves with the data and triangulated the data with field notes and reflection. Second, initial codes were generated based on line-by-line coding using a coding framework. The first and the second authors coded the data independently. Third, thematic connections from the data were generated based on relationships between codes, the frequency of each code, and meaning across codes. Fourth, the researchers vetted the themes by testing for referential adequacy and reviewing the raw data (Nowell et al., 2017). Fifth, to improve methodological rigor, all authors reevaluated the data analysis independently and agreed on the overarching themes and subthemes. Preliminary results were shared with community members at several community meetings, which further paved the way for member checking, triangulation of qualitative study results, and garnering support for a community-identified solution.

Phase III. Convergence of Quantitative and Qualitative Data: Model Testing and Intervention Identification

The qualitative and quantitative data were further used to refine and validate the moderating effect of financial literacy—the community-driven solution generated in the FGDs. This continual methodological process of connecting, building, generating, and testing a model (Fetters & Molina-Azorin, 2017, 2019) with community input demonstrates the cyclical nature of a transformative MMR approach (Mertens, 2010). Furthermore, this process integrated community knowledge and researcher expertise in a mutually reinforcing colearning opportunity (Hacker, 2013) that helped cocreate a community solution based on community voices and priorities. This interactive process of knowledge cocreation provides a foundation for social impact and expands our much-needed understanding of processes that engage and involve the knowledge users themselves (Jull et al., 2017). A moderation analysis based on the macro PROCESS (Hayes, 2013) was conducted using SPSS Version 23.0 to test the moderation effect of financial literacy on the relationship between financial stress and financial self-efficacy. PROCESS generated 1,000 bootstrap samples and estimated the conditional effect of financial literacy with a 95% confidence interval (CI).

Results

Quantitative Results

For refugees, access to financial services is a starting point for financial management and wealth building and helps establish formal relationships with financial institutions. Of the 130 survey respondents, 76.9% had access to checking accounts and about 60% to saving accounts. The top three reasons given for not having accounts were not having enough money to save (81%), being unemployed (13%), and being unable to read and write (6%).

Independent Samples t Tests

The independent samples t tests (Table 3) identified significant differences in financial self-efficacy (t = −3.02, p < .01) and financial stress (t = 4.66, p < .001) based on financial literacy. Refugees with higher financial literacy reported higher financial self-efficacy (M = 8.77) compared with respondents with lower financial literacy (M = 7.61). By contrast, refugees with higher financial literacy reported lower financial stress (M = 6.40) compared with respondents with lower financial literacy (M = 7.81).

Table 3.

Independent Samples t Test (N = 130).

	Financial self-efficacy		Financial stress
	M (SD)	t	M (SD)	t
Financial literacy
Low	7.61 (1.90)	−3.02**	7.81 (1.18)	4.66***
High	8.77 (2.11)		6.40 (2.02)

p < .01. ***p < .001.

Correlations

Pearson’s correlations (Table 4) for pairs of the three constructs indicated that financial stress was negatively correlated with financial self-efficacy (r = −.40, p < .001) and financial literacy (r = −.38, p < .001). However, financial self-efficacy and financial literacy were positively correlated (r = .27, p < .01).

Table 4.

Correlations.

	Financial self-efficacy	Financial literacy	Financial stress
Financial self-efficacy	1
Financial literacy	.27**	1
Financial stress	−.40***	−.38***	1

p < .01. ***p < .001.

Qualitative Results

The in-depth qualitative data from the FGDs yielded five overarching themes and subthemes related to African refugees’ financial challenges and the impact on their livelihoods (Table 5).

Table 5.

Translation of Themes.

	Subthemes	Overarching themes
• Unrealistic financial support for refugee families	• Lack of adequate financial support and impact of living conditions	1. Financial Stress in a New Nest
• Minimal financial support	• Cost of freedom
• Financial support as a determinant of other issues	• In a limbo between resettlement expectations & reality
• Refugee Debt to U.S. government	• Family challenges, family functioning, and sustainability
• Mismatch between resettlement expectations and reality confusion
• Financial challenges to family function and relationships
• Financial status as a source of stress & vulnerability	• Financial status and discrimination	2. The Financial Face of Discrimination
• Economic discrimination is the foundation of all discriminations	• Economic mobility challenges
• Discrimination is neither social nor racial—It is financial
• Cycle of low-wage work
• Limited opportunities for economic mobility
• Lack of control on financial decisions	• Lack of financial awareness	3. Lack of Financial Awareness & Self-efficacy: A Cycle of Systemic Poverty
• Debt and Credit cards as a cycle of vulnerability	• U.S. credit system, credit regulatory policy & vulnerability
• Lack of financial awareness on credit and financial systems	• Intergenerational cycle of poverty
• Culture and financial behavior
• Large African families and culture of financial expectations back home	• The force of cultural norms	4. The Global Breadwinner
• Remittance, continual stress and imbalance	• A continual drag on the quality of life
• Financial responsibility and quality of life	• A strength of African refugees
• Financial responsibility as a strength
• Financial literacy as the financial solution	• Financial literacy & cultural responsiveness	5. Financial Literacy as a potential solution to reduce financial stress & promote self-efficacy
• Collective community financial literacy	• Financial literacy, financial self-efficacy & community resilience
• Promotion of self-efficacy through financial literacy
• Need for Financial literacy informed by African perspective
• Financial literacy, positive socializing and social support

Theme 1: Financial Stress in a New Nest

When refugees arrive in the United States, they receive 8 months of state-administered cash and medical assistance as specified in the U.S. Refugee Act (1980)—short-term support that has been widely criticized as inadequate (Fix et al., 2017). Participants in the stakeholders’ FGD highlighted the numerous financial barriers that African refugees face.

Lack of adequate financial support and impact of living conditions

Local resettlement agencies are charged with providing support (food, housing, clothing, language training, and employment guidance) for the first 30 days after a refugee’s arrival (Capps et al., 2015). After the initial period, refugees are expected to enroll in social benefit systems or gain employment. Although there are provisions for employment, language, and other services for 5 years, these are often concentrated in the first few months (Capps & Fix, 2015). Furthermore, funding has been declining for refugee resettlement (Fix et al., 2017). According to one service provider, inadequate funding results in poor living conditions, which lead to other problems:

It’s very little money. They really struggle, and we struggle with them to try and make it stretch, which means they get into very bad neighborhoods because that’s what we can afford—and there’s consequences of that.

Cost of freedom

The federal government provides refugees coming to the United States with travel loans, which they must repay within about 2 years of arrival. One service provider lamented the financial hardships created by that debt:

They must pay for the airline tickets—the travel loan—back to the government. They are struggling to just eat, and they must figure out how to pay this back.

Another participant corroborated the cost of freedom:

For people with big family, it’s a big ticket. I think they will go all through their life not being able to pay it all.

In limbo between resettlement expectations and reality

Refugees accepted for resettlement undergo health screening and cultural orientation prior to arrival (National Immigration Forum, 2019). These programs focus on educating refugees about life in their new home and setting pragmatic expectations to promote successful resettlement. Participants from the African refugee community expressed the mismatch between their expectations and the real-life challenges in their new life:

When our people from the refugee camp have a refugee status and are promised to come to America, the expectations are—now I can take care of my mom, now I can take care of my aunt, now I can take care of my best friend. Then you land in America, they take you to this nice dream-world apartment that you never had. Then you’re thinking—okay, my dream is real and my life will continue probably like this because nobody [in Africa] would just come and say, that’s your room, that’s your bathroom, that’s your sink, that’s your kitchen—no, nobody would say that. Now you are handed that, which raises the expectation that somebody’s going to be doing this. Then suddenly—you come to that step where they say—you have to manage yourself. You also must deal with language barrier. You are in a job where you’re paid $7.25, $8.25 an hour, and you must support your family. And now, that is where reality hits you.

Another participant noted the need for predeparture financial orientations:

We need to make sure that before people get here, there is some kind of financial training that is letting them see what they will be facing so that when they get here, they already have an idea.

Financial challenges and impact on family functioning and sustainability

Refugee families face continual challenges in balancing personal and economic lives. Because employment and self-sufficiency are central elements of resettlement programs, refugees are encouraged to find jobs as soon as possible (Capps & Fix, 2015). Given the lower paying jobs refugees usually receive, they work long and nonstandard hours. They struggle to balance work and family, often creating rifts in the parent–child relationship and dysfunctions in family structure, functioning, and sustainability:

Whenever refugees do start working, they’re working these low-end jobs and then they have to pay their bills. Then they are forced to work almost literally 24/7. You’re working in a restaurant setting where you’re working morning time, during lunch time, and then as soon as that’s over with, you’re working the night shift, so whenever there are events, you’re not able to make it because you have to go to work.

Another noted:

It’s just that you’re always working, let’s say, minimum wage, $7.25 an hour for 5 years, 6 years, 7 years, and then next thing you know, you’re 30. You missed half of your children life because you have to work—because for the parents, especially, all they dream is to make sure that their children succeed. The most important thing, then, is putting food on the table and paying the light bills, making sure that the light bills are paid because they must do their homework.

Theme 2: The Financial Face of Discrimination

It is well established that racial and ethnic minorities are more likely than their White counterparts to experience multidimensional poverty (Reeves et al., 2016). When refugee status is added to racial and ethnic complexity, the financial face of discrimination is even more pronounced. Participants discussed how financial discrimination undercuts every facet of refugee life.

Financial status and discrimination

Socioeconomic status is generally defined in terms of income, educational attainment, financial security, and perceptions of social status and class. One respondent highlighted financial status as a key form of discrimination:

Discrimination is not a social thing. Discrimination is a financial thing because people who are financially stable communicate and interact. I mean they play golf together. We all know that. They dine together, they travel together, and there is no separation. The separation comes when you have disadvantaged groups who are still trying to make ends meet—[and] get crumbs.

Economic mobility challenges

Employment has received overwhelming attention as a critical factor in successful refugee resettlement (Porter & Haslam, 2005). However, refugees resettled in the United States are more likely to be employed in low-wage jobs (Capps & Fix, 2015). African refugees struggle especially, facing structural disadvantages in the labor market and earning lower income (Capps et al., 2012). Underrecognition of qualifications earned in home countries, lack of employment references in a new place, and discrimination based on race, religion, or ethnic origin can also have negative consequences in the form of unattractive jobs with no options for growth and promotion. This persistent segmentation of the labor market, whereby refugees who are visibly different face substantial economic disadvantages, further perpetuates stagnant economic mobility. One participant noted:

Another thing that I see as a problem is climbing that ladder up to that second management position. To me, I don’t think that there’s enough mobility within the refugee employment arena. That’s just something that I keep on seeing within every different person I see and then throughout different countries too.

Theme 3: Lack of Financial Literacy and the Cycle of Systemic Poverty

Lack of familiarity with the U.S. financial system is a major challenge for immigrant households (Zhan et al., 2013). Furthermore, immigrant and refugee populations become easy targets of direct mail, telemarketing, door-to-door sales, and online solicitation (LIRS, 2012). There was resounding agreement among participants that the African refugee community’s lack of financial literacy makes them vulnerable.

U.S. credit system, credit regulatory practice, and vulnerability

Lack of credit history is common to refugee populations who have not used U.S. credit products (Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, 2016). On one hand, refugees generally lack the credit histories needed for financial loans and transactions. On the other hand, unfamiliarity with the U.S. financial system, including financial services, products, credit fees, and the cost of missed payments, makes refugees more vulnerable to credit regulatory practices and damaged credit histories, further threatening financial security—an issue consistently identified by participants. A participant noted the danger of credit cards:

As soon as I registered as a student, I was receiving credit card invitations from every bank, and it was free money. By the time I finished, I was $65,000 in debt. Now how in the world . . . And that’s not including the house and the car. I’m talking about just the credit card.

Another participant noted the persistent lack of knowledge and its consequences:

Well, some people learn about credit history the hard way. When they deny and you think you are making money—you wanted to get a home or some other loan, and then you are denied and they give you X, Y, and Z reasons. You go back disappointed. Now you’re probably stuck for life: Hey, I went to apply for this loan. I was denied. I saw my credit score is 625. I was thinking I’m good.

Yet another participant noted how lack of credit card awareness affects long-term financial security:

If you expose somebody [to the credit system], like [with] a $500 credit card, you know what it’s like—somebody just helped me. People think, I’m already savvy, and I have $500 on this card. Now I’ll go to Walmart. And use more than one-third of that credit line? No. That doesn’t play here.

Lack of financial literacy and intergenerational poverty

Participants discussed the cycle of poverty stemming from lack of financial knowledge and systems:

If you start with that kind of debt load, indebtedness to family, to friends, coupled with the actual physical financial challenges here, you’re going to be in debt for the next 20 or 30 years. Your children will leave your home, probably earlier than 15 because you can’t manage them. You can’t be a good provider. That is just another issue in our communities.

Participants also reiterated their concerns about the danger of intergenerational poverty:

How in the world—even if you have a PhD—can you pay off $65,000 in revolving debt? There’s no way you can get out of it. People don’t understand. They don’t understand basic concepts about finances. They get themselves in the rat race, and it never ends. They will transfer it to the children, and it will never end.

Theme 4: The Global Breadwinner

The term global breadwinner was coined by Stoll and Johnson (2007), who defined it as “a refugee or immigrant who provides financially for relatives in the country of origin, supports self and family in the country of resettlement, and saves to sponsor relatives to the new country” (p. 621). Participants described experiencing pressures consistent with the global breadwinner role—a prominent theme in this study.

The force of cultural norms

The definition of family in the African context extends beyond Western notions of the nuclear family (Stoll & Johnson, 2007) and includes blood kin and members of one’s tribe or region. Participants described the cultural context of large families and the expectation of providing for families in Africa. They consistently described the displacement and trauma that motivate their unwavering financial support to those families:

We have large families. You came with a family of six or eight. Breadwinner, you’re making $8.25 an hour; your wife is not working because she must look after the kids. Also, she has language challenges that she must put up with to assimilate. You see financial problems start. When you get to that step—now, you must deal with how can I sustain my family at $8.25? I’m catching the bus, I must remit money home for my mom, for my dad, my uncle, and all those people who supported me while I was in the camp hoping to come to America. They all have expectations there.

Another participant echoed the weight of familial obligations:

You know that you left all the family members in the camp. When you left there, you know their situation. You know what they are going through, so back in your mind, although you continue with your wants and your kids’ wants, you think about these people going through [a rough life] over there. That gives us that sense, that feeling to support back.

A continual drag on quality of life

Financial obligations to family in Africa and the concomitant struggle for survival in the United States crystalize into continual financial and emotional strain (Stoll & Johnson, 2007). Refugees may experience guilt and anxiety when they cannot fulfill the global breadwinner role (Akuei, 2004), which may affect their quality of life:

We have an extended family system, so if you stand up, you will be the one that has to hand out to the others who come behind you. With us, if, for instance, you are the senior of the family, all the seniors behind you, whether they are making money or not, they still look up to you for support. That’s a financial drag on our quality of life.

A strength of African refugees

The large social network of family—described by African refuges as an “anchor of emotion and identity” (Rousseau et al., 2001, p. 40)—contributes to a strong sense of cohesion and mutual support within African cultures (Stoll & Johnson, 2007). Thus, while participants noted the psychological and emotional strain of remittance, they also described this practice as their greatest strength:

We look at it as we must send money home—it is dreadful, but no. That is what makes us great!

Another participant added:

We must maintain that legacy that we came here with because what makes us great is that connection with the people. We cannot look at it as a curse because we must send money home. We should not dread doing that. That’s what makes us great. That’s what makes us responsible. If we could infuse that skills to our kids—not just kids, but people here—America will be a better place. The sense of caring for somebody who is away, family, extended families is a strong part of our identity.

Theme 5: Financial Literacy as a Potential Solution to Reduce Financial Stress and Promote Self-Efficacy

Participants highlighted the need for financial literacy to absorb financial shock, reduce financial stress, and promote self-efficacy.

Financial literacy and cultural responsiveness

Participants affirmed the importance of culturally responsive financial literacy programs, given culture’s role in informing financial behaviors and decisions and fostering financial well-being:

Basic financial knowledge is important—that’s why the organization is critical because we need to have a cultural setting. We need to have a place where we do financial literacy based on our culture.

Participants highlighted the need to raise awareness about credit management as a specific need for the African refugee community:

I liberated myself from debt. I learned it the hard way. With that experience, I can tell you the green zones or the red zones about credit and managing your finances. We want to pull up the strings and bring these resources together. This is very necessary for our community.

Financial literacy, financial self-efficacy, and community resilience

Immigrant and refugee populations’ upward mobility is associated with their ability to make informed financial decisions (LIRS, 2012). Participants suggested that financial literacy would promote the community’s self-efficacy to make informed financial decisions, increase protective factors in the community, and help build community resilience:

I’m making money. Compare that dollar to what you are receiving back home—it’s a whole lot of money. That’s the concept in our mind, but we must change that. If we have [a] mechanism in place to encourage refugees who can understand that working two jobs is not a solution to their financial problems—it is finding ways to get out of that. That, I believe, is one way we can help as a community.

One participant described the importance of early intervention:

People are not going to be calling you to bother you about why was I denied this loan or for you to give explanation. That still does not solve the problem. How about trying to provide financial education to them right from the start?

Another participant highlighted that empowering communities through financial leadership and literacy would help counter persistent financial stressors and economic discrimination:

Discrimination is not social or racial—it is an economic discrimination. That’s where the problem arises. That’s what it is, and if we can empower people financially and leadership-wise through financial literacy, it will solve the problem.

Quantitative and Qualitative Data Convergence

Testing the Moderation Model

Based on the results grounded in community priorities, we codeveloped and refined the conceptual moderation model (Figure 2) showing the hypothesized interactive effect of financial literacy on the relationship between financial self-efficacy and financial stress. This methodological decision was based on a conscious awareness of contextual factors as they relate to inequitable access to culturally appropriate financial services (Mertens, 2012). The purpose of this phase was to leverage study results and community partnerships to provide pragmatic entry points to promote social change based on community-identified priorities. This process was accomplished as a mutually reinforcing colearning process using community knowledge and capacity, stakeholder participation, and researcher expertise, a partnership tenet of CBPR (Minkler, 2005). In the model, financial stress was hypothesized as the dependent variable (Y), financial self-efficacy as the independent variable (X), and financial literacy as the moderator (M).

Figure 2.

Hypothesized conceptual model.

The moderation procedure (Hayes, 2013) tested whether levels of financial literacy changed the effect of financial self-efficacy on financial stress. The method estimated the conditional effects of the independent variable (financial self-efficacy) on the dependent variable (financial stress) based on the moderator (financial literacy). Financial literacy had a significant moderating effect (Table 6) on the relationship between financial self-efficacy and financial stress (β = −.37, p < .05). However, the direct effects of financial self-efficacy and financial literacy on financial stress were not significant. Financial self-efficacy, financial literacy, and the interaction effect (Financial self-efficacy × Financial literacy) accounted for 54% of the variance on financial stress (R ² = .54, F = 15.16, p < .001). The interaction effect revealed a statistically significant increase in R ² (ΔR ² = .04, ΔF = 5.91, p < .05).

Table 6.

Model Coefficients.

	Outcome: Financial stress
	B	SE	t	p	ΔR²	F
Constant	8.36	.96	8.70	.00
Financial literacy (FL)	1.94	1.28	1.52	.13
Financial self-efficacy (FSE)	−.07	.12	−.59	.56
FL × FSE	−.37	.15	−2.43	.02	.04^a	5.91*
	R ² = .54
	F = 15.16, p < .001

R² was increased due to interaction effect. SE = standard error.

p < .01.

The 95% CI generated using 1,000 bootstrap samples estimated the conditional effects of financial self-efficacy on financial stress based on levels of financial literacy (Table 7). The main effect of financial self-efficacy on financial stress was significant only for the group with high levels of financial literacy (β = −.44, p < .001).

Table 7.

Conditional Effect of X (Financial Self-Efficacy) on Y (Financial Stress) at Values of Moderator (Financial Literacy).

Financial literacy	Effect	SE	t	p	LLCI	ULCI
Low	−.07	.12	−.59	.56	−.31	.17
High	−.44	.09	−4.78	0.000	−.63	−.26

Note. LLCI = lower level confidence interval; ULCI = upper level confidence interval; SE = standard error.

The effect of financial self-efficacy on financial stress varied, depending on financial literacy level (Figure 3). As financial self-efficacy increased, financial stress decreased for respondents with high financial literacy. However, for respondents with lower financial literacy, financial stress did not change with increased self-efficacy.

Figure 3.

Interaction effect: Financial self-efficacy and financial literacy on financial stress.

Intervention Identification and Codevelopment

African refugees highlighted many postresettlement financial challenges that would require multifaceted interventions. However, they also pointed to culturally responsive financial literacy education as a feasible community solution to their everyday financial stress that would acknowledge their unique cultural context and, in tandem, promote individuals’ self-efficacy to make informed financial decisions and build the community’s resilience.

The influence of culture on financial behavior—the use of financial services and financial decision-making based on cultural roles and on culturally informed concepts of saving and spending—is crucial to understanding refugees’ economic adaptation and financial well-being in places of resettlement. The unique African refugee experience, with long stays in financially underserved refugee camps, also warrants consideration when supporting refugee resettlement. Participants emphasized the need for tailored education to help refugees understand the new financial landscape and navigate financial services such as electronic payment facilities, access to credit, and insurance. The unique cultural practices and cultural obligations such as active remittance, lack of access to opportunities largely due to language barriers and cultural mistrust with the U.S. financial systems prevent African refugee population from accessing resources and becoming productive participants in new spaces. Participants highlighted that a peer-led culturally responsive financial literacy intervention therefore, would help create interpersonal and intrapersonal connectedness that will help them establish collective trust and sense of security, increase self-care and self-compassion, increase support network, and increase help-seeking behaviors.

Integration of Results: Discussion and Implications

The integration of quantitative and qualitative approaches across all levels of research to generate a culturally grounded solution and test the efficacy of that solution expanded our understanding of the multifaceted phenomenon of financial well-being in the African refugee context. Quantitative findings indicated the strength of associations between financial stress, financial literacy, and financial self-efficacy. Qualitative findings deepened those insights, especially into the nature of association between the variables. A unique feature of our approach is the third model-testing phase, where qualitative and quantitative data grounded in community voices and priorities were converged to generate a powerful meta-inference: the need for financial literacy programs that acknowledge the African refugee experience, which led to the codevelopment of culturally responsive financial empowerment intervention grounded in community priorities. Given the data gaps on refugee economic status, our study findings are uniquely positioned to provide implications for policy, practice, and research in the African refugee context. Although quantitative and qualitative integration was used across all phases of research, we use a weaving approach in this section to highlight the convergence and expansion of quantitative and qualitative findings on a thematic basis (Fetters et al., 2013) and to identify program and policy implications, both crucial for social change.

Financial Stress, Financial Self-Efficacy, and Financial Literacy

Findings suggest that as refugees adapt to a new space, they experience loss of occupational status and struggle with economic mobility. Quantitative results indicated that African refugees with higher financial literacy reported higher financial self-efficacy. Refugees with higher financial literacy and self-efficacy reported lower financial stress. Most important, financial literacy has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between financial self-efficacy and stress. For African refugees with high financial literacy, financial stress decreased as self-efficacy increased. However, as financial self-efficacy increased, stress levels did not change for refugees with lower financial literacy. This means confidence in financial matters without financial knowledge may not reduce financial stress. Further, use of alternative financial services (payday loans, car title loans, rent-to-own) and underutilization of financial literacy programs may, in fact, threaten financial well-being (Robb et al., 2015). A culturally responsive financial education curriculum should therefore concomitantly increase financial literacy and financial self-efficacy. Addressing the complexities of culture and the sociocultural context of money might, therefore, be a good start for a financial literacy curriculum targeting refugees in a cross-cultural context (Tisdell et al., 2011).

Financial Literacy and Economic Adaptation

African refugees expressed concern over their perceived lower levels of financial literacy and unfamiliarity with the U.S. financial system, including financial services and products. They noted how these contribute to decreased interaction with mainstream financial services and to increased vulnerability to predatory lending practices and damaged credit histories, which further limits financial security and freedom now and in the future. Our findings corroborate prior studies showing immigrant challenges to owning checking and saving accounts (Paulson et al., 2006) and their lack of knowledge and information about bank account management and loan requirements (Schoenholtz & Stanton, 2001).

Financial Stress and the Active Remittance Phenomenon

Our finding that African refugees view remittances as fulfillment of a culturally unique role, not simply a continual stress or a financial balancing act, expands the literature on the active remittance phenomenon and financial stress among African refugee populations. Such culturally informed understanding of remittances can help policy makers, financial educators, and service providers maximize the positive aspects of remittance and minimize the risks of predatory remittance practices and financial stress in a new space (Naudé, 2010), especially in forced displacement situations (Vargas-Silva, 2017).

Culturally Responsive Financial Literacy Programs and Services

Despite a proliferation of financial education materials and financial management programs developed by public and private sector organizations, financial programs that address the immigrant experience are extremely limited (LIRS, 2012). Our findings reveal that culturally responsive financial literacy education is an urgent need among the African refugee population. This is consistent with prior studies postulating that interventions targeting educational enhancement will have the greatest impact on refugee economic adaptation (Potocky-Tripodi, 2003). Our measurement of African refugees’ basic financial literacy and self-efficacy levels and our development of an in-depth, culturally grounded understanding of the polemics of African refugee livelihoods are also important contributions. Both offer empirical evidence for the widely held assumption that low-income immigrants lack basic financial knowledge, which has been an important impetus for financial literacy programs (Zhan et al., 2013).

Contribution to the Mixed Methods Methodology Literature

The current mixed methods literature lacks precise guidance on how a transformative paradigm should guide method or how data analysis and collection should be connected in sequential designs (Creswell et al., 2003; Mertens, 2010). As an attempt to expand the methodological archetype of transformative explanatory sequential design, our study offers a unique contribution to the mixed methods methodology literature. It does so in several ways.

First, our study illuminates the advantage of adding to explanatory sequential designs a third phase of convergence and expansion of mixed methods data to achieve a holistic understanding of a phenomenon. The intentional integration (Fetters & Freshwater, 2015) and cyclical process for knowledge confirmation, expansion, or discordance between the three phases, helped garner entry points to improve the social conditions of the community in question. Leveraging study results grounded in community voices, community partnerships, and stakeholder relationships that were bolstered by the research process, we were able to identify and codevelop a culturally responsive financial empowerment intervention project aimed at increasing financial literacy, financial self-efficacy, and overall financial capability through a peer-led intervention grounded in the community’s cultural assets, scheduled to begin in 2020.

Second, given the lack of approaches prescribed by the transformative paradigm, methodological assumptions often suggest beginning with qualitative data collection (Mertens, 2012), which limits the development of advanced mixed methods designs. Using quantitative data at the beginning, we demonstrate how transformative research can be also expanded with explanatory sequential designs. Further, the three sequential phases were well suited to offset the methodological challenges of priority, data analysis, and integration inherent in current explanatory sequential designs (Ivankova et al., 2006). Our design illustrates clear integration methods through all phases of the study, including sampling from one phase to other and building, generating, and testing a model (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018). Furthermore, we illustrate how a third phase in the sequential design helps to accommodate the transformative paradigm’s cyclical dissemination and action (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2018; Mertens, 2003) and offers a pathway for transformative explanatory sequential MMR.

Third, our methods show how the transformative paradigm can be pragmatically applied in a cross-cultural context, contributing to the translation of the transformative vision to research and action. It also responds to the call for advanced designs that combine MMR methodology with other research approaches (Hesse-Biber & Johnson, 2013; Plano Clark & Ivankova, 2016). Our model adds value to the evolving literature on the intersection of MMR and CBPR by clarifying how methodological approaches lead to measurable outcomes (DeJonckheere et al., 2018). Furthermore, our study illustrates how expanding the transformative sequential explanatory design can strengthen the pragmatic utility of MMR and increase the impact of advanced designs by providing entry points for shifting community capacity and changing social conditions in a cross-cultural context.

Last, building on MMR’s noted potential to advance CBPR (Lucero et al., 2018) and the growing call to maximize CBPR’s impact (Hacker, 2013; Lucero et al., 2018), our study illuminates processes of theorizing, conceptualizing, and conducting empirical MMR that elaborate CBPR as a transformative process. Our study’s integration of community partners’ perspectives throughout the research process created an entry point for continued collaboration and capacity building after the study’s conclusion. The need for a culturally responsive financial literacy intervention had emerged during the study, and poststudy efforts focused on codevelopment of that intervention based on community-identified priorities, considering the role of African culture in places of resettlement, and using the community’s own data. The codeveloped culturally responsive intervention—called healing-centered financial empowerment project— will focus on a peer-led intervention that engages African refugees as cultural ambassadors to identify community assets and use cultural resources—such as janghe, a form of community-based microfinance—that can serve as protective factors against challenges and vulnerabilities into their new space. Importantly, the intervention will emphasize healing: reversing long-term financial stress and supplanting it with a sense of confidence and self-efficacy, collective trust, and sense of security, increasing self-care and self-compassion; and increasing support networks and help-seeking behaviors. The aim of these shifts in community capacity and condition is to impact holistic well-being and bolster financial empowerment with ripple effects to building community resilience among the African refugee community. Early glimpses of those ripple effects suggest promising developments. For instance, the local community organization has been organized in a fully functional nonprofit receiving funding from the city and other entities. Leveraging relationship and partnership from the project, the community has also been able to increase stakeholder engagement and collaboration with other immigrant- and refugee-serving organizations to deliver services targeted to youth mentoring, citizenship workshop, advocacy, and community engagement activities. These examples show how the community has been continually building their capacity to respond to present and future challenges. This continued engagement of community partners in research beyond one individual project illustrates the community’s increased capacity to sustain their efforts for future challenges (Hacker et al., 2019).

Researchers seeking to effect social change and transformation face a number of challenges when employing MMR: the fact that many mixed methods studies do not take an advocacy stance or underutilize the transformative lens (Sweetman et al., 2010), the lack of pragmatic approaches for conducting transformative research (Mertens, 2012), the limitations of explanatory sequential designs with two phases (Ivankova et al., 2006), and gaps in understanding the intersection of CBPR and MMR (DeJonckheere et al., 2018). As illustrated in our study, a three-phased sequential explanatory mixed methods study design using CBPR as a concrete transformative lens has the potential to address these challenges, especially related to the implementation of a transformative MMR study that advocates for knowledge coproduction and community capacity building for collective action. The methodology has the potential for application beyond CBPR and cross-cultural contexts, as in our study. Specifically, other participatory research approaches, such as action research and community-based system dynamics may offer interesting new applications. The methodology may be further developed for exploratory sequential designs, which begin with a qualitative component, or for exploring the utility of three phases in concurrent designs. Continued debate and development of the methodology will help maximize the usefulness and rigor of MMR across different fields of study.

Limitations

Our illustrative study represented 17 African nationalities and may not be generalizable across all African nationalities. Our study did not examine the gendered aspects of financial well-being. Further, measures used in the study were not tested among African refugees. Dichotomization of the financial literacy scale might have reduced its statistical power (Altman & Royston, 2006). Although verbatim responses enhanced the integrity of qualitative data, original meanings might have been lost in translation or transcription. While our transformative study engaged community members in identifying problems and a potential community solution, we were unable to capture changes in community members’ awareness before and after the research process. Potential methodological limitations include higher implementation time due to multiple variants in the design, feasibility of resources to collect and analyze both quantitative and qualitative data through the three phases, and integration challenges in the third phase related to priority of quantitative or qualitative data from Phases I and II. Further, the vagueness of the transformative lens as a concept can also be a limitation. Although our study is not free from empirical and methodological limitations, its design and methods present a valuable transformative model. This model not only enhanced our understanding of the polemics of refugee livelihoods but also helped define pragmatic action to change social conditions.

Conclusion

With the growth of the immigrant population, the nation’s well-being is increasingly tied to the economic strength of the immigrant population—whose successful participation in economic systems relies on financial literacy and self-efficacy. Given increasingly complex financial inequities, the development of culturally responsive financial literacy programs geared toward building refugees’ financial capability to maximize well-being is one step in the right direction. Using the case of African refugees, we demonstrated how advancing transformative sequential design is well suited for complex studies that can facilitate community and researcher partnership, amplify community voices, and provide entry points for building community capacity for collective action, which can be replicated across other immigrant and refugee populations. Our findings provide insights into how policy and practice can be inclusive of these new and valuable members of American society. Our study’s integration of three design elements—CBPR, mixed methods, and the transformative paradigm—in a cross-cultural context contributes to the literature on migration, CBPR, and MMR. Our expansion of explanatory sequential design within the transformative paradigm and CBPR entailed a novel method of integration, cyclical dissemination, and action that underscores the social justice goals of transformative MMR.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Arati Maleku

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