Mapping Memories and Meaning: Visual and Narrative Methods in Research With Older African Refugees

Visual Diagramming as a Data Collection Method

Visual methods in research have their intellectual foundations in post-positivist paradigms, developed to challenge traditional power hierarchies between researchers and participants (Umoquit et al., 2013). While relatively new to qualitative research, visual approaches—especially diagramming—have gained increasing attention for their utility in generating rich, participant-driven data (Umoquit et al., 2008). Diagramming, a key form of visual methodology, is emerging as a powerful tool within health and social science research (Bagnoli, 2009; Umoquit et al., 2013). It involves the use of visual sketches to represent thoughts, experiences, and emotions, thereby facilitating communication that may be constrained by verbal or written language (Bravington & King, 2019).

Diagramming can be implemented in three general formats: participant-led, researcher-led, or co-created. In participant-led diagramming, individuals construct their own visual representations, while in researcher-led models, the researcher translates the participant’s input into visual form. Co-creation involves a collaborative process in which both the researcher and participant jointly construct the diagrams (Prosser & Loxley, 2008). The focus of diagramming lies not in artistic quality but in the depth and clarity of the information conveyed (Bagnoli, 2009; Scherer, 2016). It is a low-cost, accessible technique that requires minimal training and uses basic materials such as paper, coloured markers, and stickers (Umoquit et al., 2013).

Diagramming has proven particularly effective in contexts involving participants who face language barriers, cultural differences, limited formal education (Husbands et al., 2020; Mayoux, 2003), social marginalisation (Patterson et al., 2012), or trauma (Hollway & Jefferson, 2013; Kolar et al., 2015). As a gentle and non-intrusive tool, it facilitates discussions of emotionally sensitive topics with a reduced risk of re-traumatisation (Crilly et al., 2006), while simultaneously fostering critical thinking, emotional articulation, and reflexivity (Gauntlett, 2007; Prosser & Loxley, 2008). Importantly, it positions participants as knowledge producers or co-creators, enhancing agency and ownership in the research process (Goldenberg et al., 2016).

Diagramming is highly adaptable and can be used to examine a broad range of social phenomena. Concentric circles are used to map social networks at a given point in time or over time (Ekoh & Sitter, 2023). The Pictor technique is a visual method used in research interviews to help participants describe their experiences with collaborative working, especially in health and social care (King et al., 2013). Allows for the exploration of multidisciplinary support systems (Bravington & King, 2019). Additionally, tools such as ecomaps and genograms effectively capture relationship dynamics and structures (Umoquit et al., 2008). Timelines, often used to document life histories or migration trajectories (Pell et al., 2020), and mind maps, which examine intersecting vulnerabilities (Wheeldon & Ahlberg, 2017), further illustrate the versatility of this method. Diagramming can be employed in conjunction with other qualitative approaches, such as interviews, observations, narrative analysis, and focus groups, to generate layered and nuanced data (Bravington & King, 2019).

In our study, we adopted a multimodal visual strategy that combined two diagramming techniques—timelines and ecomaps—with storytelling to explore the social support networks and migration histories of older African refugees. Each of these methods is further elaborated in the following sections.

African Storytelling in Research

Storytelling, the practice of conveying knowledge, experiences, and cultural memory through narrative, has long served as a powerful epistemological and pedagogical tool across disciplines. It provides profound insights into the cultural, historical, social, and lived experiences of individuals and communities. In Indigenous contexts, including many African societies, storytelling predates formal Western education systems and has functioned as a primary mode of informal education for both children and adults (Edosomwan & Peterson, 2016). It has been employed not only to transmit cultural values and life skills but also to explore themes of spirituality, wellness, and philosophy (Achebe, 1958; Ben-Amos, 1967; Pointer, 2021).

A distinct tradition within this broader practice, African storytelling emerges from the continent’s rich oral heritage (Cancel, 2013). It has increasingly been recognised as a culturally resonant and decolonising research methodology, particularly in work involving African and African diasporic populations (Cancel, 2013; Chilisa, 2012; Osei-Tutu, 2022). This approach aligns with African worldviews that emphasise communal knowledge, intergenerational learning, and relationality. As such, storytelling can offer more expansive and culturally congruent avenues for participants to articulate their experiences, often in ways that transcend the limitations of conventional interview techniques (Banks-Wallace, 2002; Nelson et al., 2016).

African storytelling also facilitates more equitable power dynamics between researcher and participant by fostering collaboration, co-construction of meaning, and participant agency in the research process (Chilisa, 2017; Mama, 2013). Rooted in orature, it enables the communication of complex or traumatic narratives through metaphors, proverbs, analogies, and spiritual references, providing both psychological safety and cultural authenticity (Rwafa, 2015). Older Africans, often esteemed as custodians of cultural wisdom, may more readily engage through this form of storytelling, drawing on elements such as imagery, parables, and riddles (Finnegan, 2012; Obiechina, 1993; Okpewho, 1992). Moreover, storytelling may hold therapeutic potential, offering a cathartic outlet and promoting resilience (Nelson et al., 2016). The process of narrating one’s story, being listened to, and seeing one’s life mapped visually had an affirming and at times therapeutic quality, echoing Abkhezr et al.’s (2020) findings that narrative research can border on psychosocial intervention for displaced populations.

Importantly, African storytelling is not monolithic. It encompasses diverse techniques that vary by region and culture, including narrative tales, songs, poetry, tongue twisters, trickster tales, ceremonial recitations, and fireside dialogues (Mirzeler, 2020; Osei-Tutu, 2022). Researchers using this method must therefore approach it with cultural humility and contextual awareness, tailoring their approaches to the specific storytelling traditions of the population in question. In our study, which explores the social networks and support systems of older African refugees in Calgary, Canada, we integrate traditional oral storytelling, a preferred approach by the older African refugees, with visual diagramming techniques. This multimodal approach is designed to support narrative depth, cultural congruence, and participant empowerment. The diagramming tools used, including timelines and ecomaps, are further discussed in the following section.

Context and Positionalities

While this article focuses on methodological reflections and insights, our overarching research question sought to understand the social network and support experiences of older African refugees living in Calgary. The study emerged from the intersecting positionalities of the two researchers. As the first author, I am a Black immigrant scholar and gerontological social worker, a descendant of African displaced persons whose family has experienced violence-related migration. My professional practice with older displaced individuals in Nigeria and my lived experience in Canada shaped my sensitivity to issues of belonging, ageing, and displacement. I approached this research as both an insider and outsider—connected through shared histories yet mindful of the distinct realities of those who migrated later in life.

The second author, a White settler scholar and professor of social work, contributed extensive experience in research on ageing and migration in Canada. Her mentorship guided the study’s conceptual and methodological grounding. Our differing social locations and perspectives fostered an ongoing reflexive dialogue, enabling a more ethical, culturally responsive, and critically engaged exploration of older African refugees’ lived experiences.

Methodology

Our study adopted Heron and Reason’s (1997) participatory paradigm, which positions participants as co-researchers—co-creators of knowledge and active agents of social change (Schneider, 2012). It is important to note that, while this is a participatory study, participants’ chosen level of engagement is an expression of self-determination and autonomy. Hence, similar to the experiences of other scholars (Cooke & Kothari, 2001; Khan, 2020), our participants wanted to generate textual and visual data, provide feedback on the analysis, and develop a short animation that tells the story of their experiences.

In alignment with this epistemological stance, from here onwards we refer to all participants in this study as co-researchers. A combination of purposive and network sampling (also known as snowball sampling), which involved interviewed co-researchers connecting us with other potential co-researchers (Palinkas et al., 2015), both non-probability techniques, was employed to recruit co-researchers. This approach was necessary considering the established difficulties in recruiting refugees for research (Bilecen & Fokkema, 2022). While we reached out to more than 20 potential co-researchers, only 11 participated in the study. This is not surprising, given that trust and mistrust of researchers have been significant barriers to recruiting older adults from some immigrant groups (Bilecen & Fokkema, 2022). However, this sample size provided sufficient data and is consistent with those used in prior studies grounded in participatory research (Bravington & King, 2019; Wheeldon & Ahlberg, 2017). We engaged 11 older African adults who had migrated to Canada at or after the age of 50 and had resided in Calgary, Alberta, for a minimum of one year. Individuals who migrated at a younger age were excluded, as they may have had greater opportunities to integrate linguistically, economically, and socially, which would influence the research focus on later-life migration. Ethical approval was received from the Institutional Review Board before commencing recruitment.

To ensure linguistic inclusivity, two professional interpreters, fluent in Somali and Kinyarwanda, respectively, were engaged to facilitate participation among nine co-researchers who were not proficient in English. The first author conducted all data collection. Data collection was conducted in three phases. The first two phases involved individual face-to-face storytelling sessions lasting 31-58 minutes. In addition, a timeline and an ecomap were completed in the first and second phases, respectively. The third and final phase consisted of three face-to-face group sessions, each lasting an average of 34 minutes. Our preliminary analysis was presented to the co-researchers in this phase of the study to ensure truthfulness and trustworthiness, as described in the section on trustworthiness.

In the first phase, co-researchers created migration timelines while narrating their migration experiences via storytelling. A visual sample template, developed by the lead researcher, was provided as an illustrative guide. Seven timelines were co-created with the assistance of either family members or interpreters; the co-researchers drove the co-creation process. Three co-researchers are constructing their timelines independently. In all cases, co-researchers guided the content as they narrated significant milestones and experiences. In the second phase, co-researchers developed ecomaps to illustrate their social networks and support systems, accompanied by related narratives. It is important to note that some of the co-researchers wanted to co-create the diagrams with interpreters with whom they had prior relationships (n = 5), with their children present during the interviews (n = 3), or with the researcher (n = 1). Only three co-researchers chose to lead the diagramming independently. The third and final phase involved member-checking: co-researchers were invited to review and reflect on preliminary analyses to ensure interpretive accuracy and resonance with their lived experiences. Given the communal nature of African families (Appiah, 2021), many family members dropped in during the storytelling sessions in the first two phases and during the group discussion in phase 3. To ensure the co-researchers’ voices are prioritised, we informed family members of the need to centre the voices of the older refugees.

Data analysis employed both conventional and innovative strategies. All narratives were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim by professional transcribers fluent in the co-researchers’ languages. Employing transcribers fluent in the co-researchers’ language was necessary to minimise data loss during translation of the interviews. We expunged all family members’ voices that were mistakenly recorded to ensure the co-researchers’ voices are maintained. The lead researcher reviewed each transcript for accuracy, cross-referencing audio files and resolving any transcription gaps using detailed field notes. The final transcripts were imported into NVivo 14© for data management and coding. The first author, under the guidance of the second author, employed narrative thematic analysis to analyse the qualitative data (Patterson et al., 2012). We chose narrative analysis because of its alignment with the participatory paradigm, as both approaches share epistemological commitments to preserving the stories, voices, and agency of marginalised and vulnerable groups in the co-construction of meaning (see Colla & Kurtz, 2024). An inductive coding approach was adopted, with no pre-existing codebook or analytical framework. Initial codes were generated through deep immersion in the narratives and were subsequently clustered into broader thematic patterns. A coding hierarchy was developed, comprising parent, child, and grandchild nodes—for example, the grandparent node “post migration network and support” encompassed the child node “network composition” which in turn included the grandchild nodes “family, friends and Faith Based Organisation (FBOs)” (see Figure 1 for a sample of the coding hierarchy). An iterative process of thematic refinement followed, with constant comparison across narratives to identify emerging insights, contradictions, and relationships.OPEN IN VIEWER

Visual data (timelines and ecomaps) were analysed using a case-based, interpretive approach informed by Goldenberg et al. (2016). Each diagram was examined for key data points, contextual relationships, and significant life events. The analysis of visual data (timelines and ecomaps) followed a systematic, case-based interpretive approach that was closely integrated with narrative analysis and grounded in participatory co-research principles. Rather than treating diagrams as illustrative artefacts, we analysed them as standalone data sources that both complemented and extended co-researchers’ narratives.

Firstly, during data collection, co-researchers explained the meanings of visual elements they used—including colours, line types (solid or broken), directionality, thickness, spatial positioning, and symbols—using keys that they either created themselves or adapted collaboratively with the research team. These explanations were audio-recorded and treated as integral analytic data rather than post hoc clarifications. Secondly, Visual elements were coded systematically using a structured coding framework that attended to the following features: colour (e.g., red, green, blue) to indicate emotional valence, relational tension, or type of connection; line type (solid vs. broken) to distinguish sustained versus fragile or intermittent relationships; line thickness to signal perceived strength or intensity of ties; spatial proximity and positioning (central vs. peripheral placement) to indicate relational importance. Thirdly, visual and narrative data were analysed side-by-side and iteratively. Codes derived from diagrams were placed alongside narrative codes within the same analytic matrices, allowing us to examine convergence, divergence, and elaboration across data forms. This approach enabled us to see not only what co-researchers said but also how relational dynamics were spatially and symbolically represented. For example, one co-researcher used a red solid line to represent a virtual relationship with an adult son, explaining that the colour signified emotional strain while the solidity reflected regular communication. In contrast, a broken green line was used to represent sporadic material support received from a network member. Comparative analysis across diagrams enabled the identification of shared patterns, divergences, and trends. The integration of visual and narrative data enabled a deeper interpretation, with findings grounded in both textual excerpts and co-researchers-generated visuals. The final themes are presented using illustrative quotes and diagrams to enhance credibility and analytic depth.

Trustworthiness

We strengthened the trustworthiness of our analysis through iterative dialogue and cultural grounding. Guided by the Africentric canon of Ukweki (truth), the process moved beyond conventional notions of objectivity toward principles of honesty, fairness, and relational truth (Dudu & Majoko, 2022). This epistemological stance ensured that the interpretation of the data authentically reflected the co-researchers’ lived experiences while addressing potential researcher bias or misrepresentation. Through collective review in the final session, co-researchers clarified and refined specific narratives and engaged in critical discussion of emerging themes, thereby enhancing credibility and confirmability (Birt et al., 2016).

Using Storytelling and Diagramming to Illustrate Migration, Social Network, and Support Experience of Older African Refugees

This theme presents a snapshot of the co-researchers’ migration journeys and social network post-migration. This theme does not provide detailed findings from the study; rather, it presents empirical illustrations of how co-researchers engaged with the study methods and the nature of the data they produced. This discussion provides vital contextual grounding for understanding the study and illuminates how co-researchers interacted with and interpreted the methodological approaches employed.

Researchers’ Reflections on Using Storytelling and Diagramming

Our use of storytelling and diagramming emerged not merely as data collection techniques but as relational and reflexive encounters that shaped both the co-researchers’ and the researchers’ understanding of displacement, ageing, and belonging. As a Black African gerontological social worker and a White settler scholar trained in participatory methods, we approached this work from distinct, yet complementary social locations and experiences. These positionalities influenced our engagement with co-researchers and our interpretation of their stories. Notably, the complementarities and differences reinforced the need for ongoing reflexivity and humility throughout the research process.

Diagramming and storytelling became shared spaces of meaning-making rather than instruments of data extraction. The co-researchers actively co-created visual maps of their social worlds—family, community, and faith networks—that allowed them to narrate experiences of loss and reconstruction with agency and coherence. For us as researchers, these diagrams functioned as ethnographic texts, revealing how memory, emotion, and identity intersected within the broader structural realities of forced migration. They invited us to listen differently—to see the narrative as both verbal and visual, embodied and spatial.

Drawing on narrative and participatory traditions (Chilisa, 2012; Riessman, 2005), this process required a suspension of researcher authority. The act of co-creating diagrams blurred the line between observer and co-researchers, fostering a dialogical relationship in which interpretation became iterative and shared. Our ethnographic stance thus shifted from co-researchers to interpreting with co-researchers, aligning with Africentric and decolonial methodologies that privilege collective knowledge and relational accountability.

At a personal level, these encounters demanded ongoing reflexivity. For the first author, who shares a diasporic and displacement history with many co-researchers, the process evoked both resonance and responsibility—to hold their stories with care and ensure cultural authenticity in representation and attention to avoid a monolithic African representation. For the second author, it required attunement to how whiteness and academic authority shape participation and interpretation. Together, these positionalities offered a more ethically grounded and trustworthy process of analysis. In reflecting on this experience, we recognise that the integration of storytelling and diagramming deepened the participatory and emotional dimensions of the research, as well as offering complementary ways of conveying stories and meaning. Beyond their analytic utility, these creative methods became vehicles for empathy, healing, and connection—transforming the research space into one of co-reflection and mutual learning.

Additionally, through regular reflexive meetings, we critically examined how their social locations, cultural backgrounds, and epistemic standpoints shaped data interpretation and knowledge production. The first author, drawing on an emic perspective as an African scholar, closely attended to the culturally embedded meanings, values, and lived experiences articulated by the co-researchers and how they shaped their engagement with our research methods (storytelling and diagramming), thereby safeguarding the integrity of co-researchers’ subjective realities. The second author contributed an etic, cross-cultural analytic lens, supporting the translation of these culturally situated interpretations for broader scholarly audiences. This dialogic reflexive process enhanced analytic rigour and interpretive balance by integrating insider knowledge with cross-cultural methodological sensitivity (Fetterman, 2008).

Coresearchers’ Views on Using Diagramming and Storytelling

In the last phase of the study, co-researchers were invited to give feedback on the study and share their reflections on diagramming and storytelling as part of the research inquiry. The overall sentiment surrounding these methods was largely favourable; many co-researchers emphasised how accessible and user-friendly the diagramming process was. They appreciated the flexibility of these techniques, which allowed for creative expression and adaptation to their unique experiences. Additionally, many remarked on how effectively these methods facilitated a clearer visualisation of their thoughts and insights, enriching their perception of their experiences. Yumna narrated:

Drawing the timelines and ecomaps made it easy for me to remember things. Although I did not draw the images myself, the way my son presented them was very clear. I recall the places I visited and the experiences I had there. Thank you for allowing us to create the diagram how we want and go through several iterations.

The emphasis on the content of the diagrams, rather than their aesthetics, was appreciated by the co-researchers, who indicated that they found it easy to draw. For instance, Taraji said: “It’s easy to draw. Easy to draw. Yes, it is helping me remember things”. They also remarked that even with this simplicity, the diagrams helped them organise their thoughts and present them succinctly with the story and images. Abiba added:

You know, going from place to place and not really sure where you are going anyway, it's crazy to think about. I was worried about clothes, survival, shoes, and the number of family and friends lost in my life, which was an arduous struggle.

Yumna described how the timelines would have helped them narrate their experiences during the UNHCR interview and application for asylum:

This brings our experiences to life. It shows what we have been through for people to better understand us. Maybe something like that would have been helpful when we narrated our stories to the UNHCR. It will make them better understand our journey.

Many co-researchers expressed genuine gratitude for the collaboratively created diagrams, which helped them craft a more detailed narrative while navigating their memories. They found these diagrams particularly meaningful as they evoked reflections on the resilience they displayed throughout their migration journey. As Kianga noted, “This long journey, this map, even this storytelling reminds me of our extensive experiences. Perhaps it can serve as a benefit for us, illustrating just how strong we have been.” Abiba added:

So, I really am a strong person to be alive now. So, it makes me appreciate the things I have despite the fact that I have been through so much. I don't complain a lot, but you know, going through all of this just makes me appreciate the things I have as well.

Additionally, co-researchers reflected on their current support systems, as displayed by the ecomaps, with appreciation. For instance, Nala remarked on how the ecomap helped her recognise and articulate the love surrounding her, making her feel cherished as she stood at the centre of her social networks.

It's [the ecomaps] good. It’s good that I am at the centre, and it shows the people around me and how important it is to my life. The different roles they play. This one is helping me to remember many things. This can be very helpful to people. For example, some people may be thinking about life and all its problems without recognising how blessed they are.

Similarly, Zola revealed that being at the centre of her ecomap made her feel “special”. She added that the stories and diagrams would help people who have experienced forced migration have a better view of their experiences:

I was happy because I saw myself surrounded by my closest people…It helped me to remember the steps I used to take one by one. I think that having this mapped out would help people who haven't experienced my journey gain a better understanding of what I went through. It can help anyone to know how somebody faces problems, where they have gone, and so on.

Rasheed, the sole male co-researcher, added:

You can see (referring to the ecomap) that I have been blessed. You can see that I have my family and friends both in Calgary and Canmore [a nearby town]. I am a member of my ethnic organisation, the Rotaract club, and I have a strong relationship with my pastor and the entire church.

Co-researchers revealed that engaging in the exercise was cathartic. Although used as a research method, co-researchers demonstrated an appreciation for the therapeutic nature of storytelling. They indicated that storytelling helped them process their experiences and gain a deeper understanding of what these experiences meant to them. Adaobi provided this feedback:

I appreciated your taking the time to talk with me, and I enjoyed our conversation. When I have someone to share my story with and discuss my experiences, I process what happened better. It helps me heal. For example, when I was speaking, I could recall my experiences and how they have shaped me into who I am today.

In sum, the diagrams helped co-researchers organise thoughts, enhance memory, and express personal stories of resilience during migration. Many found the process therapeutic, fostering gratitude and reflection on their strength and current support systems. Additionally, the collaborative storytelling and diagramming helped co-researchers process experiences, recognise personal growth, and share their journeys with others for greater understanding.

Conclusion

Ultimately, this study underscores that storytelling and diagramming are not merely methodological choices but acts of relational engagement that can transform the research encounter into a site of empowerment and care. Future research should continue experimenting with arts-based participatory methods to examine their capacity to bridge linguistic, generational, and cultural divides. In doing so, scholars and practitioners alike can advance a more inclusive and humane approach to understanding the ageing refugee experience—one that honours older adults not as subjects of study, but as co-creators of knowledge and community.