Exploring traditional Indigenous leadership concepts: A spiritual foundation for Blackfeet leadership

A note on terminology

The spellings for the tribes within the Blackfoot Confederacy differ in the United States and Canada and there is currently no consensus throughout the tribes to standardize spelling. For example, Pikuni in the U.S. and Piikani in Canada. Also, Blackfoot rather than Blackfeet is used by some to identify the tribe as a whole. The authors, being enrolled members in the Blackfeet Nation in Montana who were born, raised, and have lived on that reservation will use the U.S. terminology throughout this paper since they are most familiar with U.S. convention. In addition, unless specifically identifying a tribe within the confederacy, the authors will use embrace U.S. convention and use Blackfeet or tribe to mean the entire confederacy collectively.

Tribal tradition

Before entering into a discussion about traditional leadership, we believe that it is important to discuss tradition, since this word is the theme of this discussion. The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines tradition as “an inherited, established, or customary pattern of thought, action, or behavior (as a religious practice or a social custom)” (def. 1a) and as “cultural continuity in social attitudes, customs, and institutions” (def. 3). These definitions assume processes that generally have always existed; they do not define when traditions begin within specific cultures. Thinking about tradition in this temporal sense is important. Native Americans today embrace values and practice acts they see as traditional yet were adopted during their recent past. One example about a cultural artifact seen as traditional is the horse, which is a recent yet important part of the Blackfeet tribe and culture.

The horse, ponokáómitaa, literally elk dog, facilitated control over the tribe’s vast territory through both hunting and warfare. The traditional Blackfeet homeland skirts the eastern Rocky Mountain range, extending from what is today Yellowstone Park in the south, the North Saskatchewan River in Alberta to the north, and the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers confluence to the east (Grinnell, 1892), in what is now North Dakota. This eastern boundary extended north into western Saskatchewan. Prior to the horse’s introduction about 200 years ago (Ewers, 1955/1980; Grinnell, 1892) the tribe lived in a period referred today as the Dog Days (Ewers, 1958) when the community relied on dogs, ponoká, as their beasts of burden. Ponoká limited the size, amount, and distance that material household goods could be transported. Buffalo hunting during this time was a process of driving herds over cliffs (Ewers, 1958). Upon acquiring the horse, homes sizes and personal possessions increased, as well as the range that the tribe could travel to pursue buffalo. The hunt itself changed from driving buffalo herds over cliffs to riding into the herds and selectively harvesting individual animals (Ewers, 1958). The horse also facilitated the tribe’s ability to enforce its territory (Ewers, 1958). But since the horse is a fairly recent addition to the tribal community, considering it as traditional is questioned within the context of the dictionary definition for tradition (Tradition, 2015). The Blackfeet describe the horse as an elk dog because when it was the tribe had no specific word for it. To the tribe, horses were as large as elk yet served the utility as dogs. This utility made horse an essential and important part of Blackfeet society and culture. Yet for the purposes of this paper, we can assume that a close, two-century relationship with the animal has ingrained ponokáómitaa as a traditional aspect in Blackfeet society culture. But when thinking about cultural evolution, what can we assume is traditional Blackfeet leadership and where does this tradition fit within Blackfeet society and its organizations today?

We take a historical approach to explore this question. In this paper, we will describe the traditional concept of leadership within the tribe and describe its contemporary fit in organization processes. First, we will broaden our introduction to the Blackfeet tribe, which is more appropriately described as a confederacy. We will then follow with an evolution of Blackfeet leadership from historic to contemporary times. Finally, we will conclude with a modern-day application of traditionally influenced Blackfeet leadership practice.

Leadership foundation within Blackfeet bands

As Plains Indians, the Blackfeet depended largely upon the buffalo as their primary source of economic subsistence, and pursuing buffalo required organization (Ewers, 1958; Grinnell, 1962; McClintock, 1968; Wissler, 1912) thus the Blackfeet formed into socioeconomic groups commonly called bands by ethnologists such as Wissler (1912: 18). A band consisted mostly of extended family groups and others numbering about 100–200 persons that occupied 10–20 tipi lodges (Ewers, 1958). Wissler (1912) agreed with George Bird Grinnell’s (1962) work in identifying 23 Piegan Bands (Blackfeet), seven Blood Bands, and six North Blackfeet bands (Siksika) that were estimated to exist around the year 1860. The early handbook of North American Indians by Hodge (1910) stated there were 45 bands toward the end of the 17th century. However, Hodge quotes Grinnell as stating that some of the bands changed over time with some of them disappearing.

Although, the above information reveals the existence of different numbers of Blackfeet bands at different times, it must be remembered that band affiliation was not a concrete structure. Bands consisted of extended families as well as other tribal members who chose to affiliate themselves with a particular band and its leaders. Individuals and groups could choose to disassociate themselves from one band and live in another for a variety of reasons. Wissler (1912) indicated that groups could change band affiliation.

[It] seemed to be a natural congregation under the leadership of some popular man, usually a head man in his band. While the tendency was for the bands as a whole to join such leaders, it often happened that part of a band cast its lot with one group and part with another. (21)

Just as social organization and their influence on leadership among the Blackfeet seemed difficult to describe by early ethnologists, the role of leadership is also somewhat inexplicable. Hodge (1910) stated that the bands were “more truly local groups [that were seemingly] characterized by descent through the father” (611) and choosing a leader was “governed rather by the character of the person than by his descent” (611). Neither a patrilineal system nor the standard hierarchical authority of the non-Indian sociopolitical systems appeared to ground social organization characterizing Blackfeet leadership.

Tribal chiefs

Before advancing into the following introduction about Blackfeet chiefs, it is important to note that the similarity between the European concept of chief and a Blackfeet concept is in word only. Traditional Native leadership concepts were certainly different than the European ideas that immigrated to North America.

Chiefs as European invention

Differences in sociopolitical systems made discerning the tribal leaders difficult for Europeans accustomed to more formal signs and status. Deloria and Lytle (1984) very distinctly describe this misunderstanding of authority between the Indians and Europeans during the first contact times when they explain the non-Indian perceptions.

To the new immigrants, no formal leadership institutions were apparent. Leaders seemed to come and go almost whimsically. One might be negotiating with one chief on one occasion and be faced with a different person for no apparent reason except that the Indian council had designated the new man to speak for them. In tracing the source of political authority, the new settlers were really baffled. No one seemed to be in charge of anything. (9)

The practice of medals as a token of friendship, especially regarding agreements of allegiance and treaty making, had become ingrained with American Indians as symbols of power and leadership recognition. After the American Revolution, the newly established government of the United States found that they had to replace the British medals with those bearing the likeness of the American President.

Noted ethnologist John Ewers (1974) questioned the political implications of introducing these kinds of symbols into Plains Indian tribes who already had their own unique democratic way for selecting leaders. Although the Indians liked the pageantry and ceremony, the “gifting” of artificial leaders caused dissention within and between tribes. Ewers (1974) specifically identified cases of extreme discord between Osage leaders as well as conflict between Osage and Caddo over leadership roles. The Blackfeet however refrained from such symbols of authority, preferring different signs of leadership rather than foreign accouterments.

Traditional Blackfeet chiefs and band leaders

In his studies of the Blackfeet, Ewers (1958) found that a tribal chief status came about by the band leaders recognizing one of their own as the most “influential band chief” (97). Wissler (1912) postulates that there was a head chief for each of the “Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot tribes” (25). According to Grinnell (1962), the band leaders chose the head chief from their peers, especially one who had “the best war record” and “proved at the Medicine Lodge” (219). The Medicine Lodge described by Grinnell is the sundance ceremony or Ookaan in the Blackfoot language. While each band within the confederacy had an overall leader who had outstanding personal characteristics, the tribal chiefs however had a more definitive status. They had possessed knowledge, skills, and abilities related to leadership qualities such as excellence in war, hunting, and ceremonial participation while also being generous and socially adept.

Even though it appeared that each of the three tribes within the confederacy may have had somewhat of a supreme leader, the authority in these positions was very limited. The tribal chief could not act on much of anything without the participation of the band chiefs. Thus, major decision-making needed the advice and consent of the “minor chiefs” (Grinnell, 1962: 219). A tribal chief was more a facilitator than a manager. “The main function of the tribal chief was to call councils, he having some discretion as to who should be invited,” observed Wissler (1912: 25). The tribal chiefs were leaders only by the “consent and will of the people” (Ewers, 1958: 39). Although there seems to be no formal legislation or provisions for voting, a consensual model of government is apparent that required affirmation by socially established leaders.

Selecting leaders: Bravery and service

The literature on Blackfeet social organization does not manifest a formal selection method for a band leader. Wissler stated that a band chief is “one of an indefinite number of men designated as headmen” and further “These head men of uncertain tenure come to regard one or two of their number as leaders or chiefs” (1912: 23). In other words, one individual may lead a party on a horse capture raid while another may lead a hunting party. Thus, leadership was more a contingency (Fielder, 1964) occurrence than a sociopolitical concept.

Grinnell (1962) pointed out that Blackfeet leadership positions in the bands were not hereditary. Headmen in a band were individuals who had proficient social skills as well as participation in ceremonial activities. As good hunters, recognized leaders would share wealth with the needy and invite others to feast at his tipi lodge. Ewers (1958) stated that the Blackfeet had a “civil chief and a war chief” (39), although Wissler (1912) could find no evidence to support “some writers claim” (25) to this effect. However, both of these authors agreed that certain tribal men would be called upon to lead war or hunting parties based upon their known skills and abilities.

The process of becoming a chief or band leader in the Blackfoot Confederacy required individuals who possessed personal qualities related to generosity, resourcefulness, and good interpersonal skills of oration. A young person wishing to become a leader had to gain prestige and honor in the Blackfeet nations by completing deeds of valor that included such things as capturing horses, weapons, and ceremonial gear from another tribe. These deeds were then usually recounted orally before the tribal encampment as a way of acknowledging one’s accomplishments. These recitations are known as counting coups (McClintock, 1968) and are required actions during most ceremonial activities. Reciting exploits is usually accompanied by an act of gift giving either by the orator or his relatives, supporters, or mentors. In the case of a young man who captured horses, he would usually give one or more of them away to either an elder mentor or someone in need. Bravery and generosity were considered vital virtues for entitlement to chief status as well as being “kind hearted and willing to share his prosperity with the poor” (Grinnell, 1962: 219). Historically, horses were signs of wealth within the confederacy.

Counting coups and gift giving are integral to Blackfeet culture and ceremonies. Thus, gaining prestige and honor through capturing material goods from other tribes and the process of gift giving was essential to becoming a recognized leader (Grinnell, 1962; McClintock, 1968).

Status among leaders

In addition to brave acts and distributing wealth, leaders must be involved with the spiritual and ceremonial activities of the band and tribe. Leaders demonstrated wealth by owning many horses and dressing in elaborate garments during ceremonies and feasts (Ewers, 1958). Some leaders also owned “important and costly medicine bundles” (Ewers, 1958: 95–96) in addition to having large or multiple tipis as well as three or more wives and many children (Ewers, 1958).

Wissler (1912) wrote that “… headmen may be considered as the social aristocracy, holding their place in society in the same indefinite and uncertain manner as the social leaders of our own communities” (23).

Cultural leaders: Blackfeet societies

The tribal and band chiefs were responsible for the social order of the tribe in a broad sense. They could only act with the advice and consent of others. While the governance of a tribe seems tenuous, based on the seemingly limited authority of leadership, the situation is best understood within the cultural context of the social organization of the people. The tribes rarely came together as one group, so social control or management by some supreme authority was not an issue of contention. In the Dog Days, it was important for the tribe to come together to help each other in the fall and spring buffalo hunts. With the coming of the horse, the Blackfeet became more mobile and were able to harvest buffalo without the aid of large groups of people. However, social organization was necessary for activities other than hunting.

An important component of the social organization of the Blackfeet people was the societies. The Ookaan held after midsummer always brought tribes and bands together for this important ceremony. During these large gatherings, the tribal and band chiefs utilized the members of the various societies for social control and ceremonial activities. The societies were considered fraternal but some also had roles for women. It is generally thought that the societies were age graded in that a youth joined a certain group and moved into other groups as they become older. Each of the Blackfeet tribes had societies that were similar but sometimes different with certain deviations and nuances. Table 1 presents the several societies functions as quoted by Curtis in Wissler’s (1916) research:

The function of the societies was primarily to preserve order in the camp during the march, and on the hunt; to punish offenders against the public welfare; to protect the camp by guarding against possible surprise by an enemy; to be informed at all times as to the movements of the buffalo herds and secondarily by intersociety rivalry to cultivate the military spirit, and by their feasts and dances to minister to the desire of the members for social recreation. (367)

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Blackfeet societies and their functions.

Piegan	Blood	North Blackfeet
Pigeons mosquitoes	Mosquitoes	Mosquitoes
		Bees
		Prairie—chickens
		Crows
Braves	All—brave—dogs	All—brave—dogs
		Bad—horns
All—brave—dogs	Braves	Black—soldiers
Front—tails	Black—soldiers	Braves
Raven—bearers	Raven—bearers	Raven—bearers
Dogs	Dogs	Dogs
Kit—foxes	Horns	Horns
Catchers	Catchers	Catchers
Bulls	Bulls	Bulls
		Kit—fox

Ewers gave credit to Prince Maximilian zu Wied, a German scientist-explorer, for being one of the first white men to witness the interactions of the Blackfeet and report the activities of societies. Maximilian (1904–1907) identified seven age-graded societies, each with its unique regalia, songs, and dances. In his travels and visits with American Indians, Curtis (1911) accounted for 10 age-grade warrior societies that included the “Doves, Flies, Braves, All Brave Dogs, Tails, Raven Bearers, Kit-foxes, Catchers, and Bulls” (16–18). Grinnell (1962) called the Blackfeet societies the “All Comrades” (221) by interpreting a term that the tribes used when talking about the societies as whole. Grinnell identified the following Blackfeet Societies:

Little Birds, (boys from 15 to twenty); Pigeons (men who have been to war several times); Mosquitoes (men who are constantly going to war); Braves, All Crazy Dogs, Raven Bearers (tried warriors about forty years old); Dogs, Tails (Old Men, Dogs and Tails are different societies, but they dress alike and dance together and alike); Horns (obsolete among the Piegans, but still exists with the Bloods); Catchers or Soldiers (obsolete for 25 or 30 years, perhaps longer), and Bulls (obsolete for 50 years). (221)

An interesting phenomenon regarding the role societies in the social organization of the Blackfeet is how different societies were assigned by the chiefs at different times to act as police or social control functions. The policing functions were more relevant when tribes were moving camp and during the Ookaan ceremonies in the summer. It was at these times the societies would ensure that community members adhered to tribal social rules and behavior. However, since the headmen were responsible for assigning specific duties and functions to different societies as different times, no society had ongoing authority (Wissler, 1916). Since the societies were randomly assigned tasks in addition to having constantly changing personnel, a check existed upon arbitrary personal power, which Wissler (1916) described as a well-conceived “ingenious scheme to prevent the permanent seizure of power by a police or soldier organization” (370). ¹

Although the societies had a role in social control, the ceremonial function probably ranked as the most important responsibility. McClintock in his experiences in living and recording life with the Blackfeet in the late 1800s provided firsthand observations of the societies’ role in the Ookaan ceremonies and revealed that the societies and especially their medicine bundle (a.k.a. medicine pipe) keepers were primarily responsible for different aspects of ceremony (McClintock, 1937).

Women leaders

Most of the early ethnologists around the turn of the 19th century were men who limited their informants to mostly to men, so there is obvious skew in their works. The second author’s participant observation in ceremonies finds that females have a definite role in almost all ceremonies to the point that activities could not happen without them. Sutton (2004) supports these observations. In a less formal context, a Hudson’s Bay trader reported that women took assertive roles in seeking equitable exchanges in goods for pelts (Isham, 1739). Since this paper concentrates more on the history, structure, and spiritual influences in Blackfeet leadership, a discussion about Blackfeet women leaders, including contemporary leaders such as the late Eloise Cobell will be explored in future work.

Religious societies: Medicine bundle custodians

The medicine bundle keeper is a spiritual leader that provides guidance and ceremony through the intertwined secular and theological society. The role of the medicine bundle keeper influenced the leadership among the Blackfeet.

The Blackfeet do not have a term for religion as their spirituality practices permeate the social organization and structures. The medicine bundle keepers are an important aspect of Blackfeet spirituality. The term “bundle keeper” is used here instead of the commonly used term “bundle owner” as it was a traditional practice to transfer the medicine bundle every four years. As indicated in the discussion above, a band leader or tribal leader is esteemed if he participates in Blackfeet ceremonial life. As Wissler revealed, any man aspiring to become a band leader or tribal leader must assuage to the social demands of the people. “He makes feasts, gives presents, buys medicines, and supports ceremonies; thus making his home the center of social and ceremonial activities, the leadership of which he assumes” (Wissler, 1912: 23). Ewers (1958) concurred that a social leader who had accumulated wealth such as horses also “owned important and costly medicine bundles” (95–96). Ewers (1958) presented the importance of the medicine bundle in relationship to leadership as follows:

Frequent transfer of medicine bundles was encouraged by the Blackfeet belief that having owned important bundles added to a man’s prestige and social position. Men of distinction were proud to recount the various bundles they had possessed during their lifetime, just as they were proud to tell of their brave deeds in war. Everyone knew that purchase of an important bundle required sacrifice of considerable property and that learning the ritual of the bundle was an intellectual accomplishment. (165)

The Medicine Pipe Bundle and the Beaver Bundle are the two major ceremonial objects within the Blackfeet tribes. Although there are several of these bundles within the Blackfeet, they all derive from two separate but somewhat intertwined genesis accounts. The Medicine Pipe bundle ceremonies are convened at the first spring thunder since it is intimately involved with the genesis involving the thunder being (Grinnell, 1962). The Beaver Bundle is a more ritualistically complicated bundle that involves comprehensive aspects of several genesis accounts (Grinnell, 1962; McClintock, n.d.).

The bundles themselves are carefully wrapped with animal skins and contain many ceremonial objects and animal pelts. In the medicine pipe bundle, the pipe itself is a decorative but most revered primary object. During ceremonies the bundles are opened and the genesis story for the objects is recounted through hand/body movement, song, and dance. The ceremonies usually last all day and involve many, many songs and ritual. As the contemporary ceremonialist Alan Pard commented, “ceremonies are a reenactment of the origin and creation stories” (in Pepion (1999: 83)).

George Kipp III (personal communication, 1995), a Medicine Bundle keeper for the Blackfeet, provided an example of the roles and responsibilities of the different aspects of leadership within the Blackfeet. He explained how the society leaders would approach the band leader indicating such things as grass getting short for the horses and camp fuel of wood or buffalo chips was scarce. The band leader then called a council of the society leaders and introduced the idea of needing to move camp. Upon discussion and consensus the band leader approached the Medicine Bundle keepers who prayed on the matter. The next day the Bundle keeper would take the Medicine Bundle from the tipi and place it on a tripod in the direction that the camp would take. The band leader then assigned the various societies the different duties of moving camp such as one society being responsible for keeping order in the break down and preparation for the moving. Another society would be the scouting type of leaders while others may be outriders on the sides and behind the band as it moved. The Bundle Keeper and the band leader then led the people in the direction of their destination that was decided upon through civil and spiritual processes.

This particular account by Kipp relates how the different roles and responsibilities of the band leader, societies, and bundle keepers interacting in governing the band camp. The story demonstrates how leadership is shared within the band by having different roles and responsibilities at different times. Thus, the balance of power or authority was always maintained and no one entity could instigate an authoritarian way of governance.

Spiritual obligation in followership

The medicine bundles highly influenced leadership decisions within the confederacy because of their spiritual strength. Spirituality also influenced actions of followers. Alan Pard (personal discussion in Pepion (1999: 134)), an Apatosi Pikuni (North Piegan) contemporary ceremonialist, gave an example spiritual inspired followership. In Pard’s example, an individual would have a dream to capture horses from the Crow tribe. This person then declared before the camp that he is going to travel to the Crow tribe country to capture horses. Others may volunteer to accompany him as their personal opportunity to gain status and recognition. However, if the individual leading the war party were killed en route to capture Crow horses, the remaining group of the party would return since it was the group leader’s dream that inspired the intention to secure Crow horses, and since he died in order to fulfill his dream inspired vow, the followers had no spiritual obligation to fulfill the journey. Spiritual influence appeared to primarily be a personal aspect guiding the leader to achieve goals rather than followers. However, this does not imply that followers were not themselves inspired to accomplish spiritually inspired goals and missions and in turn invite others to share in the mission.

A summary of Blackfeet leadership foundation and structure

Reg Crowshoe (in Pepion (1999)) used the following depiction to illustrate Blackfeet social organization (Figure 1). In this depiction the extended family is the nucleus of the social organization. The extended families are entities that compose the band. The bands then make up the tribes, Ampskapi Pikuni (South Piegan), Apatosi Pikuni (North Piegan), Kainai (Blood), and Siksika (Blackfoot). The four tribes then create the Blackfoot Confederacy. Overlaying each of the concentric circles in Figure 1 are the societies. It is important to note that the societies, including the medicine bundle societies, overlap the families, bands, tribes, and confederacy. This depiction demonstrates the intricate overlays of the social organization of the Blackfeet that impact on defining leadership within a cultural context. Leadership is distributed throughout the social organization in a way that maintains a social equilibrium between all elements within the culture. Authority or rule lies within the social structures and ceremonial protocol. Egalitarianism is achieved by assuring that no particular individuals or groups wield absolute power. Personal characteristics are highly valued while prowess in hunting and capturing of esteemed articles from other tribes is important. Individual civil service and spiritual participation are integral to leadership roles and functions. Spiritual participation includes recognizing the medicine bundles influence for guiding leaders. OPEN IN VIEWER

The traditional bundle concept

Like many Indian tribes, the Blackfeet worldview is grounded in the circle. The Blackfeet lodge, such as the Ookaan or tipi, is a grid of concentric circles that can explain how knowledge proceeds from the exterior boundaries of the tipi camp circle toward the center (Figure 2). Crowshoe and Manneschmidt (2002) adeptly explained how during the summer Ookaan ceremony a tipi camp is laid out in four concentric circles around the medicine lodge. This layout represents the progression of knowledge. The outer ring of the camp circle is composed of tipis that are rather plain with no paintings on the exterior. This outer circle represents a basic informational level. At this level individual tipi owners may have personal bundles such as a headdress, buffalo stone, shield, weasel tail shirt, or other items that required an individual transfer. The next inward circle is composed of mostly painted tipis that involved minor transfers such as society bundles. In this level, the tipi owners are members of societies either through capture or voluntary initiation. At the society level the members are learning much ceremonial protocol. The third inward ring includes the ceremonial bundles such as the Beaver Bundle and the Thunder Medicine Pipe Bundle. The bundle keepers in this third level are learning the complexities of ceremony. In the center of the tipi 3 is the Ookaan medicine lodge that represents the ultimate of knowing where a voluminous amount of information comes together in the hierarchy of ceremony. This is where bundle keepers and society members participate in the various levels of the medicine lodge ceremonies (Pepion, 1999: 165). The circle structure, also referred as the bundle concept (Crowshoe and Manneschmidt, 2002), has been developed by some contemporary Blackfeet ceremonialists such as Crowshoe and Manneschmidt (2002) to explain the interrelationships of the sociopolitical and spiritual systems of the Blackfeet. OPEN IN VIEWER

The bundle concept practiced within the circle process

The term ceremonial circle is used as way to explain the roles and relationships within the social organization of the Blackfeet Nations (Crowshoe and Manneschmidt, 2002). We will now explain a contemporary application of the circle process that uses the bundle concept to guide leaders during tribal administrative management activities.

The depiction in Figure 3 is a prototype circle representing how a circle ceremony may be arranged. We must note that the circle presented in this paper is a prototypical circle. As tribal scholars we are obligated to protecting sacred information that we are exposed to in our work (see Smith, 1999). Tribal members reading this paper will appreciate knowing that the prototype in our example is used to protect and avoid inappropriate use of sacred tribal information. OPEN IN VIEWER

A ceremonial circle setting would typically take place in a tipi lodge structure. In the Blackfeet way, the tipi door always faces east. In most cases, women sit on the south side of the circle while men sit on the north side. Exceptions to the gender rule are male drummers and singers who sit on the south side of the tipi between the fire ring and the female society members. The medicine bundle sits on the west side of the tipi. The individuals conducting the ceremony, the ceremonialists, sit next to the bundle. Normally the ceremonialists are a married couple, so the woman will sit on the bundle’s south side while her spouse sits on its north. The medicine bundle keepers sit outside of the ceremonialists’ positions.

A Tobacco Cutter or Fire Keeper sits near the middle of the tipi circle. In this kind of setting, the Tobacco Cutter acts like a facilitator. This position in the ceremonial circle also has some authority to ensure that participants follow the ceremonial protocols.

The Tobacco Cutter is the only person who could get up and move around while the others must remain seated. If someone comes to the door, he would seat the person in the appropriate place in accordance with the particular ceremonial protocol. When called for by the Ceremonialist, the Tobacco Cutter would keep the fire going by using tongs to pick up a coal from the fire for placement on the alter. He would also handle the smoking pipe for the men at appropriate times during the ceremony.

Beyond the bundle keepers, the members of the bundle society sit by gender either on the south or north side of the tipi. The society members have the potential for becoming bundle keepers and moving up within the ceremonial circle. Society members may be asked to carry out the duties and responsibilities of the Tobacco Cutter before becoming a potential bundle keeper. In the ceremonial circle, society members are transferred, that is given privileges to perform certain parts of the ceremony. Thus, the transfer process allows one to consecutively learn more about the ceremony.

On each side of the doorway sit the female and male elders. These positions are usually the former ceremonialists who now take a passive role in the rites. However, the elders have the authority to stop the ceremony or correct any ceremonial activity that may have proceeded inappropriately, although it is a rarity for elders to use this authority as the rite of transfer process ensures that rites proceed in accordance with the strict learning prescriptions. In essence, the elder’s role in the ceremony is akin to an advisor (Crowshoe, 1994).

The ceremonial circle demonstrates a process by which a society member may successively become a tobacco cutter, bundle keeper, a ceremonialist, and then an elder.

Although the progression is not strictly proscribed, it presents a sequence of becoming a person of spiritual knowledge. According to ceremonialists, the bundle keeper essentially has ceremonial parents who conduct their bundle opening ceremony, while the elders are their ceremonial grandparents who oversee the process. The ceremonial parents are usually the former bundle keepers who transferred the bundle to the present keeper. The elders or ceremonial grandparents are those couples that had been the keepers once removed from the present keepers (Hungry Wolf and Shade in Pepion (1999: 95–98)).

The most important element within the bundle concept or ceremonial process is the medicine bundle. “The power is in the bundle not in the people,” explained Morris Little Wolf (personal communication, 31 October 1994) of the Piegan Nation in Alberta, Canada. The Piegan Nation Chief and Council in 1994 mandated an assessment and analysis of traditional decision-making that revealed the following finding:

The Piegan belief system is explained firstly in terms of the ceremonial lodge, the tipi in which participants’ places are designated and roles and responsibilities are clearly recognized. Secondly, the order followed within the tipi stems from traditional Piegan thought that links the tangible natural world with the intangible world of the Creator. The link with Creator is centered in Bundles. (Crowshoe, 1994: 5)

The traditional bundle concept guiding contemporary leadership

Traditional leadership within the Blackfeet Nations is guided by the bundle concept, circle process, which provides a “… connection to traditional controls for social order” (Crowshoe, 1994: 5). In the Blackfeet way of knowing these rules of order is the basis for conceptualizing the relationship between people and their environment. Crowshoe (1994) explained that this “… delicate balance between man and man, and nature resulted in an extraordinary interrelated social and … decision-making structure” (3). The tipi circle and the medicine bundle concept in this case fulfill the need to provide balance that is fundamental to the Blackfeet worldview (Crowshoe, 1994).

Preserving the traditional worldview is important for asserting self-determination, the right for an Indigenous culture to persist and thrive within by its own values, standards, and customs. Self-determination extends into administrative practices, including defining leadership roles and conduct. The North Piegan tribe of the Blackfoot Confederacy had adopted the Circle Process to guide leaders in health administration (Crowshoe and Manneschmidt, 2002; Noble, 2002) and judicial activities (Grogan, 1999) within their reserve. The North Piegan adopted the structure of the traditional circle, with leadership authority held by ceremonial documents acting as the bundle and appropriate organization and community leaders sitting in designated positions within the circle according to function. In this modern circle process, the meeting facilitator holds the Tobacco Cutter position and in that role is granted the freedom to move about within the circle to support activity conducted by the group leaders. Senior advisors hold positions similar to elders in that they do not participate in leading the activity, rather they interject with procedural corrections as they see fit. In the context of leadership research, further study is required to understand how tightly the Blackfeet worldview is integrated with modern Circle Process and its contribution to leadership effectiveness and organization outcomes as a result of the process.