Gazing past the glass ceiling: Indian and South African female journalists’ perceptions of their role and power in the newsroom

Abstract

This article analyses female journalists’ perceptions of their own role, their power in the newsroom, their influence over the news agenda and the challenges they face on a daily basis in two large media-saturated countries and emerging democracies, India and South Africa. India and South Africa are both nations that are trying to overcome historical legacies of patriarchal structures and gendered attitudes about women’s role. The authors conclude that female journalists articulated their experiences of newsroom culture as hegemonically masculine. While it appears that female journalists believe that women have made some strides in covering political news, they still see their influence as limited and continue to battle pre-existing professional stereotypes.

Keywords

Female India journalist news newsroom culture patriarchy safety South Africa

Introduction

There is a serious dearth of research about issues female journalists face with regard to the balance between work and home life and their power to influence broader public discourses, particularly in the Global South and in emerging democracies. This article will analyse female journalists’ perceptions of their own role, their power in the newsroom, their influence over the news agenda and the challenges they face on a daily basis in two large media-saturated countries and emerging democracies, India and South Africa. India and South Africa are both nations that are trying to overcome many historical legacies, including pre-existing patriarchal structures as well as gendered beliefs and attitudes about women’s role in society. The main research question addressed is as follows: What are the experiences of female journalists in Indian and South African newsrooms? In particular, we analyse commonalities and/or differences in their experiences to better understand their role and power in the newsroom and their influence over the news agenda.

While South Africa scores far better than India in almost every index that assesses quality of life for women (education, maternal mortality, life expectancy, parliamentary representation, etc.), both countries have tremendous economic and social polarization. A higher caste, higher class woman in India fares far better than her lower caste, lower class counterpart in every facet of life (Drèze and Sen, 2013). Similarly, in South Africa, a Black, lower class woman fares far worse than her White, upper class counterpart in all aspects of life. There is reason to believe that the imbalances between men and women in society – and the newsroom – persist to a greater degree in some countries than others. This is true for India and South Africa where the post-colonial, post-independent and post-apartheid social systems and governments are still premised on, and enmeshed in, the racialized, caste-based and segregated politics perpetuated and reinforced during colonialism.

Gender in the newsroom

Research on gender and journalism in the West has generally been focused on two issues: gendered work in newsrooms and the conditions of such work (e.g. inequities in jobs, promotions and salaries as well as sexual harassment and marginalization) and representations of women in news. The rise of the women’s movement in the West, which began in the 1970s, was followed by well-meaning attempts on the part of news media to better understand and represent coverage of women in the news (Chambers et al., 2004; Sebba, 1994). This was possible, media organizations believed, if more women were allowed into the profession and received more opportunities to practise journalism (Colbert, 2003; Sanders and Rock, 1988). This perception led to more women being hired in the newsrooms and being assigned to cover stories other than about ‘day care and light feature sections’ (Ross, 2001: 540). Yet by the 1990s, there was a general perception that a ‘body count alone’ (i.e. an increase in the number of female journalists in the newsroom) would not necessarily influence story selection, reporting approaches and coverage of gender issues (De Bruin and Ross, 2004: vii; Goga, 2000, 2001; van Zoonen, 1994; Williams, 2003). Some studies suggest that hiring more women changes news content (Made and Lowe Morna, 2009; Meeks, 2013; Schudson, 2000), while other studies show that women in the newsroom tend to differ little from their male counterparts, and instead are quickly socialized into accepting their limited roles and ways of doing journalism that is still male dominated (Schudson, 2000; van Zoonen, 1994; Williams, 2003). There is, however, a general perception among journalists themselves that increased gender equity has had an overall positive impact on newsroom cultures and news content (Made and Lowe Morna, 2009).

While India is often referred to as the world’s largest democracy, South Africa is one of the youngest and ‘celebrated as an example of a country that managed to overcome centuries of colonial and racial oppression to make a peaceful transition to democratic rule’ (Rao and Wasserman, 2016: 651). Both these countries also boast a vibrant and independent news media. Yet, India and South Africa continue to share the challenges of social, political and economic inequality that are characterized by widespread poverty, which raises questions about the access to and participation of the majority of the population in the mediated public sphere.

The media landscape in South Africa has changed dramatically since the country held its first democratic elections in 1994. Media transformation has long been the primary concern in post-apartheid policy debates and has in many ways become synonymous with affirmative action, intended to transform the colour and gender of media workers at all levels (Rodny-Gumede, 2012, 2015c; Steenveld, 1998). As an effect, the South African news media has reached gender parity in the workforce, and almost half of journalists in the country are women (Daniels, 2014; Lowe Morna, 2018; Made and Lowe Morna, 2009). South Africa has seen a phenomenal growth in the tabloid media sector post-apartheid (Wasserman, 2010) and inroads have also been made to diversify the news media sector, especially through a growing community media. And, despite declining circulation figures in the newspaper market overall, the Zulu-language newspaper Isolezwe has steadily increased its circulation (Wasserman and Ndlovu, 2015). This is interesting, given debates and concerns over the lack of language diversity in the South African news media. Add to this the fact that the digital revolution has massively impacted the media landscape, with most news media outlets developing online and social media presence.

The privatization and liberalization policies adopted by the Indian state beginning in 1991 have dramatically changed the country’s media landscape. India now boasts the second-largest media market in the world, in terms of consumption and production. It has approximately 82,000 daily newspapers published in 16 different languages and 800 television channels including 400 dedicated news networks, making it home to the world’s most competitive news arena, catering to a huge Indian audience and a large South Asian diaspora (Rao and Wasserman, 2016). The large expansion of news media has given many opportunities for women to enter the profession. The ‘macho newsroom’ culture prevalent in the 1970s has changed into one where more women are hired at entry-level positions (Kanagasabai, 2016: 664). With the explosion of cable television news and the high visibility of women news anchors, there was almost an impression that ‘metropolitan media in India were virtually on the brink of a takeover by female journalists’ (Joseph, 2004: 168). While no quantitative data exist that show us if there is truly any gender balance in the newsroom (unlike South Africa, India never instituted an affirmative action policy), it is clear that the large number of women in the media workforce, particularly in the media centres of Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru, has created the impression that the barriers that once restricted women’s entry into the press have been overcome (Thomas, 2018).

For both countries, the question is whether such economic and media growth translates into women having equal power to influence news agendas. Previous research conducted among South African journalists show that while male journalists think that gender parity has created equal opportunities for female journalists and has translated to equal power for them to influence the news agenda and the beats they cover, female journalists disagreed (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c). Instead, they identified many obstacles and limits to their influence and power when compared to their male counterparts (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c). This points to a gap between the statistics confirming gender equity in the newsroom on the one hand, and what the qualitative research tells us about women’s experiences in the newsroom on the other (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c). And while affirmative action policies may give women increased access to employment, they do not remove preconceived ideas about what women should or should not do within the realm of their professions (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c). Research shows that structural norms continue to prevent women from advancing in their careers, combining a successful professional life with family commitments, having a salary equal to their male counterparts, or limiting sexist and patriarchal attitudes and beliefs (Lowe Morna, 2018; Made and Lowe Morna, 2009; Rabe, 2006; Rodny-Gumede, 2015c).

The 2018 Glass Ceiling Report (cf. Lowe Morna, 2018) on gender in the South African news media shows positive inroads with regard to women in management positions, with 46 per cent female representation in senior management positions and 36 per cent in top management. Highlighted in the report is also how racial equity has been improved in management and how Black males now comprise half of top media managers. The proportion of Black women in top media management has also increased, thus addressing some of the concerns raised in previous research around the lack of women in decision-making positions in the news media. Black women now constitute 40 per cent of senior managers in the media, suggesting that change is on the way. However, sexism and patriarchal attitudes persist and new threats and impediments are also raised; wage gaps between men and women in the South African news media have widened and worrying trends with regard to online harassment of female journalists and ‘cyber misogyny’ have emerged through social media (Lowe Morna, 2018). This is not unique to South Africa, but a worrying worldwide trend (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), 2018). The amount of harassment and threats that female journalists face through online media are considerable and female journalists are disproportionally experiencing attacks online, including sexual harassment and threats of physical violence (OSCE, 2018).

Women in journalism, especially in a large and diverse country like India, cannot be forced into a single, stereotypical category, but it is clear that women continue to face overwhelming challenges. Female journalists often face problems when they travel because of lack of toilets, safe transportation and childcare facilities (Ananya, 2016). In her research among rural and small-town women journalists, Mullick (2016) found that women have to constantly balance between being perceived as a good woman (i.e. honourable) and a good journalist, who might be easily labelled besharam (shameless). Joseph’s (2004) study found that women continue to function under pressure to prove themselves as they have to work harder and longer hours to show their male counterparts that they are ‘good enough’ to succeed in this profession. Pain’s (2016) research among female Indian political reporters found that these journalists considered gender to be the ‘single most’ important factor that made political journalism not just hard, but ‘sometimes downright unpleasant’ (p. 2).

Most journalism scholars are acutely aware of the need for transnational research as journalism practices, political events and news rapidly move across borders (Wahl-Jorgensen and Hanitzsch, 2009). Comparative studies on journalism practices are few and far between, though scholars agree that such studies add to the literature and make journalism scholarship less parochial and more global and can establish the possibilities of generating theories and interpretations derived from such case studies (Hanitzsch, 2008: 95). In relation to journalism and the news media specifically, Wahl-Jorgensen (2004: 350) argues that studies in this area need to be international, comparative, empirical and normative. While there have been a slew of scholarly works studying journalism practices in India and South Africa (Daniels, 2014; Lowe Morna, 2018; Made and Lowe Morna, 2009; Rajan, 2007; Rao, 2009; Rao and Wasserman, 2016; Rodny-Gumede, 2015a, 2015d; Thussu, 2009; Wasserman, 2010, 2013), there are far fewer scholarly work that specifically study experiences of female journalists. What we have had until now are mostly anecdotal evidence from local media reports and quotidian discussions on women’s rights websites, personal blogs and other online forums in the workplace and beyond (Steiner, 2017). This article is an attempt to systematically tabulate the daily, lived experiences of Indian and South African female journalists and provide a much needed in-depth, industry-specific and culturally sensitive research on the topic. We analyse interview responses of journalists in order to provide a cross-national comparative analysis of their role and power in the newsroom, their influence over the news agenda and the daily challenges they face.

Methodology

The authors interviewed female journalists from a cross-section of Indian (Hindi and English language) and South African (English, Afrikaans and Zulu language) urban media. In India, a total of 12 senior journalists were interviewed from broadcast, print and digital media. The most senior journalist had been in the industry for 31 years, and the most junior had been working for 11 years. Respondents were based in Delhi, Bengaluru and Mumbai, and the interviews were conducted in Hindi and English. Journalists worked for the following media outlets: NDTV (English and Hindi), Zee News (Hindi), The Times of India, Hindustan Times and CNBC TV18. One journalist was a freelancer who wrote for various news websites. Interviewees worked or have worked in a range of editorial roles, including reporters, feature writers, editors, news directors, bureau chiefs, section editors, online editors, sub-editors (or copyeditors) and television news producers. After the participants gave their consent, interviews were conducted either in person, via Skype or over the phone from September 2016 to October 2017. The length of the interviews ranged from 25 to 50 minutes. In South Africa, 16 female journalists and editors were interviewed, all with newsroom experience ranging from 2 to 20 years. A purposive sample of media outlets was drawn to ensure a balance between national and regional news outlets as well as broadcast and print media outlets. Journalists from the following news media outlets were interviewed: SABC channels 1 and 3, SAfm, e.tv, Radio 702, Business Day, Cape Argus, City Press, Daily Sun, Mail and Guardian, Rapport, Star, Sowetan, Sunday Independent, Sunday Times and Isolezwe. A first set of interviews were conducted in person from June to August 2017; a second set of follow-up interviews were conducted in November 2017.

The journalists were asked broad questions pertaining to the beats they cover, whether they are denied assignment on certain beats or assigned to stories that are different from men in the organization, the level of formal decision-making power they have in their organization as well as perceived power to alter news agendas and influence over editorial decision-making, and the challenges they face as journalists. The findings below are an outline of the interview responses to those questions. The interviews were dialogical in nature, with an extensive set of follow-up questions used to expand initial answers. This was done to get a broad insight into women’s experiences of working in journalism. To protect confidentiality and to avoid any retribution, respondents’ names have been withheld.

The qualitative analysis of the interviews is based on White’s (1986) approach to discourse analysis, which helps us interpret the inherent inconsistencies of concepts and categories by regrouping and understanding propositions in terms of possible repertoires both speakers and authors use in order to give meaning to the issues raised. Avoiding the classical rhetorical exegesis approach, which is based on mere analysis of grammatical or stylistic consistencies and repetitions, White (1986) allows for a more thematic reading based on the significance of the texts and broader societal and political impact. White (1986) advocates for a ‘tropological theory of discourse’ (p. 23). This approach provides us with a way of classifying different kinds of discourses by ‘contents’, which are identified differently by different interpreters and which also allow us to classify various types of ‘practical discourse, such as those discourses about social phenomena (news, war, politics, economics and so on)’, as opposed to ‘formal discourse (such as plays, novels, poems)’ (p. 24).

In analysing the texts of the interviews, we remained cognizant of the discursive nature of the experiences expressed by the interviewees and that these can only produce meaning within a context. Therefore, the themes or repertoires identified are only to be understood as a broad range of women’s experiences in newsrooms and ones which may vary. While we are fully aware that interviews can only generate partial understanding about the perceptions and views expressed by the interviewees, and that to have validity, such data would have to be augmented by observations, Rodny-Gumede (2015: 209) argues that it is important to ascertain perceptions around gender equality in the journalistic profession. Whether such perceptions reflect the full reality or not, they can inform us about the gap between statistics in gender transformation on the one hand, and the power that female journalists themselves experience and feel they possess on the other hand (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c: 209).

Findings

Smallest hole in the glass ceiling and opting out

The metaphor ‘glass ceiling’ has been repeatedly used when writing about the various barriers women face in advancing their professional careers. In journalism scholarship, the glass ceiling has been well researched and well documented in practices of many Western and advanced democracies such as the United States, United Kingdom and various countries in Europe (Delano, 2003; North, 2016). It is only recently that Indian and South African scholars have started to take an interest in studying the nature of the glass ceiling and the unique challenges it poses for women in newsrooms and emerging democracies.

Both the Indian and South African journalists interviewed for this study testify to rapid changes in newsroom practices and a media industry in constant flux. Journalists with a longer journalistic career behind them, ranging from 10 to 20 years, emphasize these changes to a greater extent than colleagues with a shorter time in the industry (i.e. 2–9 years). Two senior Indian journalists reminisced on times when they were one of the few female journalists covering news and the kind of challenges they had to face:

When I first came to the news room [here], I was one of the two women in the company. Now the new hires are 50-50 [equal numbers of men and women being hired]. [In] many ways things have improved for women. Back then I was lucky to have an understanding mother-in-law who took care of my son, but childcare was difficult, transportation was difficult, and going to news conferences was sometimes impossible. (Times of India respondent)

Until [the] 1980s, women reporters were not allowed to do night duty [in daily newspapers], and this was a disadvantage for us. We lost out on the stories that came on the teleprinters – this was before the computers – late in the night. Since we didn’t have access to those news stories, we never got bylines for major stories. In one newspaper, the women reporters approached the editor to demand night duty. They were told that the office did not consider it safe for women to do night duty as the newspaper did not want to be responsible for taking the reporters home at ungodly hours at night or [the] early morning. Another reason was [given] that since the newspaper office did not have separate toilets, women journalists could not report at night and had to go outside of the building, which could be unsafe. (Hindustan Times respondent)

Barring one, all other Indian journalists interviewed thought that conditions have changed for the better for women. One senior journalist (Times of India respondent), who also routinely hires new staff, said, ‘For some jobs I get more women applying than men’. Another journalist (Zee News respondent) stated that media companies have wised up to women being in the profession and provided buses for transportation and even travel allowances for women. However, each of them had the impression that their gender posed unusual and significant challenges. One said,

The hole in the glass ceiling for women journalists [in India] is the smallest hole you will find. (NDTV respondent 1)

We have to struggle for everything . . . There are professional struggles and there are personal struggles. All the men in the company have wives who stay at home, my husband has a business . . . I have to balance like none of them. (NDTV respondent 2)

Similarly, in South Africa, female journalists testify to the changes that have taken place in the news media, particularly after the first democratic elections in 1994 when there was a real push for both racial and gender transformation in the news media and the newsroom. Whether in terms of gender or race, South Africa has come a long way since the days of apartheid when newsrooms saw the same segregation as all other sectors of society. Particularly dire was the situation for Black women reporters who faced the brunt of both racial and gender discrimination (Rossouw, 2005).¹ According to the strict racial hierarchies of the day, there were separate toilets and staff canteens for Black and White staff, and Black and White reporters travelling together on assignments could not stay in the same hotels (Rossouw, 2005). These instances of segregation have been well documented in the media hearings of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC, 1998). However, by the late 1980s and as political changes started to take place, segregated facilities were abandoned, and news media outlets started hiring Black and female reporters in larger numbers (Rossouw, 2005: 221–227). Such efforts were further increased after the first democratic elections, at which time it was agreed that such transformations needed to go deeper (Rodny-Gumede, 2012); of concern was the small number of Black sub-editors and women in senior management positions (South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), 2000). Such efforts promoted gender equity in reporting staff, but women, and in particular Black women, remained underrepresented in senior editorial positions and on company boards (Daniels, 2014), and continued to face challenges, similar to those of their Indian peers:

What has not changed however in the 15 odd years I have been in [the] industry is an appreciation of time constraints and how we structure both our personal and work lives. (SABC 3 respondent)

As women, we have responsibilities that cannot be negotiated. Black women in particular often have responsibilities for extended families and face different patriarchal and sexist attitudes under the auspice of culture and engrained attitudes that assign different roles to men and women. This does not only come through in our professional lives and in relations with male colleagues but also in how our careers develop. (Isolezwe respondent)

Studies of Western news organizations show that conflict between the roles of journalist and mother/spouse, and attempts to balance family and career, have evolved from being ‘barriers’ to posing ‘challenges’ to women journalists’ career advancement (Engstrom and Ferri, 1998: 789). Unfortunately, the general consensus among Indian and South African journalists was that these factors remain serious obstacles that push women to settle for less ambitious positions or quit the profession altogether. Some blamed corporate policies that need to better address childcare, paternity leave and extended maternity leave. While the phrase ‘opting out’ was never mentioned by the journalists, there were mentions of expectations from male colleagues about opting out, and women journalists were quite aware of the limitations to the work/home balance. We understood opting out as female journalists voluntarily choosing to leave the profession and/or choosing to take assignments which were less demanding and of a lower profile in order to balance home and work life. Some women admitted to self-imposed limitations to their careers because they felt that they could not let their families down:

First day at work a [male] journalist said, ‘Oh, you will get married and then you will leave. Then I will have to do [your] job’. (Zee News respondent)

Marriage [in India] is the biggest problem for women. Will we be able to do our job after marriage? What will happen with children? Men know this and they will ask openly, are you leaving now that you are pregnant? Some women leave only because that [balance] is difficult. (NDTV respondent 2)

There are no statistics on how many Indian female journalists choose not to advance their careers or instead take up other jobs (or beats outside of politics and news), but opting out seems to be both externally and internally driven. Several mentioned being asked or expected, both professionally and at home, to leave rather than wanting to leave. Women in India continue to be responsible for housework, and it weighs on every professional choice they make. India is one of the few countries in the world where participation of women in the workforce has declined to only 27 per cent of women working as paid employees in 2015–2016, compared to 43 per cent in 2003–2004 (Venkatesh, 2017). A recent study showed that Indian women, irrespective of whether they work or stay at home, spent 298 minutes on routine housework such as cooking, laundry and home maintenance every day; this is highest of any country in the world included in the survey (Chalasani and Rutstein, 2014). Such cultural and social practices filter into the lives of female journalists. These journalists are aware of the difference between being forced to opt out and choosing to opt out, but say that pressures of opting out are unique to women. This resonates in studies of women journalists in Lebanon where authors found that journalism was seen as a ‘man’s career but a short-stint for single women’ (Melki and Mallat, 2016: 73).

Similar to their Indian counterparts, South African women journalists emphasize the fact that many women still leave their careers and/or do not advance professionally due to family commitments, and they face numerous challenges with regard to negotiating and asserting power in the newsroom. However, they also emphasize the many positive changes that have taken place:

The way in which female journalists carry out their beats have changed substantially over the years. A major difference is on the level of perceptions of what is ok, the sports beat for example or politics. (Rapport respondent)

We have seen changes; I think Marikana proves it. I would not say female journalists dominated in terms of coverage, and there were clear issues in terms of access for female journalist[s]. This said, as far as conflict coverage goes, we saw many stories by female journalists making headlines. (e.tv respondent)

This last comment by the e.tv respondent is important. The reference made to Marikana is to the shooting and killing of 34 miners at the South African Lonmin mining company’s Marikana mine on 16 August 2012, with a subsequent final death toll of 44. This event has gone down in history as the worst act of violence perpetrated by the South African post-apartheid police force, but it showed the inroads that female journalists have made into traditional male beats. This said, female journalists were originally assigned to cover this story when it first broke a few days before 16 August (and before the massacre took place) because it was considered a labour dispute story like many others; few predicted the tragic events that unfolded and the kind of international attention the story received. Despite the threats levelled against female journalists who were present (Moodie, 2012; Pilane, 2015; Rodny-Gumede, 2015b), the journalists stayed in Marikana and, more importantly, stayed with the story. Such ground-breaking work, however, might not always correspond with any actual power that female journalists wield in the newsroom.

Negotiating power and influence with male journalists/editors

Female journalists find their male colleagues to be generally collegial and understanding. One interviewee (NDTV respondent 1) said that there is a general ‘camaraderie’ given the nature of journalism work and the kinds of political challenges they are facing today:

Nowadays everyone is aware of the pressures [the] profession is under. That has brought both men and women journalists closer. [This threat] has brought media companies closer because we realize that the censorship issue will not just be faced by one company, it will harm all of us. Since I started working 20 years back, this is the first time I feel a sense of collective spirit. (Hindustan Times respondent)

However, each of them mentioned gendered experiences with their superiors (owners and editors), and one described an encounter that was rooted in a ‘boy’s club experience’:

You just have to go to the Press Club and you will know exactly what I am saying. You will see them sitting and drinking together and eat[ing] tandoori chicken. On any evening, you will find one or two women journalists there, if even that many. [Editors] will join the [male] juniors and they will openly talk about work and what stories to cover. (CNBC TV 18 respondent)

These observations resonate with findings by Nilsson (2010: 15) with regards to Swedish television journalists. Nilsson’s study shows that male editors subconsciously privilege a certain type of male journalist over a female journalist. Nilsson writes, ‘Words like “praised”, “waited on”, “esteemed”, “rewarded”, and “supported” were common in discussions about how men have advantages in the newsroom’. This comes through in how women journalists speak about the lack of credit or awards bestowed upon them:

Definitely. It is subconscious almost. Men write more important stories, I mean, that is the perception, [so] they will get it [awards]. (CNBC TV 18 respondent)

Nilsson (2010) calls it a culture of ‘male homosociality’, which includes, among other practices, a gendered view of the dominating demands of news culture (pp. 13–15). In the context of South Africa, studies have shown that while female journalists state that they have less power than their male counterparts in the newsroom, male journalists argue that women and men wield the same power in the newsroom (Rodny-Gumede, 2015c). This points to the gendered view of how equality itself is perceived. Nilsson (2010: 13–15) shows how according to the culture of male homosociality, women were expected to be in the background (physically), while men were always positioned closer to the action; women were perceived as passive and men as active, and ‘this dichotomy was used as an explanation for the gender typing of assignments and awards for good stories’.

One Indian journalist explained,

Influence is a broad word. We have influence on our story, the way we write, who we call, who we quote, but we don’t have influence over who is assigned to cover which story, and [there] men get to cover important stories. (Times of India respondent)

South African journalists emphasized how stories and coverage of big events get allocated and the editorial concerns that go into the process of deciding these assignments:

While there might be gender parity or equity in beat allocation, this might not always extend to story allocation or the perceived status or prominence of the story. Of course, we are all chasing the big stories, but it might not always be so that they are allocated equally. Big political events or sport events for example, here allocation might be based on experience, willingness, and capacity to dedicate time in the field, etc. And here women will be at a disadvantage if they cannot reconcile this with family commitments, etc. (SABC 1 respondent)

Decision-making power and perceived differences between the power that women have versus their male counterparts also come through in story selection, story angle and even space/time allotted to the story’s publication, as these interviewees describe:

This all depends on seniority. We have many more male editors in the South African media than female ones so I would say women have less decision-making power overall. Story angles, etc., are different though, and I do not think women have less influence over their own beats than their male colleagues. (Sunday Times respondent)

There might be differences in how stories are processed or edited. In particular, I think the length of stories is of some concern. I would like to do more feature like stories when given the opportunity to actually cover women’s issues, but this is hard to push through. (Sunday Independent respondent)

Another interviewee emphasized how gender bias comes through in the way their male colleagues question their capabilities:

I am often asked by male colleagues, ‘Will you be ok?’ or ‘Are you cool with this or that?’ essentially saying, ‘Can you do this, do you have the skills, can you stand up to the challenge?’ Male colleagues will not [ask other males] the same questions. (Daily Sun respondent)

Other interviewees, both in India and South Africa, say that there are instances where they have felt stereotyped, or simply been asked to take on a story just because there is a supposed women’s angle:

I have refused stories, sometimes because I think there has been a gender bias to the story, and where there has been no real reason for this. I have also refused stories based on time constraints or long periods away, for example. (City Press respondent)

They are happy if we only cover food, fashion, and Bollywood [India’s film industry]. Like they say, the gossip stuff which women readers like. I have told my editor I want to cover Kejriwal [chief minister of Delhi], not write about a fashion show. I don’t even like fashion. (Times of India respondent)

Both the Indian and South African female journalists understand the pervasive nature of the ‘boy’s club’ and find ways to negotiate around and within those networks. They are acutely cognizant of the social and professional costs they pay because of their gender in a newsroom that may not be numerically dominated by men but continues to be culturally dominated by deeply patriarchal practices. This includes, among other practices, the allocation of more important stories to their male colleagues, story selection and even length of the stories. Such assignments, they argue, are partly driven by the unspoken sexist culture of the newsroom (exemplified through questions about their abilities) and partly by women’s own self-imposed limitations to their availability or assertiveness.

Negotiating gender stereotypes

Negotiating gender stereotypes is a double-edged sword for female journalists. On one hand, they perceive that sometimes they are best equipped to cover a story (such as those about gender-based violence or interviews of female politicians), but on the other hand, they also fear that they might be ghettoized in those kinds of beats. One Indian reporter talked about covering rape stories:

I feel like I can talk to the victims [of rape] and family more easily, but then my male colleagues have more connections with the police and politicians. Editors will sometimes say you cover the victim and family and let so-and-so [male reporter] cover what the police are saying or what the bureaucrats are saying. (Zee News respondent)

South African journalists reported similar circumstances:

I think there are always discussions to be had around how we approach a story, particularly when we approach sources who have been victims of gender violence. (The Star respondent)

There is always a fear of revictimization, and as such I think female colleagues are more likely to be assigned stories involving female victims of violence or abuse. (Sunday Times respondent)

In other instances, interviewees said that, unwittingly or not, they might have to play into gender stereotypes in order to get a story:

It is something rarely talked about and an uncomfortable truth, but I do think we sometimes play on our femininity, but equally there are stories where we are ever so aware of not doing so and where we rather shrink than be visible or threatening, or where we try to be overly assertive as to not come across as weak or not up to the task. (e.tv respondent)

Rodny-Gumede and Chasi (2016: 123) confirm this in their study of investigative journalists in South Africa, where female journalists argue that given the sexist context in which South African journalism is conducted, playing into gender stereotypes might assist in getting a story. Clearly, journalists understand that stereotypes have the potential of empowering as well as ghettoizing them at the same time.

Safety of women or safety of journalists? Safety of women journalists

Safety is one of the biggest issues that women journalists face everywhere, but especially in India (Dias, 2016; Harris et al., 2016; Prasad, 2006). Irrespective of rank, experience and the media company that employs them, safety, or the lack thereof, profoundly shapes women’s experiences as working professionals. A recent study by the Praja Foundation (Bhattacharya, 2016), a non-governmental organization (NGO), based on a survey of 29,950 households in Delhi, found that 60 per cent of women did not feel safe in the city, and 64 per cent did not feel safe travelling within the city even during the day. The figures also showed 52 per cent of Delhi residents were victims of crimes, and more than 60 per cent of women said they have been sexually harassed in a public place such as a bus or park in the past year. Madan and Nalla’s (2016) study about sexual harassment and safety in public places found that cramped, inadequate public transportation systems, massive youth migration to urban areas and India’s traditional patriarchal society, where many still believe a woman’s place is in the home, create a toxic environment for women in public spaces. Such societal factors affect the world of female journalists on a daily basis. But beyond the day-to-day fear of safety, female journalists writing about political news and corruption appear to be particular targets:

Women journalists writing about politics and corruption face tremendous violence and threats. I can tell you how many times I have been told either straight in the face or through innuendo that my life was in danger. (Freelance respondent, India)

The threat is real. We are easy target[s]. Because we are women but also because the criminal system is broken and corrupt . . . no one will be caught and sent to prison. (Zee News respondent)

These comments resonate with a recent report from the Committee to Protect Journalists (2017), which lists that in the 27 assassinations of journalists in India since 1992, none have resulted in convictions of the murderers. Journalists gave several examples of specific journalists who were targeted and also emphasized the fact that social media has made it easier for female journalists to be targeted and vilified. The case of Neha Dixit, a freelance journalist, is a good example of the serious safety issues women face when reporting about politics and corruption. Dixit published a cover story in Outlook magazine called ‘Operation Beti Uthao’ – a five-part investigation into how the Sangh Parivar [a Hindu fundamentalist group] flouted every Indian and international law on child right[s] to traffic 31 young tribal girls from Assam to Punjab and Gujarat to ‘Hinduize’ them (Seshu, 2016). Following the publication of the article, Dixit encountered hate speech and death threats on social media. Fake accounts, where ‘trolls’ impersonated and abused her, appeared on Facebook and Twitter handles. The fear of personal safety dictates how women negotiate their professional lives:

The unspoken assumption is ‘stick to desk work’. No reason for women to venture out. Safety and transport are two areas where we are most vulnerable. (Freelance respondent, India)

Being out at night is bad enough, add to that being a journalist and being out at night makes us a target. (STAR News respondent)

Recent instances of sexual harassment and fallout from the #MeToo movement has also been a topic of conversation among journalists; there are open discussions about how sexual harassment affects the safety of women in the workplace (Saberin, 2018) as well as online, where threats levelled against female journalists are of particular concern (Lowe Morna, 2018; OSCE, 2018). While none of the Indian journalists we interviewed mentioned sexual harassment as a safety issue, it is a topic that needs further research. South African journalists emphasized similar issues – ‘There might be safety concerns that play a role though in how stories are assigned’ (SAfm respondent) – and explained why a story might be allocated to a male colleague instead of a female:

I think women in general are thought of as less suitable for stories where there is a real possibility of a threat to the safety of the reporter. We saw this in the coverage of Marikana, for example, where there were threats directed at female journalists. (Radio 702 respondent)

Conclusion

This article gives a broad perspective about the challenges faced by Indian and South African female journalists. There is need for more comparative work in emerging democracies, where patriarchal and sexist beliefs and practices run horizontally and vertically in media organizations. This is especially important as the news media is challenged to take on an increasingly important role in public discourse formation and in contributing to the building of democratic institutions. In answering the research question about experiences of female journalists in India and South Africa, and their perceptions of the power that they wield in the newsroom and over news agendas, our findings closely match earlier findings of the challenges faced by female journalists globally in terms of the experiences, power and influence they have and the conditions in which they work (Adams, 2017; Lobo et al., 2017; Lucht, 2016; Mellor, 2012). The interview data from 12 Indian and 16 South African female journalists show that respondents have a clear understanding of the gendered nature of their occupation. All articulated their experiences of newsroom culture as hegemonically masculine, and in this environment, they face unique challenges because of their gender. While it appears that female journalists believe that women have made great strides in covering political news in both India and South Africa, they still see their influence as limited and continue to battle pre-existing societal and professional stereotypes. This study complements the existing literature on gender and journalism by showing how inclusion of women in the workforce, or body count alone, does not signify influence. The glass ceiling still exists in the newsroom, where women are either expected, or choose, to opt out professionally after marriage or work in ‘soft’ news rounds to accommodate their roles and responsibilities at home. Balancing work and home life continues to be one of the biggest challenges for female journalists; additionally, women working the same full-time jobs as their male colleagues are given fewer opportunities to write important news stories or stories that receive attention and lead to awards and promotions. The findings of this study match earlier studies, which have shown that even after years of integration and employment opportunities, women remain steadfastly pigeon-holed in certain kinds of beats (Elmore, 2009; Hardin and Shaine, 2006).

In patriarchal societies such as India and South Africa, safety in public spaces remains an issue that women in general, and female journalists in particular, encounter daily. For journalists interviewed for this study, safety could be one of the main reasons they cannot always cover an important political, investigative or hard news story. They describe instances where journalists have been threatened and trolled on social media, and growing concerns about ‘cyber misogyny’ might lead to female journalists withdrawing from online platforms, further depriving an already male-dominated public sphere of female voices. The lack of socially hospitable environments for women, combined with strict normative gendered roles at home and in other domestic cultures, exert immense pressure on women’s careers and affect their ability to balance work and family. All factors, when taken together, limit the power and influence of female journalists in the newsroom and, subsequently, the news agenda. Within this environment, nevertheless, journalists presented a strong sense of resilience and a conviction that despite journalism continuing to be a male-dominated field, matters are improving, and women are able to move towards and demand better status and inclusive work environments.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The authors wish to acknowledge all the journalists who participated in this project and the reviewers for their helpful comments. They also wish to posthumously acknowledge journalist Gauri Lankesh who was interviewed twice for this research. Ms. Lankesh was assassinated on September 5, 2017 in Bangalore, India.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author biographies

Shakuntala Rao is a professor at the Department of Communication Studies at State University of New York–Plattsburgh, USA. Her current research includes practices in South Asian journalism, democracy and global media ethics. She is the editor/co-editor of two books, Media Ethics and Justice in the Age of Globalization and Indian Journalism in a New Era.

Ylva Rodny-Gumede is a professor in the Department of Journalism, Film and Television at the University of Johannesburg. She is a former journalist with experience in both print and broadcast media. Her current research includes investigating journalism practices in the post-colony, the transformation of communication and media studies curricula, including the broader transformation of higher education in South Africa.

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