Reviewing Racial Microaggressions Research: Documenting Targets’ Experiences,Harmful Sequelae,and Resistance Strategies

Abstract

In this article, we review the theoretical and empirical literature on racial microaggressions from 2007 to 2020 (N = 138 articles). First, we refine racial microaggressions theory and update the definition to address mischaracterizations in the literature and clarify the term (i.e., “micro” refers to microlevel interactions rather than degree of harm). Next, we used four superordinate categories (i.e., pathologizing differences, denigrating and pigeonholing, excluding or rendering invisible, and perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes) in which to situate racial microaggression themes from the extant literature. Moreover, we consolidated and renamed existing themes to privilege targets’ perspectives (e.g., facing assumptions of inferior status and enduring exoticization). We then synthesized qualitative and quantitative research that shows harmful sequelae of racial microaggressions (i.e., psychological and physiological symptoms). Extending prior research on coping with gendered racial microaggressions, we describe empirical findings on collective, resistance, and self-protective strategies to mitigate the harmful impact of racial microaggressions. We conclude with directions for future research.

Keywords

racial microaggressions White supremacy everyday racism

Despite only recently entering an everyday lexicon in social-justice efforts on campus and in the media, both Merriam-Webster and Oxford now include the term “microaggression” in their English-language dictionaries. Critics and those who have embraced the term alike have carried it far beyond its earlier research contexts in clinical settings. Thus, a primary purpose of the current review of the racial microaggressions literature is to synthesize a rich and rigorous body of empirical research across disciplines (e.g., psychology, social work, education, and communication). We seek to take stock of this interdisciplinary racial microaggressions research to articulate where the theory is today. By providing an updated review of the literature since G. Wong et al.’s (2013) earlier review (N = 73 articles), we offer a response to critics who have argued little empirical evidence supports the theory. Synthesizing the extant literature also has the potential to inform future research, as well as prevention and intervention efforts.

In what follows, we provide an updated definition of the term racial microaggressions and clarify mischaracterizations in the literature. Drawing on prior microaggressions theory we specify four superordinate categories of racial microaggressions by which to organize themes from taxonomy research (Houshmand et al., 2017; Sue & Spanierman, 2020). We discuss themes by racial group to further understand the salience of racial microaggressions for particular targets. We then review research that provides evidence of the harmful psychological and physiological effects of racial microaggressions on Blacks, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC).¹ We then feature an empirical investigation of strategies that targets use to cope with and resist racial microaggressions. We conclude with recommendations for future racial microaggressions research to advance the field.

Tracing and Refining Racial Microaggressions Theory

In this section we trace the development of microaggressions theory from its origins in the 1970s, clarify the conceptual language in the theory as it flourished in the 2000s, and, looking forward to future research, update definitions. The term microaggressions originated in the work of Harvard University Professor of Psychiatry and Education Chester Middlebrook Pierce. Through a series of studies during the 1970s, Pierce introduced “offensive mechanisms” to explain the conscious or unconscious “subtle blows [that] are delivered incessantly” by White offenders during their interpersonal interactions with Black individuals (Pierce, 1970, p. 266). He called these subtle blows “micro-aggressions,” which he linked to greater disease and mortality rates in Black communities than in White communities (Pierce, 1970, p. 266). Adopting Pierce and colleagues’ terminology, Solórzano and colleagues (2000) defined racial microaggressions as “subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously” (p. 60).

In 2007, Sue and colleagues reintroduced microaggressions in a groundbreaking and now widely cited American Psychologist article. Sue, Capodilupo, et al. (2007) shared a framework that categorized interpersonal microaggressions as microinsults, microinvalidations, and microassaults. Microinsults refer to communications that targets experience as insensitive and demeaning, such as when a perpetrator seems to assume they are intellectually inferior because of their race. Microinvalidations denote verbal and nonverbal communications that negate or diminish targets’ experiences, such as denying someone’s experience with a racist incident. Because microassaults are most similar to expressions of blatant racism (e.g., using a racial slur), most research has focused on microinsults and invalidations. Sue, Capodilupo, et al. (2007) original theory also included environmental microaggressions; however, Sue and Spanierman (2020) revised the term and instead introduced environmental macroaggressions to distinguish subtle forms of interpersonal racial bias from organizational, institutional, and societal policies and practices. In this review of the literature, we focus on subtle, interpersonal racial microaggressions (i.e., microinsults and microinvalidations). Since 2007, voluminous conceptual and empirical advances have refined and extended the theory.

Why are microaggressions micro?

Racial microaggressions are micro because they arise during interpersonal (i.e., microlevel) moments between a perpetrator and a target. The term “micro” should in no way be understood as a measure of harm. Instead, the micro in racial microaggressions is akin to the “everyday” in Essed’s (1991) everyday racism, or what she referred to as “microinjustices,” in the macrocontext of White supremacy in a racialized social system. Essed’s everyday racism theory “defies the view that racism is either an individual problem or an institutional problem” and “is never a singular act in itself, but a multidimensional experience [that] triggers memories of other, similar incidents, of the beliefs surrounding the event, of behavioral coping and cognitive responses” (p. 207). Thus, racial microaggressions and everyday racism should be understood as differing disciplinary attempts, one emergent in clinical settings and the other in social anthropology, to understand how BIPOC targets experience covert racism through routinized practices in everyday interactions in the larger context of White supremacy. Because White people are in the dominant position in White-supremacist systems, they cannot be targets of racial microaggressions, although they can be targets of gender, sexual-orientation, or other forms of microaggressions (Clark & Spanierman, 2018; Sue & Spanierman, 2020).

Are microaggressions aggressive?

Because racial microaggressions oftentimes are unintentional communications by a perpetrator, critics have argued that they are not a form of aggression. As M. T. Williams (2021) empirically demonstrated, racial microaggressions indeed are aggressive because targets experience them as such even when intent cannot be established. As psychological researchers have suggested, indirect, relational, and social aggression (e.g., spreading rumors or excluding people from a group) can be as harmful and as damaging to targets as some types of physical aggression (e.g., Archer & Coyne, 2005; Coyne et al., 2006). In an integrated review of the literature on manipulative aggressions, for instance, Archer and Coyne (2005) demonstrated that indirect, relational, and social aggressions are all, in effect, the same form of aggressions in that they may exclude others, harm their reputations, or cause distress, with or without any intention on the part of their perpetrators to do so. Indeed, racial microaggressions insult, invalidate, or exclude members of BIPOC communities and cause distress, with or without perpetrator intent. Thus, racial microaggressions are a form of manipulative aggression that reproduce White supremacy in interpersonal moments between a White perpetrator and a BIPOC target. White people may not intend to insult or invalidate but nevertheless often do so.

Updating the racial microaggressions definition

Following the refinements to the theory described above, we define racial microaggressions as subtle and familiar communications BIPOC targets experience during interpersonal moments when White perpetrators imply targets are inferior or discount targets’ identities, experiences, or knowledge. These microlevel, interpersonal communications transpire in the macrocontext of a White-supremacist, racialized social system.

Racial microaggressions theory values targets’ perceptions, as perpetrators are often unaware that they have invalidated or insulted the target (Sue, 2017; Sue & Spanierman, 2020; M. T. Williams, 2020a). This in no way implies that the target is always right. As M. T. Williams (2020a) contended, “The default response should be belief of a person’s experience, just as we would believe them if they said that we had accidentally slammed the door in their face, left something in the hall that they later tripped over, or mispronounced their last name” (p. 40). Accordingly, we disagree with Lui and Quezada’s (2019) recommendation to distinguish between “actual” and “perceived” microaggressions because perceived racial microaggressions are the actual microaggressions when the default response is to believe the target.

Method

Having now offered a definition rooted in the interdisciplinary literature that informs racial microaggressions theory, we turn to our review of the empirical literature and our inclusion and exclusion criteria. We entered the following search terms into PsycINFO: racial microaggression* and ethnic microaggression*. We also searched and included empirical journal articles from Google Scholar. We included (a) articles that were published between 2007 and 2020, (b) peer-reviewed empirical research articles, and (c) articles that focused on BIPOC targets’ experiences with racial microaggressions primarily in the United States and Canada. Moreover, we selected peer-reviewed research articles that fit at least one of three domains in the literature: (a) racial microaggression themes, (b) negative psychological or physiological effects on targets, and/or (c) targets’ coping responses.

Our PsycINFO and Google Scholar searches identified 395 publications. On the basis of our inclusion criteria, we first analyzed the publication date and abstract. We excluded 77 articles that did not use empirical research techniques (e.g., guidelines) and 15 articles that were published in advance online but not in a regular journal. We removed 17 additional articles that used samples from outside the United States and Canada and 15 that did not investigate targets’ experiences. We also excluded 69 articles that did not focus on racial microaggressions (e.g., general discrimination) and 64 that could not be classified into one of our three categories (i.e., racial microaggression themes, health outcomes, or coping responses). This process resulted in 138 articles for the current literature review (see Fig. 1).

Fig. 1.

Study flow diagram.

Racial Microaggressions Taxonomies: Documenting Targets’ Experiences

This section, which is based on empirical research that used a variety of qualitative and quantitative methods, outlines four superordinate categories of racial microaggressions. Most qualitative findings that document targets’ experiences with racial microaggressions can be classified into these categories: (a) pathologizing differences, (b) denigrating and pigeonholing, (c) excluding and rendering invisible, and (d) perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes. When we considered the totality of the extant research, we agreed with previous scholars that these four categories, although not exhaustive, best capture the data that have emerged across studies (Houshmand et al., 2017; Sue & Spanierman, 2020). In what follows, we describe the four superordinate categories and respective themes from the literature (see also Table 1). Categories are not mutually exclusive and overlap in some cases. Category names feature perpetrator acts, whereas we renamed themes to emphasize targets’ perspectives. Although we derive themes from qualitative studies, quantitative investigations provide additional support. Most themes garnered empirical support from more than one study; however, in some cases we retained themes that appeared only once if we deemed them conceptually meaningful for future research or practice.

Table 1.

Targets’ Experiences With Racial Microaggressions in the Empirical Literature

Themes from the literature	Asian American and/or South Asian Canadian	Black American	American Indian/Indigenous	Latinx American	Unspecified racial group
Pathologizing differences^a
Tolerating assumptions of White superiority	Nadal et al. (2012); Patel (2019)	Henfield (2011); Lewis et al. (2016); Sue, Capodilupo, & Holder (2008)	Clark et al. (2011); Jones & Galliher (2014)	Ballinas (2017) ^b
Facing assumptions of inferior status	Nadal et al. (2012)	Hall & Fields (2015); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Proctor et al. (2018); Rengifo & Pater (2017); Sue, Nadal, et al. (2008)	Senter & Ling (2017)	Ballinas (2017)^b; Castellanos et al. (2018); Rengifo & Pater (2017)	Proctor et al. (2018); Robinson-Wood et al. (2020); Suárez-Orozco et al. (2015)
Encountering assumptions of substandard cultural values and styles	Endo (2015); Ong et al. (2013); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)	Brown (2019)		Rivera et al. (2010)	E. Lee et al. (2018); R. Wong & Jones (2018)
Contending with treatment as a second-class citizen	Nadal et al. (2012); Ong et al. (2013); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)	Brown (2019); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Sue, Nadal, et al. (2008); Torres et al. (2010)		Minikel-Lacocque (2013); Nadal, Mazzula, et al. (2014); Rivera et al. (2010)	E. Lee et al. (2018); Robinson-Wood et al. (2020); R. Wong & Jones (2018)
Denigrating and pigeonholing^a
Encountering expectations of intellectual inferiority	Nadal et al. (2012)	Brown (2019); Hall & Fields (2015); Holder et al. (2015); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Smith et al. (2016); Sue, Nadal, et al. (2008); Torres et al. (2010)	Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani (2019); Jones & Galliher (2014); Senter & Ling (2017)	Forrest-Bank & Jenson (2015); Rivera et al. (2010); M. E. Sanchez (2019); Yosso et al. (2009)	E. Lee et al. (2018); Robinson-Wood et al. (2020); Wilkins-Yel et al. (2019); R. Wong & Jones (2018); Zambrana et al. (2017)
Encountering expectations of intelligence in stereotypical domains	Ong et al. (2013); Palmer & Maramba (2015); Poolokasingham et al. (2014); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007); Sue et al. (2009)
Encountering expectations of primitiveness			Clark et al. (2014); Senter & Ling (2017)
Facing assumptions of criminality		Hall & Fields (2015); C. N. Lee & Hopson (2019); McCabe (2009); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Posey-Maddox (2017); Rengifo & Pater (2017); Smith et al. (2016); Sue, Nadal, et al. (2008); Torres et al. (2010)	Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani (2019); Jones & Galliher (2014)	Minikel-Lacocque (2013); Nadal, Mazzula, et al. (2014); Rengifo & Pater (2017); Rivera et al. (2010); M. E. Sanchez (2019); Schueths (2014)	Holling (2019); Robinson-Wood et al. (2020); R. Wong & Jones (2018)
Facing assumptions of ties to terrorism	Burdsey (2011)^c; Poolokasingham et al. (2014)
Enduring exoticization	Endo (2015); Forrest-Bank & Jenson (2015); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Nadal, Wong, et al. (2015); Nadal et al. (2012); Ong et al. (2013); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)	Hall & Fields (2015); Lewis et al. (2016) ; Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); M. T. Williams et al. (2020)		Forrest-Bank & Jenson (2015); McCabe (2009) ; Nadal, Mazzula, et al. (2014)
Experiencing false adoration and honor			Clark et al. (2011)
Excluding and rendering invisible^a
Contending with treatment as alien in one’s own land	Endo (2015); Huynh (2012); Iwasaki et al. (2016)^d; Kohli & Solórzano (2012); Ong et al. (2013); Nadal et al. (2012); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007); Sue et al. (2009); Tran & Lee (2014)	Domingue (2015); Holder et al. (2015); M. T. Williams et al. (2020)		Ballinas (2017)^b; Castellanos et al. (2018); Huynh (2012); McCabe (2009); Minikel-Lacocque (2013); Rivera et al. (2010); M. E. Sanchez (2019)	E. Lee et al. (2018); Robinson-Wood et al. (2020)
Enduring nativism				Muñoz & Vigil (2018); Pérez Huber (2011); Schueths (2014)
Enduring perceptions as fresh off the boat	Poolokasingham et al. (2014)
Living with day-to-day cultural and social isolation			Bailey (2016); Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani (2019); Clark et al. (2014)	Castellanos et al. (2018); M. E. Sanchez (2019)	Harris et al. (2019)
Experiencing invisibility and exclusion	Iwasaki et al. (2016)^d; Nadal et al. (2012); Nadal, Wong, et al. (2015); Ong et al. (2013); Patel (2019); Poolokasingham et al. (2014); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)	Allen (2010); Carter & Davila (2017); Carter Andrews (2012); Constantine et al. (2008); Hall & Fields (2015); Holder et al. (2015); Lewis et al. (2016); T. N. Miller et al. (2020); Posey-Maddox (2017)	Harwood et al. (2012)	Ballinas (2017)^b; Castellanos et al. (2018); M. E. Sanchez (2019)	Harris et al. (2019); Wilkins-Yel et al. (2019)
Encountering assumptions of homogeneity	Forrest-Bank & Jenson (2015); Nadal, Griffin, et al. (2014); Nadal et al. (2012); Ong et al. (2013); Poolokasingham et al. (2014); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)	Constantine & Sue (2007); Hall & Fields (2015); Henfield (2011); Holder et al. (2015); Hotchkins (2016); Posey-Maddox (2017); Sue, Nadal, et al. (2008); M. T. Williams et al. (2020)		Castellanos et al. (2018); Forrest-Bank & Jenson (2015);	Robinson-Wood et al. (2020); R. Wong & Jones (2018)
Compelled to be a cultural expert	Poolokasingham et al. (2014)	Carter Andrews (2012); M. T. Williams et al. (2020)			Harris et al. (2019); Nuru & Arendt (2019); Zambrana et al. (2017)
Perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes^a
Enduring denials of one’s racial reality	Huynh (2012); Iwasaki et al. (2016)^d; Ong et al. (2013); Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007)			Huynh (2012); Rivera et al. (2010); Yosso et al. (2009)	Harris et al. (2019)
Tolerating denials of racism	Iwasaki et al. (2016) ^d	Brown (2019); Carter Andrews (2012); Constantine (2007); Constantine & Sue (2007); Hall & Fields (2015); C. N. Lee & Hopson (2019)	Clark et al. (2011); Jones & Galliher (2014); Harwood et al. (2012); Johnston-Goodstar & Roholt (2017)		Harris et al. (2019); Hook et al. (2016); E. Lee et al. (2018)
Tolerating denials of historical Trauma			Clark et al. (2011); Johnston-Goodstar & Roholt (2017); Jones & Galliher (2014)
Withstanding allegations of hypersensitivity		Constantine (2007)
Withstanding jealous accusations		M. T. Williams et al. (2020)	Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani (2019); Clark et al. (2014)	M. E. Sanchez (2019)

Note: Theme titles have been renamed to privilege the perspectives of the targets.

The labels for these superordinate categories reflect perpetrator actions. ^bThis sample comprised 5- to 14-year-olds born in Mexico (1.5-generation Americans) and Mexican Americans born in the United States (second-generation Americans). ^cThis study was conducted in the United Kingdom (most of the sample was of South Asian descent). ^dThis sample comprised Issei (first-generation) Japanese and Japanese American women.

Pathologizing differences

Working from assumptions of White superiority, pathologizing differences refers to conscious or unconscious attempts by White people to disparage a target’s cultural styles, values, and practices. This superordinate category of microaggressions aligns with Sue, Bucceri, et al. (2007) microinsults (i.e., insensitive and demeaning communications) and targets members of BIPOC communities as inferior, abnormal, or deviant. Qualitative themes have highlighted either the assumed superiority of White cultural values or the assumed inferiority of the target group. Across several studies researchers have identified “assumptions of superiority of white cultural values and communication styles” that target Black undergraduate and graduate women (Lewis et al., 2016), Black youth in middle school (Henfield, 2011), Black graduate students and higher-education employees (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2008), and American Indians (Clark et al., 2011; Jones & Galliher, 2014). In a study among Black women, for example, participants reported being targeted for expressive and loud communication styles, which were inconsistent with White norms (Lewis et al., 2016). We refer to this theme as tolerating assumptions of White superiority, which implies that BIPOC should assimilate to White cultural norms.

Empirical investigations have also documented racial microaggressions that deem BIPOC as inherently inferior to White people. At least three studies have found support for the “assumption of inferior status” theme among Black Americans (Hall & Fields, 2015; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008). To privilege targets’ voices, we refer to this theme as facing assumptions of inferior status—a generalized inferior standing. For example, in one study Black participants described their experiences with White persons who assumed they were poor, uncultured, or in lower-status careers. Despite the fact that these participants worked in managerial roles with supervisory responsibilities, White people assumed they were delivery persons and sent them through the service door of the office building (Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008). We also identified themes in the research that referred to “pathologizing cultural values/communication styles” among Asian Americans (Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007) and Latinx Americans (Rivera et al., 2010). One Vietnamese American participant recounted being ridiculed for using chopsticks as an eating utensil (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). We refer to this theme as encountering assumptions of substandard cultural values and styles, which focuses on specific behaviors among BIPOC targets.

Second-class citizenship emerged in the literature as a common theme that encompasses both pathologizing targets as inferior and excluding them in various settings, thus overlapping with the third superordinate category. Black (Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008; Torres et al., 2010), Latinx (Minikel-Lacocque, 2013; Nadal, Mazzula, et al., 2014; Rivera et al., 2010), and Asian American (Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007) targets all have reported second-class-citizenship experiences. Most often, targets report second-class citizenship to explain those microaggressive interactions in which perpetrators seem to assume they are substandard human beings. In one example, a young Black woman participant reported, “I put money in someone’s hand and they won’t put the money back in my hand. They’ll make sure that they put the money on the counter as if I’m toxic” (Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008, p. 333). We refer to this theme as contending with treatment as a second-class citizen. There seems to be some confusion in the literature, as one widely used measure of racial microaggressions pairs second-class citizenship with assumptions of criminality, whereas M. T. Williams and colleagues’ (2020) findings pair second-class citizenship with experiencing invisibility. In our thinking, the notion of assuming second-class citizenship might better refer to assumptions of inherent inferiority of BIPOC targets and their subsequent exclusion from full citizenship, participation, and humanity in U.S. society. More research is needed to clarify this theme.

Denigrating and pigeonholing

The second category, denigrating and pigeonholing, refers to White perpetrators who assert the power to undermine, confine, or romanticize a target’s mental capacity, behavior, or appearance. Like pathologizing differences, denigrating and pigeonholing also reflects microinsults (i.e., insensitive and demeaning communications that rely on stereotypes). Whereas pathologizing differences tends to focus on an overall sense of inferiority and dehumanization of BIPOC targets, denigrating and pigeonholing focuses on stereotypes in specific domains such as one’s perceived intelligence. Although denigrating microaggressions may take the form of racist jokes as they did in one study about Latinx students (Yosso et al., 2009), most often they come through ordinary communication.

Numerous researchers have identified denigrating and pigeonholing racial microaggressions that involve stereotypes about intelligence. A prominent theme is “ascription of intellectual inferiority” among Blacks (Hall & Fields, 2015; Holder et al., 2015; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2016; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2008; Torres et al., 2010), Latinx (Forrest-Bank & Jenson, 2015; Rivera et al., 2010; Yosso et al., 2009), and Indigenous peoples (Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani, 2019; Jones & Galliher, 2014). In a study among Indigenous students in Canada, for instance, a Cree participant reported feeling undermined by a high school teacher who implied that the student was not qualified for university (Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani, 2019). In another example, a Black male student in the United States was accused of cheating after he obtained a 95% on his mathematics examination because his professor could not believe that he performed so well (Smith et al., 2016). We refer to this type of microaggression as encountering expectations of intellectual inferiority. Note that intelligence-related racial microaggressions that target Asian Americans and South Asian Canadians tend to pigeonhole, rather than denigrate, into stereotypical domains (Ong et al., 2013; Palmer & Maramba, 2015; Poolokasingham et al., 2014; Sue et al., 2009; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). In one study, South Asian Canadian participants described encountering expectations of being skilled in STEM fields but not English literature (Poolokasingham et al., 2014). Thus, we refer to this theme as encountering expectations of intelligence in stereotypical domains. Researchers identified a related theme called encountering expectations of primitiveness that is unique to findings among Indigenous peoples in Canada who were asked if they lived in teepees (Clark et al., 2014). Although not directly addressing targets’ intelligence, the assumptions of primeval culture and lack of technological sophistication is comparable.

Another prevalent theme in this category involves stereotypes about criminality and terrorism. Among Blacks (Hall & Fields, 2015; McCabe, 2009; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Smith et al., 2016; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2008; Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008; Torres et al., 2010), Latinx (Minikel-Lacocque, 2013; Nadal, Mazzula, et al., 2014; Rivera et al., 2010), and Indigenous peoples (Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani, 2019; Jones & Galliher, 2014), participants reported facing assumptions of criminality. In a study among Black Americans, one participant recounted how a White woman crossed the street to walk on the other side, and several spoke of being surveilled in stores (Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008). In a related theme among South Asian Canadians (Poolokasingham et al., 2014) and British Asian professional cricket players (Burdsey, 2011), researchers identified the microaggressive theme assumptions of ties to terrorism, which we refer to as facing assumptions of ties to terrorism.

At times, denigrating and pigeonholing referred to exoticizing or romanticizing members of BIPOC communities. Although they might seem like compliments, racial microaggressions that exoticize are othering and tend to express the notion that something is foreign and, perhaps, sexually exciting. Researchers found evidence for “exoticism” or “exoticization” that targets Black (Hall & Fields, 2015; Lewis et al., 2016; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; M. T. Williams et al., 2020), Latinx (Forrest-Bank & Jenson, 2015; McCabe, 2009; Nadal, Mazzula, et al., 2014), and Asian Americans (Forrest-Bank & Jenson, 2015; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Nadal, Wong, et al., 2015; Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). In one study, a Korean American woman described how White men have been “very forthcoming with their ‘Asian fetishes’ of subservience and pleasing them sexually” (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007, p. 76). We refer to this theme as enduring exoticization. Akin to exoticizing, but in ways that romanticize and wax nostalgic, experiencing false adoration and honor among Indigenous peoples has also been documented (Clark et al., 2011). Experiencing false adoration and honor refers to White people who prefer athletic mascots over actual Indigenous persons.

Excluding or rendering invisible

Excluding or rendering invisible involves White perpetrators conveying “you don’t belong” or “I don’t see you” to targets. This superordinate category of racial microaggressions is consistent with Sue, Capodilupo, et al. (2007) microinvalidations, reflecting communications that negate or nullify targets’ experiences. Holder and colleagues (2015) explicitly named a racial microaggression theme “exclusion,” which refers to prohibiting Black corporate women from attending work meetings and social gatherings, as well as from seeking career opportunities.

A common theme in the literature that connotes exclusion is “alien in one’s own land.” This theme, which we refer to as contending with treatment as alien in one’s own land, most often targets Latinx (Huynh, 2012; McCabe, 2009; Minikel-Lacocque, 2013; Rivera et al., 2010) and Asian Americans (Huynh, 2012; Kohli & Solórzano, 2012; Ong et al., 2013; Sue et al., 2009; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). Study participants have described experiences with remarks such as “Where are you from?” or “Where were you born?” that treated them as outsiders regardless of how many generations their families had lived in the United States (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). In a recent study, researchers found support for this theme among Black Americans (“Are you from like Africa?”; M. T. Williams et al., 2020). In addition, at least two studies on racist nativist (i.e., White-nationalist) microaggressions show intersections with race and immigration status among undocumented persons in the United States (Muñoz & Vigil, 2018; Pérez Huber, 2011). We refer to this theme as enduring nativism. A similar theme emerged among South Asian Canadians, enduring perceptions as fresh off the boat, implying a noneducated and new immigrant status (Poolokasingham et al., 2014).

Across numerous studies, findings suggest that targets felt ignored, dismissed, and invisible. Researchers identified the microaggressive theme of invisibility that targeted Blacks (Allen, 2010; Constantine et al., 2008; Hall & Fields, 2015; Holder et al., 2015; Lewis et al., 2016) and Asian Americans (Nadal, Wong, et al., 2015; Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007), as well as South Asian Canadians (Poolokasingham et al., 2014). In one study, for example, Black participants recounted being ignored by store clerks and overlooked or made to “feel small” at work (Hall & Fields, 2015, p. 6). We refer to this theme as experiencing invisibility and exclusion. In another study in Canada among Indigenous peoples, exclusion and invisibility manifested as living with day-to-day cultural and social isolation (Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani, 2019; Clark et al., 2014).

Homogenizing stereotypes that target members of BIPOC communities represent another form of invisibility. For example, researchers observed “invalidation of interethnic differences” among Asian Americans (Forrest-Bank & Jenson, 2015; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007) and South Asian Canadians (Poolokasingham et al., 2014), as well as “assumed universality of experiences” among Black Americans (Hall & Fields, 2015; Henfield, 2011; Holder et al., 2015; Sue, Nadal, et al., 2008; M. T. Williams et al., 2020) and Latinx Americans (Castellanos et al., 2018). In one study, a Filipino American woman reported a perpetrator assumed she was from China, implying that interethnic differences did not exist among Asian Americans (Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). In another study, Black professional women reported their colleagues assumed “Black people were a monolithic racial group who had the same experiences, opinions, and interests” (Holder et al., 2015, p. 170). These homogenizing themes, which we refer to as encountering assumptions of homogeneity, make suppositions about targets on the basis of group stereotypes, assume they are all the same, and thus invalidate their lived experiences and full humanity. Note that researchers found Asian and Latinx American participants endorsed higher rates of experiences with encountering assumptions of homogeneity than did Black Americans (Forrest-Bank & Jenson, 2015).

A common theme in the literature related to encountering assumptions of homogeneity is the target’s experience with perpetrators who put them in the position of spokesperson for one’s group, or what we refer to as compelled to be a cultural expert. This theme occurred across racial groups (e.g., Poolokasingham et al., 2014; M. T. Williams et al., 2020) and implies that one person can (and should) speak for their entire group. Although this theme also fits in the superordinate category of pigeonholing, it is related closely to assumptions of homogeneity and visibility. When professors, teaching assistants, peers, or acquaintances perpetrate this racial microaggression, targets often feel hypervisible (i.e., the flip side of invisibility). In one study, a South Asian Canadian woman felt compelled to respond to questions about the Bindi (i.e., Sanskrit term for “dot” worn on the forehead for religious, social, or accessorizing purposes; Poolokasingham et al., 2014). In another study, after being asked why Black people droop their pants, a Black college student replied, “And, it’s just like I speak for all Black people because I’m Black? Maybe you should ask someone who is drooping their pants? I don’t know” (M. T. Williams et al., 2020, p. 5).

Perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes

The fourth superordinate category, perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes, refers to White perpetrators who deny, distort, or minimize race and racism in their interactions with members of BIPOC communities (see Neville et al., 2013). These racial microaggressions tend to disavow targets’ affirmation of their individual humanity, dismiss the collective worth of their communities, and deny the role of White privilege in shaping society. Like excluding or rendering invisible, perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes is consistent with Sue, Capodilupo, et al.’s (2007) microinvalidations. We identified prevalent themes in the literature regarding “denial of racial reality” and “invalidation of racial experience” among Latinx (Huynh, 2012; Rivera et al., 2010; Yosso et al., 2009) and Asian Americans (Huynh, 2012; Ong et al., 2013; Sue, Bucceri, et al., 2007). For example, in one study, a Latinx male participant described how a White peer “disparaged his participation in what [the White peer] considered superfluous and nonrigorous ethnic studies classes” (Yosso et al., 2009, p. 678). To emphasize targets’ perspectives, we refer to this theme as enduring denials of one’s racial reality.

We also observed denial of racism that targets Black Americans (Constantine, 2007; Hall & Fields, 2015) and denial of racism and historical trauma that targets Indigenous peoples (Clark et al., 2011; Johnston-Goodstar & Roholt, 2017; Jones & Galliher, 2014). This theme reflects White denials of the existence of racism in society and denials of White people’s perpetration of racism. In one study, for example, a participant described a White psychotherapist who claimed she was not prejudiced because some of her best friends are Black (Constantine, 2007). Again, focusing on targets’ perspectives, we refer to these themes as tolerating denials of racism and tolerating denials of historical trauma, respectively.

When White people deny, distort, or minimize race and racism, they may become dismissive during interactions with members of BIPOC communities. In one study, for instance, Constantine (2007) found evidence for “accused hypersensitivity regarding racial or cultural issues” among Black Americans, which refers to assumptions that Black people are overly sensitive and thin-skinned during discussions that involve race. We renamed this theme withstanding allegations of hypersensitivity.

A related theme that emerged in this category is withstanding jealous accusations among Indigenous students in Canada (Canel-Çınarbaş & Yohani, 2019; Clark et al., 2014), or what researchers referred to as “reverse-racism hostility” among Black students (M. T. Williams et al., 2020). In one study, Indigenous students in Canada reported that White peers had accused them of getting handouts, tax breaks, or other forms of undeserved compensation. As one Indigenous participant explained, “I feel like they’re degrading me because they feel like I’m coming to a place and I’m not earning myself here because I’m not paying for it and they like [say], ‘Oh, this is free to you’” (Clark et al., 2014, p. 118). Because perpetrators do not acknowledge treaties and deny the effects of systemic oppression that marginalize Indigenous peoples in Canada, withstanding jealous accusations fits within the category of perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes.

Documenting the Harmful Effects of Racial Microaggressions

Daily experiences encountering, withstanding, tolerating, and enduring racial microaggressions have psychological and physical costs on targets. Findings from both qualitative and quantitative studies strongly suggest that racial microaggressions are linked to psychological sequelae such as low self-esteem (e.g., Nadal, Wong, et al., 2014; Thai et al., 2017), stress (e.g., Hall & Fields, 2015; Torres et al., 2010; Torres & Taknint, 2015), anxiety (e.g., Cheah et al., 2020; Hope et al., 2018; Ramirez & Paz Galupo, 2019; Smith et al., 2007; M. T. Williams, Kanter, & Ching, 2018), depressive symptoms (e.g., Gattis & Larson, 2017; Nadal, Griffin, et al., 2014; Robinson-Wood et al., 2020; Torres et al., 2010), and suicidal ideation (Hollingsworth et al., 2017; O’Keefe et al., 2015). Research also has provided evidence for the link between racial microaggressions and physiological effects (e.g., Hall & Fields, 2015; Huynh, 2012; Ong et al., 2017). Note that in a meta-analysis and narrative review, Lui and Quezada (2019) found that racial microaggressions were associated with what they referred to as “adjustment outcomes” (i.e., psychological and physiological health outcomes, as well as externalizing health behaviors such as tobacco use) using 72 independent samples from published and unpublished studies. Furthermore, their findings showed stronger associations between microaggressions and internalizing (e.g., anxiety and depression) than either externalizing problems (e.g., smoking and alcohol use) or physical symptoms (e.g., cortisol levels). Below, we focus on stress and anxiety, depressive symptoms, general psychological distress and well-being, and physiological functioning. Although beyond the scope of the current review, we acknowledge investigations that have linked racial microaggressions to career indecision and self-efficacy (Bonifacio et al., 2018; Gomez et al., 2011), externalizing behaviors (Dickerson et al., 2019; Isom, 2016; Lui, 2020; Pro et al., 2018; Su et al., 2020), and eating concerns (Le et al., 2020; Longmire-Avital & McQueen, 2019).

Stress and anxiety

Empirical studies indicate that microaggressions may lead to various forms of stress and anxiety. Several studies have provided evidence for the association between racial microaggressions and stress (Hall & Fields, 2015; J. Y. J. Kim et al., 2019; A. N. Miller & Orsillo, 2020; Moody & Lewis, 2019; Nadal et al., 2019; Torres & Taknint, 2015). In response to racial microaggressions, Black adults reported feeling fearful and hypervigilant, which was elevated when interacting with law enforcement (Hall & Fields, 2015). Among a diverse sample of 254 BIPOC, Nadal et al. (2019) found that racial microaggressions were associated with posttraumatic stress symptoms. Focusing on Black women and gendered racial microaggressions, Moody and Lewis (2019) found that microaggressions were associated with traumatic stress, and this association was moderated by internalized gendered racial oppression (i.e., greater internalized oppression resulted in higher traumatic stress). Researchers also identified a link between racial microaggressions and anxiety symptoms among samples of 178 BIPOC students (Blume et al., 2012), 126 Black Americans (Liao et al., 2016), and 249 Black women (Wright & Lewis, 2020). Finally, Farber and colleagues (2020) found a similar association between racial microaggressions and stress and anxiety, as well as depression, among a racially diverse sample of BIPOC students (N = 549).

Depressive symptoms

Evidence strongly suggests that racial microaggressions are associated with depressive symptoms (e.g., Ajayi & Syed, 2014; R. E. Anderson et al., 2015; Cheah et al., 2020; Isom, 2016; A. N. Miller & Orsillo, 2020; Ramirez & Paz Galupo, 2019). Qualitative approaches have provided evidence of the link between racial microaggressions and depression among Black adults (Hall & Fields, 2015), as well as symptoms of racial battle fatigue (i.e., frustration, sadness, anger, and hopelessness) among Black male students (Smith et al., 2016). Participants in a study by Hall and Fields (2015) reported sadness, listlessness, inability to work, hopelessness, helplessness, and pessimism in response to experiences with racial microaggressions.

Quantitative findings lend additional support to the link between racial microaggressions and depression. For instance, among 325 graduate BIPOC students, the odds of depressive symptoms increased significantly after exposure to racial microaggressions (Lilly et al., 2018). Among Asian American students, researchers found a moderate correlation between racial microaggressions and depression (P. Y. Kim et al., 2017). In one of the few studies among Indigenous peoples, findings indicated that racial microaggressions were associated with depressive symptoms (Sittner et al., 2018). Findings indicated similar effects among Latinx and Asian American adolescents (Huynh, 2012) and showed that positive ethnic identity could mitigate the link between racial microaggressions and depression among Black, Latinx, and Asian American college students (Choi et al., 2017; Forrest-Bank & Cuellar, 2018). In a longitudinal study among 462 Black and Latinx college students, results demonstrated that racial microaggressions during high school predicted greater depressive symptoms at the start of college, and these effects were mediated by racial/ethnic identity (Keels et al., 2017). M. G. Williams and Lewis (2019) found among 231 Black women that gendered racial microaggressions were associated with depressive symptoms, and disengagement coping (i.e., distracting oneself from the event) mediated the association; in other words, higher reports of gendered racial microaggressions were associated with greater disengagement coping, which in turn was associated with greater depressive symptoms.

General psychological distress and well-being

In addition to examining specific mental health symptoms, scholars also have sought to understand how racial microaggressions are related to general measures of psychological distress and well-being (Cheah et al., 2020; R. J. Hernández & Villodas, 2020; J. Y. J. Kim et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2017; Lui, 2020; Owen et al., 2014; West, 2019). For example, Nadal, Wong, et al. (2015) found that racial microaggressions accounted for 20% of the variance in general mental health problems among a sample of 157 Asian American participants. In another example among 216 BIPOC undergraduates, Robinson-Perez and colleagues (2020) found an association between low-achieving/incompetence-related microaggressions and psychological distress.

Several researchers focused on potential mediating and moderating factors that influence the link between racial microaggressions and psychological health. For instance, among 308 Latinx and Asian American college students, D. Sanchez et al. (2018) found that racial microaggressions were associated directly with psychological distress; moreover, engagement coping strategies (e.g., seeking social support), but not disengagement (e.g., avoiding the problem), partially mediated the relations between microaggressions and distress. Likewise, in two studies Kim and colleagues examined the racial microaggressions and mental health link (P. Y. Kim, 2017; P. Y. Kim et al., 2017). Among 144 Christian BIPOC students from a private religious university, P. Y. Kim (2017) found racial microaggressions predicted psychological well-being indirectly through religious congregational support. In other words, racial microaggressions were related negatively to congregational support, which in turn was positively related to psychological well-being. P. Y. Kim et al. (2017) also found support for the link between racial microaggressions and lower levels of psychological well-being. In this study, cultural mistrust mediated the association, suggesting that greater cultural mistrust was a mechanism through which microaggressions negatively affected well-being. Thus, there is mounting evidence for the link between racial microaggressions and mental health, and the processes and protective factors that help explain the link are currently being explored.

Physiological effects

Burgeoning research also suggests that racial microaggressions are associated with increased cortisol (Zeiders et al., 2018), general health status (K. F. Anderson & Finch, 2017; Lewis et al., 2017; Nicholson & Mei, 2020), and various somatic symptoms (J. Y. J. Kim et al., 2019; Nadal et al., 2017; Robinson-Wood et al., 2020). Focusing on Black adults in a qualitative study, Hall and Fields (2015) observed a range of adverse physical health effects (e.g., insomnia and hypertension) that participants attributed to their experiences with racial microaggressions. Huynh (2012) identified a link between racial microaggressions and physical symptoms, such as headaches and stomachaches, among 360 Latinx and Asian Americans. Among 467 BIPOC students, Torres-Harding and colleagues (2020) found a link between racial microaggressions and somatic symptoms indirectly via the mediating variables of depression and perceived stress.

Using daily diary methodology in two studies, Ong and colleagues investigated links between racial microaggressions and reports of physical symptoms among 152 Asian American undergraduates. For example, Ong et al. (2013) found that daily racial microaggressions, as well as racial microaggressions on average, were associated with greater somatic systems such as backache and nausea. In a related study among what appears to be the same sample, researchers found that elevated daily racial microaggressions were associated with shorter sleep duration and poorer sleep quality (Ong et al., 2017). In this study, the link between daily microaggressions and sleep disturbances was moderated by stigma consciousness (i.e., vigilance for racial discrimination) such that greater vigilance was associated with greater sleep disturbances (for additional research on racial microaggressions and sleep disturbances, see Huynh and Gillen-O’Neel, 2016; Robinson-Wood et al., 2020).

Targets’ Responses to Racial Microaggressions: Coping and Resistance

Although some critics have suggested that racial microaggressions theory promotes a victimhood narrative among targets, members of BIPOC communities are not passive victims, and racial microaggressions researchers understand this. Targets engage multiple strategies of resilience and resistance to disarm the destructive power of racial microaggressions (Desai & Abeita, 2017). “Safety first,” as M. T. Williams (2020b, pp. 107–109) suggested, always should guide when, how, and even if individuals targeted by racial microaggressions respond to perpetrators. We keep this principle in mind as we draw on Lewis and colleagues’ (2013) three broad categories of coping—collective, resistance, and self-protective. Although focused on Black women’s strategies for coping with gendered racial microaggressions, their framework is appropriate for situating empirical findings generally across studies (see also Houshmand et al., 2019). In this section, we describe each coping category separately but acknowledge they are not mutually exclusive; targets often use strategies within and across these categories.

Collective coping

Noting the limitations of traditional stress and coping frameworks as Eurocentric and individualistic, Lewis and colleagues (2013) emphasized collective forms of coping among members of BIPOC communities. Collective coping involves seeking connection and support from family, friends, and one’s racial community, as well as establishing personal and professional networks (R. J. Hernández & Villodas, 2019; Houshmand et al., 2014, 2019; Lewis et al., 2013). Central to collective forms of coping is the concept of racial microaffirmations, which Solórzano and colleagues (2020) defined “as subtle verbal and non-verbal strategies People of Color consciously engage (with other People of Color) that affirm each other’s value, integrity, and shared humanity” (p. 185). Solórzano et al. (2020) called for empirical research on racial microaffirmations to further elucidate the concept. In the meantime, researchers have found empirical support for various forms of collective coping, particularly among Black, Latinx, and Indigenous individuals in the United States and Canada.

Much of the research on coping with and responding to racial microaggressions involves seeking connection and support after experiencing hurt, invalidation, and isolation (e.g., Gray et al., 2018). For example, among Black college students (n = 12) and their mentors (n = 10), Griffith et al. (2019) found that talking to supportive mentors and friends, most of whom were themselves Black, helped these Black students process their experiences with racial microaggressions and provided validation. Likewise, among early-career professional Black men (n = 12), participants used Black peers as sources of emotional support, validation, and camaraderie, whereas older Black professionals served as supportive allies and mentors who provided encouragement and advice (Pitcan et al., 2018). Among Black and Indigenous individuals (n = 10) in Canada, Houshmand et al. (2019) found that participants turned to others for advocacy, research, and emotional support. In an observational study among 52 triads of Black women ranging from 18 to 89 years of age, Davis (2019) identified an empathic and validating communication style that she denoted “collective uplift” (p. 147). Collective uplift, Davis explained, affirmed the value, intelligence, and beauty of Black womanhood.

Across various samples and settings, findings strongly suggest that personal and professional support networks offer productive ways for targets to cope with racial microaggressions (e.g., Domingue, 2015; Hotchkins, 2016; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Most often, these networks comprise individuals from the same racial group as the targets. On university campuses, for instance, undergraduate students described campus cultural houses (e.g., First Peoples House at a Canadian university) and other student organizations (African American Student Network) as sanctuaries (or a “home base”) that provided safety, connectedness, and validation in otherwise hostile campus climates (Clark et al., 2014; Grier-Reed, 2010; Griffith et al., 2019). African American higher-education professionals identified African American peers within and beyond their own institution as providing vital support in navigating racial microaggressions in the workplace (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2020).

Targets also described using humor and laughter as a type of collective coping that diffused the impact of racial microaggressions (e.g., Endo, 2015). In one study, Black and Indigenous participants joked about the microaggressive incident with their family and friends (Houshmand et al., 2019). Note that some of the participants used humor with the interviewer while recounting hurtful racial microaggressions. They referred to this collective laughter as “remedy” and “medicine” (Houshmand et al., 2019, p. 8). In Davis’s (2019) observational study, humor was a significant tool that Black women used to bond with each other and cope with the stressors of racial microaggressions. Davis described the women’s laughter as observable in their bodies (e.g., shaking back and forth and shedding tears), suggesting the intensity of this response.

Quantitative research also supports the notion of collective coping as a productive response to racial microaggressions. In a study among 399 Mexican American and African American college students, Franklin (2019) found receiving emotional support from others as one of the most common coping strategies. In another study among nearly 700 Latinx undergraduate students, R. J. Hernández and Villodas (2019) found that students who used social-support coping strategies (i.e., seeking out members of their own community) in response to racial microaggressions scored higher on attitudes about college persistence. As noted earlier, D. Sanchez and colleagues (2018) found that seeking social support (i.e., an engagement coping strategy) partially mediated the relations between racial microaggressions and distress among Latinx and Asian American college students.

Resistance coping

Scholars have provided evidence for the practice of resistance coping, which involves targets who engage active strategies to combat racial microaggressions via resisting White, Eurocentric norms, defying stereotypes, and confronting perpetrators directly (Houshmand et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2013). In response to feeling invisible or pressured to conform, some targets of racial microaggressions have reported making conscious choices to challenge White, Eurocentric normative behaviors. As M. T. Williams (2020b) pointed out, challenging perpetrators directly can be fraught with risk and danger. More research certainly is needed in determining direct-challenge risk levels. The counterspaces concept (see Grier-Reed, 2010; Solórzano et al., 2020) might inform a training model in which BIPOC and their White allies role-play resistance coping in response to racial microaggressions and develop risk-assessment scenarios that then could be applied in real life.

Because racial microaggressions often involve negative stereotypes, it makes sense that targets anticipate stereotypes and counter them with preemptive behaviors. In their study among Black women, Lewis and colleagues (2013) identified indirect challenges to White norms, such as wearing one’s hair natural and maintaining a larger body size to challenge Eurocentric standards. Likewise, in a study among South Asian Canadian undergraduates, a young woman reported attending parties and social events at bars to dispel stereotypes articulated among her peers about being asocial and under strict parental control (Poolokasingham et al., 2014). In another example among early career professional Black men, participants engaged in self-monitoring to challenge stereotypes of Black people (Pitcan et al., 2018). One participant, for example, reported that he refused to eat fried chicken at work to avoid comments from White people. These professional Black men also engaged in what the researchers referred to as “John Henryism” (i.e., evoking the African American folk hero) to prove themselves as hardworking and to “obtain equal footing” (p. 309). Likewise, Griffith and colleagues (2019) found that Black college students worked harder in school to defy stereotypes of low intelligence. DeCuir-Gunby et al. (2020) documented similar findings among African American instructors, professors, and administrators who worked “twice as hard” as their White counterparts for job security (pp. 9–10) and expressed a need to be “flawless” (p. 11). In a study among Black women, some research participants described becoming a “Black Superwoman” who performs multiple roles and responsibilities to show their strength (Lewis et al., 2013). In another study, Davis and Afifi (2019) found that participants reappropriated the image of the strong Black woman as a form of resistance. Although defying stereotypes is a productive strategy for resisting racial microaggressions, as these examples suggest, this strategy also may have psychological and physiological costs for targets. Such strategies may perpetuate the harmful effects of racial microaggressions because of the potential for targets to internalize insults and invalidations. Thus, further research on resistance coping is warranted.

Across several studies, targets called out perpetrators, named microaggressive behaviors, and educated perpetrators on their inappropriate behavior (e.g., Branco & Bayne, 2020; Harris et al., 2019; Kilgore et al., 2020; Nuru & Arendt, 2019; Senter & Ling, 2017; Yu et al., 2016). DeCuir-Gunby et al. (2020) found African American professors and administrators confronted racial microaggressions via open communication, which reduced their stress. In another study among Black and Indigenous Canadians, Houshmand et al. (2019) found that participants called out police officers and security guards for racial profiling. Several women in the sample also spoke of calling out microaggressive perpetrators who targeted participants’ children. An Indigenous participant in this study explained when a perpetrator told her to “go home!” (i.e., leave the country), she replied, “I am First Nations. You should go back home” (p. 656). In another study, Davis (2019) observed participants naming racial microaggressions and situating them in a sociohistorical context. In particular, one participant described her White mentor as “the great white hope coming into the Black communities to ‘save’ us” (p. 147). Targets of racial microaggressions also asserted the importance of educating White peers, although it was tiring to do so (Clark et al., 2014; Griffith et al., 2019). Most often, across these studies, participants reported they felt better after speaking out.

Across studies, participants also testified to using humor as a form of resistance coping. For example, Black men used humor as a nonthreatening way to confront racial microaggressions in the workplace, especially when a supervisor or boss was the perpetrator (Pitcan et al., 2018). In another study, Davis (2019) observed how Black women mocked attributes of the prototypical, middle-class White woman as way to undermine “the well-intentioned nature of the microaggression [and] subvert the idea of white women’s innocence” (p. 144). Thus, humor offers a subtle and powerful form of resistance.

Self-protective coping

Across a range of studies, self-protective coping takes several forms. Targets have engaged intentionally in self-care activities to relieve tension and to self-soothe from the pain of racial microaggressions (Carter & Davila, 2017; DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2020; Houshmand et al., 2019). General self-care strategies in the literature have involved choosing a positive outlook (Houshmand et al., 2019), conserving one’s time and energy (Davis, 2019), picking and choosing one’s battles (Lewis et al., 2013), managing stereotypes (McGee, 2016), setting and maintaining boundaries between work and home life (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2020), and individual reflection and processing of the event (Griffith et al., 2019).

Self-care activities often involved culturally relevant practices to reestablish pride in one’s racial group and remind targets of their strength (e.g., Domingue, 2015). For example, a Black faculty member reported reading biographies of prominent African Americans who overcame adversity to instill pride and remind himself that he, too, can overcome insults and slights from White people (DeCuir-Gunby et al., 2020). In a study among Canadian participants, a Black man reported that he wrote and performed songs supporting human rights for his people, and Indigenous participants recounted efforts to relearn their languages to feel pride in their identities (Houshmand et al., 2019).

Some targets of racial microaggressions relied on organized religion and other forms of spirituality for protection and self-care. For example, a mentor connected a student with a local Black church to combat isolation associated with racial microaggressions (Griffith et al., 2019). In another example, Davis (2019) found that religion played an instrumental role in uplifting Black women. One participant remarked, “God has more power than white women [perpetrators] and the capacity to nullify the impact of racial injustice on all Black women” (p. 148).

An additional form of self-protection involves desensitizing, avoiding, and disengaging. Several studies found support for the behavioral strategies of intentional avoidance and disengagement (e.g., Carter Andrews, 2012; Gomez et al., 2011; Yu et al., 2016). Lewis et al. (2013) identified desensitizing and escaping as deliberate strategies Black women used to minimize the stress associated with their experiences with gendered racial microaggressions. Likewise, Houshmand and colleagues (2019) found that in some situations Black and Indigenous community members intentionally chose to avoid and disengage from racial microaggressions. Pitcan et al. (2018) found that Black men avoided racially charged topics in the workplace and even in the study interviews to some degree. It is noteworthy that R. J. Hernández and Villodas (2019) distinguished between active avoidance and passive concealment (i.e., disengaging from and minimizing the impact of microaggressions), suggesting the former is adaptive whereas the latter may be maladaptive. More research is needed.

Summary and Directions for Future Research

In summary, we conducted a review of the literature (N = 138 articles) to take stock of racial microaggressions research since G. Wong et al.’s (2013) review, respond to critics who argued that empirical research is lacking, and point to directions for future research. We traced and refined racial microaggressions theory to emphasize how microlevel, interpersonal interactions occur in a macrocontext of White supremacy. We also clarified how racial microaggressions represent a form of relational, indirect, manipulative aggression (Archer & Coyne, 2005). We used four superordinate categories (i.e., pathologizing differences, denigrating and pigeonholing, excluding or rendering invisible, and perpetuating color-blind racial attitudes) to synthesize themes from the extant literature. We observed an explosion in quantitative research using newly developed measures of racial microaggressions that documented their harmful psychological and physiological effects. Finally, we outlined a burgeoning area of research that addresses collective, resistance, and self-protective ways to cope with, disarm, and counter racial microaggressions. In what follows, we conclude with recommendations for future research based on the current state of the research.

Despite the increasingly vast empirical research on racial microaggressions, there remain important areas that warrant further investigation. We recommend that researchers use the revised definition of racial microaggressions outlined here and in Sue and Spanierman (2020). In particular, we urge scholars to situate racial microaggressions in a macrocontext of White supremacy and acknowledge that White people cannot be targets in this context. Relatedly, researchers should use theme names that privilege the targets’ perspectives (see Table 1). Although some critics may discount qualitative accounts from BIPOC targets, accepting their experiential reality as real is paramount to microaggressions theory (see Sue, 2017; M. T. Williams, 2020a). Therefore, more, not less, qualitative research is needed to refine themes further. Additional qualitative studies could help to refine measures that operationalize racial microaggressions, and perhaps instrument development might use the four superordinate categories we introduced earlier. We emphasize here and elsewhere that only White people can perpetrate racial microaggressions and urge future researchers to acknowledge this crucial point (see also Clark & Spanierman, 2018; Sue & Spanierman, 2020). When researchers erroneously assume that White people can be targets of racial microaggressions in racialized social systems such as the United States and Canada, they inadvertently ignore how racial microaggressions are both situated in and reproduce a macrocontext of White supremacy.

We also see a need to expand research populations in racial microaggressions research, as important racial and ethnic groups have not yet been addressed in the literature. For example, we are aware of little research that examines experiences among American Arab, Middle Eastern, and North African people. In addition, as we observed in Canadian research (Poolokasingham et al., 2014), investigators might consider disaggregating ethnic groups, such as participants from South Asian and East Asian descent; they could do the same among Latinx ethnic groups. There is much to learn from aggregated and disaggregated experiences. Because racial microaggressions are situated in macro contexts, future research should explore racial and ethnic groups in different national and cultural contexts. To date, most research has been conducted in the United States and Canada, and much could be learned from exploring racial microaggressions in other White-dominated nations in Western Europe, Aotearoa/New Zealand, and Australia, for example. Finally, with regard to research samples, we encourage scholars to continue exploring intersectional forms of racial microaggressions among more specific populations, such as gendered racial microaggressions among Black women (e.g., Dale & Safren, 2019; Dunn et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2016; Lewis & Neville, 2015; Moody & Lewis, 2019; M. G. Williams & Lewis, 2019; Wright & Lewis, 2020) and Asian American women (Keum et al., 2018). Investigating intersectional microaggressions is an important research direction and might include other social group identities such as sexual orientation among queer BIPOC participants.

We encourage continued examination of mediators and moderators on the link between microaggressions and mental health to better understand protective factors. Scholars should continue to explore racial and ethnic identity (e.g., Forrest-Bank & Cuellar, 2018) and other forms of identity development in conjunction with racial microaggressions. As researchers investigate coping factors that mitigate the negative impact of racial microaggressions on mental health, they might consider a greater focus on collective forms of coping, which are crucial to the promising concept of microaffirmations (Solórzano et al., 2020). Future research also might consider further the role of active-avoidance and passive-concealment coping strategies (R. J. Hernández & Villodas, 2019). Another potential mediating or moderating factor pertains to the relationship between perpetrator and target. Researchers could investigate how power dynamics in the relationship might influence the impact of racial microaggressions on targets.

Another crucial area for future racial microaggressions research involves prevention and intervention. Sue and colleagues’ (2019, 2020) recent work on microinterventions offers a theoretical starting point for studies that examine facilitating and hindering factors for targets, bystanders, and allies to disarm microaggressions. With regard to prevention, developmental scientists might seek to understand ways that parents and schools, for example, could socialize White children to be aware of racial microaggressions and prevent targeting BIPOC with demeaning insults and invalidations of their humanity. Finally, we call for intervention research that examines institutional programs, practices, and policies. Some critics have argued vehemently to roll back institutional interventions that address microaggressions, claiming that more empirical evidence is needed. We hope that we have made clear that ample evidence exists to support BIPOC’s experiences with racial microaggressions and how such microaggressions negatively affect targets’ health and well-being. Thus, rather than halting institutional initiatives to combat racial microaggressions, we recommend that researchers empirically examine interventions in vivo.

Footnotes

Transparency

Action Editor: Monnica T. Williams

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Notes

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