Abstract
Work contexts shape conditions for work. Teachers working in Indigenous school contexts face conditions different from teachers working in mainstream schools. Challenging working conditions for these teachers result in high teacher turnover, making it even more difficult for already disadvantaged students to progress. From a social justice perspective, this disruption in learning requires looking at the working conditions for teachers in Indigenous school contexts. Using interviews, this article examines how non-Indigenous teachers working in Indigenous school contexts in Australia experience their working conditions. The interviews reveal ‘learning gaps’ that seem to be associated with their lack of opportunities to develop context-specific professional knowledge.
Introduction—teaching in Indigenous school contexts
As education is an essential societal institution that aims to form and to change society (Hargreaves and Goodson, 2003; Lindblad, 1994), teachers have a central position in that they turn political decisions into practice vis-à-vis the citizens (Vinzant and Crothers, 1998). Teachers’ work is highly dependent on the conditions surrounding it (Svensson, 2008), and their experiences of their working conditions will inevitably influence the students and their learning (Bowden and Marton, 2004). However, even though there is much research done on professional work, such as, teachers’ work, it is often described with little or no consideration given to variations dependent on type of organization or workplace context (Muzio et al., 2008; Svensson, 2008; Svensson and Karlsson, 2008). For example, little research is done on teachers working in Indigenous work contexts, or on non-Indigenous teachers in Indigenous school contexts (Brown and Cadman, 2011). Indeed, scanning the literature in the area of teachers working in Indigenous school settings, the result is limited. Much of the existing literature focuses on what teachers working with Indigenous students should know and take into consideration (e.g. Ball, 2000; Castango and Brayboy, 2008; Howard, 1999; Lambert, 2005), rather than examining teachers’ own experiences of their working conditions in relation to their specific work contexts. Sleeter (2001), studying preservice teachers who work in multicultural settings, points out that much research focuses on attitudes and lack of knowledge rather than teachers’ own experiences and their own identified needs. In addition, Rizvi (2007) argues that currently there is a strong emphasis on global issues in education but less emphasis on cultural issues. Examining Indigenous aspects of education is vital for improving the conditions for active citizenship (Mayo et al., 2009), given that the education system and schools are important arenas for identity construction (Wienstein et al., 2007) and thus for improving social justice (e.g. Pearson, 2009).
From this point of departure, it becomes relevant to examine teachers’ work in schools with large numbers of Indigenous students. Gaining a deeper understanding of such teachers’ experiences is important for the conditions for Indigenous peoples throughout the world as these experiences assist in highlighting issues of social justice and inclusion (e.g. Darling-Hammond, 2010; Rizvi, 2008). In addition, on a more practical level, the specific settings chosen are interesting and important to study as teacher turnover is higher in these settings compared to mainstream schools, and the educational outcomes among the students are often lower than average (Brown and Cadman, 2011; Commonwealth of Australia, 2008/2006; Malin and Maidment, 2003; Milburn, 2010), possibly indicating more challenging working conditions than usual. Moreover, on a theoretical level, this approach serves as an example of how work contexts influence professionals’ experiences of their working conditions.
This article explores and discusses how non-Indigenous teachers working in Indigenous school settings, in Australia, experience their working conditions. Using explorative and qualitative approaches based on interviews, this article describes how teachers experience their own working conditions rather than prescribing how teachers should work. The aim of this article is therefore to highlight how teachers experience their working conditions with a focus on working in contexts outside of mainstream, rather than to identify specific knowledge or competencies that teachers must have to work in such contexts. As a majority of these teachers do not have any, or very little, previous experience in Indigenous education contexts (Santoro and Allard, 2005), it is highly relevant to examine these teachers’ experiences of their working conditions, and more specifically, how they experience the conditions for continuous professional learning. The results of this study indicate a need for context-specific learning for teachers working outside of mainstream school contexts; the analysis shows that the structures for context specific learning are currently experienced as unsatisfactory.
Theoretical framework—acquiring context-specific competence
Through a theory on workplace learning as well as on conditions for professional work, the complexity of context-specific learning is highlighted in this article. Learning the craft of a profession is accomplished through higher education (teacher training programs), socialization, and continuous practice of the profession. Having undertaken a teacher education program at university and experienced the initial socialization process, professionals are expected to handle their work tasks autonomously (Svensson, 2008). Indeed, teaching is a marked example of an autonomous profession in that teachers carry out their tasks mainly by themselves, and their work is situated in a fairly horizontal organizational hierarchy (Abbott, 1988). This makes the job ‘lonely’ to a large extent. Learning from colleagues in action does not happen by default. In turn, this makes workplace structures for learning very important. In other words, learning arenas, that is, structures that organize professionals’ work in ways that integrate and include context-specific learning, formal as well as nonformal, are essential.
The acquisition of knowledge through higher education can be categorized as formal learning where formal controls measure acquisition of knowledge (Eraut, 2000). When it comes to teacher training programs in Australia, it should be noted that these programs focus on general pedagogy and subject specialization rather than Indigenous context-specific subjects (Santoro and Reid, 2006). Recent policy decisions indicate a change, where teacher training programs are to now include Indigenous education perspectives (New South Wales Institute of Teachers, n.d.; Universities Australia, 2011). However, there are still problematic issues. There are a number of practicing teachers today who teach without context-specific training. In addition, when there are context-specific subjects on offer, these may in practice be elective or given apart from the teacher training programs. The subjects or units may also be taught by non-Indigenous staff members who may generalize the various Indigenous peoples as one, which indeed is problematic. This means that new teachers often have very limited knowledge and experience of Indigenous education perspectives. The second means to learning a profession, socialization, can be defined as nonformal learning (Eraut, 2000). Socialization here refers to ‘the normative influence of the community one is part of’ (Heggen, 2008: 321). Since socialization is most prominent at the beginning of one’s professional career, it depends heavily on one’s specific work context. This means that what knowledge and competence is acquired during this phase is highly contextually bound and can differ extensively depending on what workplace context the new teacher is situated within. In other words, nonformal learning is highly situated (Eraut, 2004; Eraut et al., 2002). The conditions surrounding the professionals affect what competence is developed, as well as how the acquisition process is experienced. In addition to higher education and socialization as ways to learning one’s professional craft, ongoing practice influences a professional’s development of competence. This learning process is often nonformal and occurs through colleagues (cf. Coffey, 2001; Day, 2002; Jenkins, 2004). However, it also takes place in the shape of formal learning, as ‘professional development’ activities arranged by the employing organization. The continuous learning can be adaptive, indicating more ‘simple’ learning, or it can be developmental, which entails individuals or groups of employees to explore and question ‘problems’, identifying new and better ways of solving problems (Ellström, 2010). The two types of learning need to be balanced, and aims of what should be learnt need to be systematized. For developing a good learning environment, the management needs to consciously form strategies on what should be learnt and how, and why it is needed.
In their work, teachers share profession-specific knowledge, culture, and ethics; they make decisions through joint discussions, a type of collegiality (Svensson, 2008). Clearly, collegiality—intra-professional relations—is an essential resource for professionals; it constitutes an arena for continuous development of competence as colleagues sharing knowledge and experience learn from each other (Jansson and Parding, 2011). Acquiring the competence needed is thus not to be considered a purely intellectual and cognitive process, rather it involves ‘the individual professional and the professional’s context of which she is part’ (Heggen, 2008: 321). The conditions for collegiality (created in social relations with colleagues) and thereby the conditions for nonformal learning possibilities can be either facilitated or constrained by the work organization, depending on, for example, allocation of time and organization of work in general (Jansson and Parding, 2011; Parding and Abrahamsson, 2010). Leading research in the field of workplace learning shows strong evidence of how a good learning environment is in fact a question of design, a strategic issue that employing organizations and their managements need to create and maintain (Ellström, 2010; Ellström et al., 2008). By taking on an active role in the issue of workplace learning and by providing structures and resources, employers can create a good learning environment. Ellström (2010) claims that as workplace learning needs to be integrated in daily work, blends of formal and nonformal learning are needed, and the skills should be applicable in the practical work. Ellström et al. (2008) in fact exemplify what actions employing organizations need to take in order to create a good learning environment: systematically plan and allocate time for nonformal and formal meetings, while creating an open climate and open communication between employees and employer. A good learning environment thus entails an integration of learning in everyday work. This argument implies that workplace learning occurs in interaction with colleagues, whether formal or nonformal.
To sum up, although teachers, because of their profession-specific theoretical knowledge, are expected to handle their work rather autonomously, arenas for continuous workplace learning are nonetheless important. This is necessary for teachers in general, but possibly even more important for teachers working in schools outside mainstream school contexts, as these teachers often lack experience and knowledge of the specificities related to these contexts.
Method—a qualitative interview study
The interest in investigating how non-Indigenous teachers working with Indigenous students experience their working conditions was initially generated by participation in a collaborative project between researchers from Sweden and Australia. This collaboration focused on Indigenous school contexts. 1 Participating in a practitioner conference for teachers and principals working in schools with large numbers of Indigenous students in Victoria, Australia, several non-Indigenous teachers spoke of perceived lack of competence in handling specific issues related to their specific school contexts. 2 This study was hence driven by a practical ‘problem’ identified in encounter with practicing professionals. This led to an interview study focusing on non-Indigenous teachers’ own experiences of their working conditions in their specific contexts. It could be argued that it is of higher relevance to study Indigenous teachers’ experiences of the conditions surrounding their work, but considering that the absolute majority of teachers in these schools are non-Indigenous (Howard, 1999; Malin and Maidment, 2003), their experiences are also an important contribution to this discussion, a perspective that has been largely neglected (Brown and Cadman, 2011).
This article is based on qualitative interviews. Interviewing teachers can provide an insight into their experiences, opinions, and attitudes (Kvale, 1996). In this way, a door to the lived experience and the meanings by which the teachers construct their everyday lives is opened (Layder, 1998). In this study, 13 non-Indigenous teachers were interviewed: some of them with experience in both remote and metropolitan schools, some having worked exclusively in Indigenous schools, and some with extensive experience in mainstream school contexts. The teachers come from both independent and public schools. The sample is theoretically driven in that it seeks to highlight context specificity (Miles and Huberman, 1994). All the interviewed teachers had experience working with many Indigenous students or working with only Indigenous students in Indigenous school contexts. Interviewing teachers with experience from both metropolitan and remote school communities, some from independent and some from public school settings, stratified the sample so as to identify differences as well as, and perhaps more importantly, to highlight essential similarities (Miles and Huberman, 1994).
The interviews were carried out during 2008–2010. All interviews were tape-recorded and lasted between 45 and 70 minutes. The interviews were semistructured and addressed how the teachers experienced their everyday work and their working conditions—dilemmas and enabling and constraining factors. The interviews were transcribed and reread, so analytical codes could emerge (Gibbs, 2007). Although the interviews focused on working conditions in a general sense, what emerged strongly and as essential in their experiences was how the teachers experienced the conditions for learning in relation to their school settings. In addition to expressions of experiences of the working conditions related to the teachers’ specific schools, three analytical themes were identified: (1) the need for and shortage of learning arenas in relation to specific work context, (2) desired forms and sources of learning arenas, and (3) learning structures at the schools.
Using qualitative data implies that generalizations made are of analytical character (Yin, 1994). While the results are representative for the teachers interviewed, they should not be generalized to all non-Indigenous teachers working in Indigenous school contexts. However, the findings may still be applicable to, and have currency, in other similar contexts.
Results—the importance of context-specific learning arenas
In this section, several interviewees’ voices are presented to highlight common and central aspects of how these non-Indigenous teachers experience their working conditions in their specific workplace contexts. The chosen interviews should be seen as illustrations of recurrent experiences rather than as a specific individual’s own experience. Pseudonyms are used throughout.
The interviewed teachers describe their working conditions as in many ways being like that of any other teachers’ working conditions. At the same time, context-specific issues and dilemmas emerge, dilemmas that are related to the teachers’ own competence and knowledge as it relates to their own learning. A need for more learning arenas in relation to the teachers’ specific work contexts can be identified. In the following, the interviewees’ descriptions of their working conditions in relation to learning and learning arenas are presented.
Working conditions—same but different
On the one hand, the teachers believe that their working conditions are similar to teaching in mainstream schools. The job is described as one day never being the same as the next day. Tim, for example, asserts that ‘the regularity [of teaching] is [its] irregularity’. This reflects a classic way of describing the teaching profession. In addition, the teachers interviewed noted that irrespective of context, teaching is about relationships with individual students. However, the interviewees also give examples of practical issues that differ from mainstream schools. The interviewees talk about a lack of culturally inclusive teaching material, which Alice highlights, ‘I also feel that we need to have a lot more resources that are culturally inclusive’. In Alice’s view the reason for this is that the teaching materials available are excluding and irrelevant to the students in this context. Even though there is inclusion in some respects, in other aspects, for instance, the examples in the text books often do not reflect the everyday lives of the Indigenous students but rather reflect non-Indigenous mainstream students’ experiences and everyday lives. The interviewees describe how the teaching materials are not relevant to Indigenous students. The teachers express how this makes it even harder for them to help their students to engage in their schooling; the gap between much of the teaching material and the students’ everyday life can thus be said to become a barrier to learning and engagement. Amy develops her line of thoughts: ‘The text books, you can’t use them. Just because of the language it is very exclusive’. These teachers’ expressions of shortage of culturally inclusive material are alarming, especially considering the long ongoing debate about the importance of recognition of other cultures and ways of life other than the mainstream (cf. Taylor, 1994) and the national government’s goal to ‘close the gap’ and ‘provide special literacy and numeracy programs, and put in more trained teachers’ (http://www.indigenous.gov.au).The interviewees describe how they, even though they express not having the knowledge or competence to do so, create culturally inclusive teaching material, to make it easier for the students to connect with, and relate to, school and learning. This task, however, requires time, energy, and perhaps most importantly, cultural-specific competence. Indeed, as Johansson (2008) points out, education policy and practice are not neutral enterprises, and teachers often bring in their own experiences of education, which, as mentioned previously, are related to their own mainstream schooling experience (Brennan, 1999). The expressions of experiencing text books as culturally excluding may be because designing culturally inclusive teaching material is a complex endeavor as it has to not only depict the history of a country in an inclusive way but also, for instance, has to assure that examples and practical tasks have meaning for students of various backgrounds. In addition, the interviewees describe how their students come from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds with the problems related to teaching in these school contexts.
The need for and shortage of learning arenas in relation to specific work context
Research on professions shows that professional work is seldom studied with consideration taken to the specific work contexts in which the professionals are situated (e.g. Svensson, 2008). The conditions for the teachers’ own learning in relation to their specific work contexts emerged as a central theme in the analysis of the interviews. Although the interviewees explicitly express that they, by and large, have the tools they need to do a good job, there are also indications of a need for, and a shortage of, learning arenas in relation to their specific school contexts. These findings can be supported by other studies: ‘non-Indigenous teachers lack the necessary knowledge about Indigenous learners and struggle to address their needs’ (Santoro and Reid, 2006: 299) because these teachers are often placed in contexts that ‘are not consistent with their own life experiences, socialisation patterns, and worldviews’ (Howard, 1999: 4). These findings possibly also reflect that, as stated previously, in teacher training programs, there has often been very little attention, if any, given to Indigenous perspectives on education (Santoro and Reid, 2006).
The interviewees express a need for arenas where they can learn about the conditions surrounding their specific school contexts. They describe how they experience not having had what they needed when starting to work in their specific schools. Ella, who had many years of experience as a teacher before taking up a position in a remote community school, answered the question emphatically: ‘No, no, no. I had no idea and I am still struggling’. Another interviewee, Katherine, who also has many years of experience in the teaching profession, both in mainstream and remote community schools, described how she started her career in a remote community school and how she immediately discovered that she lacked context-specific knowledge and identified a need to ‘start building up [her] knowledge base’. Another example of experiencing a shortage of context-specific knowledge is expressed by Alice, who has worked as a teacher for 3 years in a metropolitan school with many Indigenous students: ‘the first six months at this school were very tough’. She, as well as other interviewees, points out that the teacher training program did not provide sufficient knowledge and competence in relation to working with Indigenous students. A clear gap between formal education and practical everyday reality can be identified.
The interviewees themselves identify that they need learning arenas related to their specific work contexts, as they identify not having had context-specific knowledge when they began working in Indigenous schools. All the interviewees identified a shortage of arenas where context-specific learning could take place.
Desired forms for and sources of learning arenas
Theory on workplace learning shows the significance of structures that combine formal and nonformal learning (e.g. Ellström, 2010; Ellström et al., 2008). As will be illustrated, a need for both these forms of learning to be developed can be identified. When it comes to learning arenas, some teachers express a wish for more formalized learning arenas. These teachers desired a time especially devoted to discussing and learning about context-specific issues. In part, they believed that a specific time would ensure that learning would take place even when pressures from other priorities attempted to overtake this priority. For example, Felicity expressed how planning together and reflecting together are essential for learning and coping in the job, but she thinks that there is not enough of this. By formalizing these things, the learning would happen on regular basis for all teachers. However, there are other teachers who think that by keeping the learning process nonformal, the most important and relevant issues that one needs to learn about can be better addressed since they are addressed when they in fact arise. Brendan has this view and describes how he finds the nonformal corridor chats helpful: I like it informal. When things get formalized I find […] if we did it formally it would be me and the English department and we would be all get together and have a schedule on what to talk about, and it just becomes […] a talk fest.
This indicates a possible disjuncture between the experiences this interviewee has of formal learning activities, as they relate to theories on workplace learning that clearly emphasize that all learning has to be integrated in practice, in that it has to be possible to use what one learns for it to be experienced as meaningful (Ellström, 2010).
Various forms of nonformal learning arenas are appreciated by the interviewees: these can be ad hoc corridor conversations or informally formed mentorship relations between new and more experienced teachers. There are some forms of nonformal learning, such as, informal mentorship, that are especially highly valued among the interviewees. Felicity thought that she was very lucky when she started teaching in her metropolitan school. She described how at her current school she happened to connect with a more experienced teacher: ‘He gave me heaps and heaps of good advice. He would give you strategies. Little pieces of advice every day, and for me that was my survival, definitely, in term one’. Her quote indicates that mentoring based on nonformal learning with hands-on advice was experienced as essential. This is supported by another interviewee, Jessica, who had worked as a teacher in mainstream schools for several years before going to a remote community school: I did actually have one girl who was fabulous. […] I learned from her more than I ever learned anywhere else, because it was mentoring. She gave me hands on ways of dealing with the problems. That was really helpful for me.
Learning from experienced colleagues is a form of a learning arena that the teachers stress as desirable. In fact, the result is unanimous; the best source for learning is through other colleagues, preferably colleagues with more experience: ‘I think we learn from each other, from colleagues’ (Felicity). Indeed, a central feature of professional work is collegiality, that is, peer group support and guarding working principles (Svensson, 2008). However, for a good learning environment to develop, the employer needs to systematize formal as well as nonformal learning arenas, so as to steer the learning in directions that are identified as important for the school as a whole (Ellström, 2010).
In the case of teachers working outside of mainstream context, such as non-Indigenous teachers working with Indigenous students, new forms for competence development are needed. Workplace learning could be one potential way forward. By learning with (actively forming), rather than from (passively receiving), other teachers as well as the local community itself, both formally and informally—in practice—a sustainable competence development that is tailored toward the specific workplace setting can be reached. Indeed, involvement from the local communities should be seen as crucial in developing better strategies. In addition, more teachers as well as teacher training educators need to be recruited from the Indigenous population itself. It should be noted that formal as well as informal learning processes that are not well designed or followed up hold a serious dilemma. Learning from colleagues or written documents and so on can bring a transmission of norms and values, which are rather prejudiced and culturally insensitive and where the majority perspective is passed on. Therefore, implementing a scheme of workplace learning, that is, where learning is taking place both formally and informally, in the context where the new knowledge is to be used, focusing on needs in the school and in the classrooms well as on findings from the latest research, this problem can be addressed. It is of course naïve to think processes like these happen by themselves. New teachers, more experienced teachers, as well as community members (parents, elders, teacher aids, etc.) would need to learn with and from each other, together. Indeed, one way to ensure that the local context and the local Indigenous people’s perspective do ‘shine through’ in decision making and, at the end of the day, in the everyday life in schools is through the true involvement of the local communities.
Learning arenas at the schools
Theory on workplace learning clearly shows the need for workplaces to have a ‘learning readiness’ (Ellström, 2010). This includes an active management level involved in continuous workplace learning as a strategic measure, providing structures for nonformal as well as formal learning arenas where context-specific learning can take place. The interviewees’ voices clearly mark discontent with context-specific learning arenas, that is, structures for formal as well as nonformal context-specific learning to take place. When learning happens, it seems to happen by chance rather than being part of an intentional strategy or learning structure or learning arena. Felicity exemplifies this: ‘He was just one of those people who was there’.
All the interviewed teachers identified a strong need for structures that provide for context-specific learning. Helen, who had previously worked in a remote community school for several years, exemplifies, and to a large extent sums up, the interviewees’ experiences of identifying a need for systematization, a formalization of context-specific learning arenas for teachers working in Indigenous schools. Helen’s exemplification is a mere example but still points at a need for systematization: There are not a lot of resources and so there is no room for mentoring of new teachers, so I think that is something that needs to be looked at. If they are going to send new graduates [to remote school communities], then there needs to be a place for learning for them as well because there is a lot of learning to do. I think all schools need that, but those in particular.
This quotation clearly calls attention to the issue of context-specific learning for teachers in Indigenous schools, specifically in remote community schools; however, the need for learning structures and learning arenas are identified as needed not only in remote school contexts but also in all school contexts where there are many of Indigenous students.
Discussion—challenges in terms of learning gaps
The findings suggest that the interviewed teachers identify the need for learning arenas in order to develop context-specific knowledge and competence and that there currently is a shortage of these. Currently, much of context-specific learning seems to be taking place on an ad hoc basis, but not all interviewees had the opportunity to benefit from this. There seems to be a discrepancy between what the teachers identify needing and wanting and what the work organizations in which they work provide. This can be interpreted as learning gaps (cf. Parding and Abrahamsson, 2010).
The result can be discussed applying the theoretical perspectives of workplace learning and conditions for professional work, perspectives that complement each other in highlighting how teachers experience their working conditions and what actions may be needed to improve the conditions. One explanation as to why learning arenas, that is, structures for formal as well as nonformal continuous learning, are scarce may be because teachers, as representatives of a profession, are expected to already have the knowledge and competence needed for their work. One implication of this is that this may mean that continuous workplace learning is to some extent neglected, which becomes especially apparent for teachers working outside mainstream contexts. At the same time, it is well established that what learning arenas are formed is significantly shaped by the employing organizational structure (Ellström, 2010; Ellström et al., 2008; Eraut, 2004; Eraut et al., 2002; Heggen, 2008; Jansson and Parding, 2011). The results presented earlier can be interpreted as an issue for policy makers and employing organizations. Indeed, as has been pointed out, recent research clearly shows that workplace learning is an organizational issue, and for good learning environments to be created, active management is needed. As context-specific learning arenas are identified as needed, the results call for policy makers and employing organizations to establish adequate structures and resources, for nonformal as well as formal workplace learning to take place.
The theoretical implication of this study is that it is important to study members of professions—in this case teachers—within specific work settings to highlight the role of context in relation to learning (Day, 2010; Svensson, 2008).
Conclusions
The turnover rate for teachers in Indigenous school contexts is high. A recent study indicates that the current turnover in remote Indigenous schools is 8 months (Garrett, 2011). In fact, experiencing a shortage of learning arenas, that is, structures and resources for context-specific learning, a finding that indeed has been reported in earlier studies (see, e.g. Sharplin, 2002), may be one explanation as to why the turnover of teachers in Indigenous school settings, and particularly in remote community schools, is so high.Indeed, for teachers, unsatisfactory learning conditions may make transitioning to mainstream schools an attractive option. As described previously, the absolute majority of teachers working in schools with Indigenous students themselves come from White middle-class backgrounds (Santoro and Allard, 2005), and these teachers’ ideas of education are heavily infused with values based on ‘western capitalist society’ values rather than on ‘cross-cultural education’ (Brennan, 1999: 157). In addition, many of the teachers practicing the profession today have not taken any subjects specifically focused on Indigenous education and conditions during their teacher training (Santoro and Reid, 2006). Moreover, there are expressions of shortage of culturally inclusive teaching material among practicing teachers, a finding that has indeed been reported earlier (see, e.g. Sharplin, 2002).
The practical implication of this study is that in order to provide for context-specific learning needs of teachers situated in Indigenous school contexts, to minimize learning gaps for these teachers, and to also improve the conditions for students in these schools, the employing organizations as well as policy makers need to systematize, that is, plan and organize for context-specific learning. Structures and resources need to be in place to support formal as well as nonformal context-specific learning (Ellström, 2010; Ellström et al., 2008) based both on what teachers identify as useful (Parding and Abrahamsson, 2010) and on what the clients (students) need (Ellström, 2010). Productive workplace learning does not happen by chance, rather it relies on well-thought-out integrated strategies (Ellström et al., 2008).
As education has a vital role to play in equity and social inclusion for Indigenous students and as there is still a long way to go to reach social inclusion and social justice for Indigenous peoples throughout the world, it is especially important to investigate the conditions for teachers in Indigenous schools. Certainly, a high teacher turnover and learning gaps among teachers in Indigenous schools become a problem in terms of quality and continuity in the education for the students. It is therefore essential to further examine teachers’ work in these contexts in relation to learning. This is supported by Clandinin (2008), for instance, who identifies a need for further research on what comprises learning spaces for teachers. In fact, to examine conditions for teachers’ continuous learning, what they identify needing and what structures are needed in the context of Indigenous education is thus imperative (Lo Bianco, 2009). As Day (2010) points out, context matters when it comes to learning. It is indeed of relevance to continue to take teachers’ own experiences as a point of departure, as they are the distributors of education and their conditions impact students’ conditions for learning. Indeed, a qualitative study on a couple of schools, where various actors’ perspectives and experiences are voiced, would be of high relevance. This way, teachers, teacher aids, as well as other local community members, students, school management, and local politicians would all contribute to drawing a map of how conditions are experienced and what needs are identified. It would be particularly interesting to take a closer look at schools that have been successful in bringing perspectives and voices together, as to highlight good examples for integrated learning arenas in Indigenous school contexts.
Footnotes
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
