The Korean Socio-Political Context of the 1970s in Robot Taekwon V (1976)

Introduction

Robot Taekwon V, the 1976 South Korean animation film directed by Cheong-Gi Kim, was consecutively released in July at the Daehan Theatre and the Seki Theatre in Seoul, South Korea. Over the course of its run, it attracted an audience of more than two million nationwide, becoming a great commercial success. The basic plot follows the hero Hoon Kim who pilots a gigantic robot, using the Korean traditional martial art of Taekwondo to fight against the ‘Red Empire’ of Dr Kaff. National figures created for the film narrative captivated children’s imaginations and introduced South Koreans to the idea of a successfully modernized South Korea after the devastation of the Korean War (1950–1953). Since the main audience was South Korean children, however, they were not able to recognize the complicated ideological issues layered throughout the film. The story of Robot Taekwon V delivers a classic confrontation between good and evil implied by two scientists, Dr Kim and Dr Kaff. As an evil scientist, Dr Kaff is set on world domination and seeks to establish the ‘Red Empire’ by kidnapping world-class athletes to pilot giant robots. Defending the world from this threat, Dr Kim creates robot Taekwon V. His eldest son, Hoon Kim, is a Taekwondo champion who pilots robot Taekwon V either manually or through the technology of merging his fighting movements with those of the robot. In the end, they succeed in defeating Dr Kaff, who was disguised as General Malcolm until his true identity is revealed.

In terms of this narrative, Robot Taekwon V can be viewed as an anti-communist animation that metaphorically represents the socio-political turmoil of postwar South Korea. It also implies particular characteristics, such as developmentalism and nationalism, of Chung-Hee Park’s regime, also in response to foreign cultural influences and national confidence in the growing industrialization as a result of the successful ‘Five-Year Plan of South Korea’ which was a national economic development initiative created by the Park administration. Being shaped by the anti-communist ideology pervasive in the cultural milieu of 1970s South Korea, Robot Taekwon V portrays the American government’s influence in South Korea during the Cold War and how it affected pop culture in the East Asian country. The cultural policy of President Park’s administration can be defined as ascetic pragmatism (Kim, 2005: 212) that epitomized the regime's troubled relationship with pop culture. In this article, I will examine how Robot Taekwon V actually represents South Korea’s socio-political complexity in the 1970s in terms of ideological issues, the foreign cultural inflow and the deploying of transnationalism in its character design adapted from both Disney and a Japanese robot-themed animation.

Anti-communism and nationalism in postwar South Korea

Anti-communism in South Korea was a dominant ideology after the Korean War with economic reconstruction being the nation’s major focus. General Chung-Hee Park was elected president by means of a coup on 16 May 1961. He advocated ‘the modernization of the country’ and the military regime adhered to socio-political absolutism and authoritarian control using political ideologies. The government specifically emphasized anti-communism, and national security functioned as the governing ideology to mobilize the national consensus towards industrial modernization. During the modernization process in the 1960s and 1970s, South Korea was closely connected to international politics and America’s growing global influence (Kim, 1999: 177). The industrial modernization that began in the West was designed to maintain the capitalistic economic hegemony of the US and other Western countries while suppressing any communist expansions during the Cold War (Chirot, 1986: 194). Unlike the West, however, South Korea’s modernization in the 1960s (Park, 2004: 138) was more focused on economic development and national security than on the establishment of a democratic political system.

President Park’s mandate emphasized the revision of the anti-communist system, the consolidation of the ROK-US Alliance, the elimination of social corruption, an end to political struggle and the settlement of civil affairs through independent economic reconstruction. In particular, President Park advocated independence in economic development and security. Hyung-A Kim (2011: 15) points out that ‘the goals of developing an “independent economy” in the 1960s and an “independent defence” in the 1970s were at the core of the political economy of the Chung-Hee Park era.’ This independent economy and security became consolidated because of the policy of the Nixon Doctrine and North Korean threats to South Korean sovereignty. President Park also stated in his 1962 manifesto ‘Our Nation’s Path: Ideology of Social Reconstruction’:

Now, our nation is facing the historical task of modernization. Since the eastward advance of the western powers in the late nineteenth century, the goal of the democratic revolution is to fulfil the task of modernization in South Korea, which has remained unfinished. (cited in Kim, 1999: 179)

President Park’s administration emphasized the renewal of the social ethos and a national consensus to reinforce the ideals of modernization. The government’s cultural policies attempted to discipline the increasingly diversified arts and to cultivate youth culture within the awareness of their mono-ethnic identity. The Park administration regulated certain moral codes by prohibiting American pop songs, dance music and protest songs, which were becoming more popular with the youth. Furthermore, the cultural policy of the Park administration provoked a troubled relationship with American mass culture. In this view, President Park thought that America’s ideas of freedom, equality and democracy were incompatible with the ruling principles of a military regime and thus demanded South Korean’s uniformity through anti-communism. The government’s cultural policy emphasized nationalism, demanding that citizens be faithful and serve their country based on a mono-ethnic identity while, at the same time, being wary of the influence of American pop culture.

The cultural policy of the Park administration pursuing ascetic pragmatism created a repressive social atmosphere, known in the country as ‘cultural darkness’, which literally translates into cultural censorship, since the cultural products that entered or were created in the country were strictly controlled by the government (Lee, 2016: 177). Along with these socio-cultural conditions, the South Korean film industry underwent radical changes under President Park’s authoritarian policies in 1961. Film companies and studios were integrated into 16 separate companies, while the regime strengthened new registrations and film censorship regulations in 1962 (Lee, 2009: 277). Animated films also had to conform to these nationalistic edicts as a way of promoting the anti-communist agenda. As Yun-Seon Choi (2009: 68) noted, ‘The Korean animated characters of the 1960s and 1970s reflect the characteristics of a totalitarian nationalism’; thus, many animated films illustrate, both symbolically and metaphorically, the issues surrounding South Korean anti-communism and nationalism in the 1970s. Full-length animated films such as Lightning Atom (dir. Yu-Su Young, 1971), Monster Great War (1972), Robot Taekwon V, Iron Man 007 (1976), General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel (dir. Cheong-Gi Kim, 1978) and General Ttoli: Catching a Spy (1979) deal mainly with issues of patriotism, public safety, and national security (Choi, 2009: 28).

General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel is a good representation of a typical animated propaganda film. Directed by Cheong-Gi Kim, it was released in 1978, two years after Robot Taekwon V, and was actually based on a historical event. As reported to the US Congress, North Korean soldiers, following the orders of leader Il-Sung Kim, dug secret tunnels under the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) for a future surprise attack on South Korea (Fischer, 2007: 10). Their first tunnel was discovered in 1974, the second in 1975 and the third in 1978. The ‘Tunnel Incident’, also known in the West as ‘A Third North Korean Infiltration’, had once again raised the alarms of North Korean hostility toward the South.

In his 1999 interview for Animatoon magazine, Cheong-Gi Kim mentions that General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel was initially based on the popular character of Tarzan and was meant to follow a fantasy narrative rather than anti-communist themes (cited in Jang, 2009: 113). However, because of the anti-communist atmosphere at the time, he decided to base it on the ‘Tunnel Incident’ in order to pass the government’s strict censorship. General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel focuses on a little boy Ttoli and a group of animal friends who rescue Ttoli’s father and end up fighting North Korean soldiers digging the Third Tunnel. In the film, North Korea’s daycare centres, coal mines and schools are shown in dilapidated conditions with starving children added for effect. By showing such terrible living conditions, the film served to promote patriotism and raise anti-communist awareness among South Korean children (p. 114). The film’s end credits states, ‘General Ttoli was produced with the support of the Korean Anti-communist Youth Association. Children must watch this anti-communist animation’ (my translation). At the beginning of the film, viewers see human figures caught up in a web of chains ejected from the mouth of a terrifying spider, all enveloped in a world painted red. It was a typical way of depicting the depressing living conditions of North Koreans while inciting fear of the North Korean regime in child audiences. Anti-communist animation also played a major role in promoting anti-communism among young students who were led by the official school extra-program to watch such films in theatres during regular school hours. This kind of social atmosphere overwhelmed South Korea, as is reflected in General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel and many other animated films, especially in terms of their character designs and narrative compositions. Anti-communism was a means of maintaining the national system and greatly influenced education and culture from the 1960s to the 1970s.

Imitation of American culture

After the Korean War, South Korea’s economic restoration was heavily reliant on US aid, the cultural influence of which was so massive that it was called ‘American shock’. Jin-Yeon Lee (1982: 54–55) identifies four core factors of American cultural influence in South Korea: the US military government, the US Army presence in Korea, Korean students studying in the US, and the mass media. First, the US military government, that temporarily ruled for three years (1945–1948) before the establishment of the South Korean government in 1948, played a crucial role in establishing South Korea’s political system by introducing democratic ideals and establishing a free economic system. Second, about six million US soldiers were stationed in South Korea between 1951 and 1971. During that period, a variety of consumer goods, called Mije (US products), and American mass entertainment were imported to South Korea through Gijichon (military camps). Using the 18 military camps established nationwide, American soldiers distributed huge quantities of American goods to the South Korean public, ranging from alcoholic beverages to household appliances.

Third, from the 1950s to 1970s, Korean scholars and bureaucrats who studied at American universities or research institutes were accepted as a modernized, intelligent class by South Koreans. This internationally educated class contributed to South Korea’s economic development and played a leading role in promoting a Western standard of culture. Finally, the impact of American popular culture in the late 1950s spawned a great influx of American films. Famous American actors such as James Dean in East of Eden, Marilyn Monroe in Niagara and Audrey Hepburn in Roman Holiday were very popular in South Korea (Lee, 2016: 169–170). The boom of American popular culture in the country spread rapidly through the growing mass media such as newspapers, radio, magazines and the many entertainment programs aired on nationwide TV. American popular culture evoked images of an ideal world in ordinary South Koreans, with their national identity generated in desire and imitation of American cultural trends such as clothing fashion, hair styles, pop songs and American-style food, especially through the viewing experience of American films (pp. 74–75).

As a consequence of the American cultural influence, Disney animation came to dominate South Korean society. The 1953 feature-length Disney animation film Peter Pan was released at the Kukdo Theatre in Seoul on 13 June 1957. The posters advertised ‘the island of dreams with Peter Pan, the boy who never grows up’ (translation by the author), attracting South Korean audiences of all ages. Peter Pan proved to be so popular that it was re-released in 1965, 1970 and 1993. Before and after Peter Pan’s 1957 release, Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937,) and Pinocchio (1940) were released respectively in 1956 and 1963, gaining a high degree of success due to being South Koreans’ expanded awareness of Disney animations.

Director Cheong-Gi Kim reveals that watching Peter Pan was an unforgettable experience and that it inspired many Korean animators to learn animation techniques and skills, including the Western style of design (Han, 2006: 47). For example, Jinro Soju Paradise (1962), the well-known television commercial epitomizing early Korean animation and directed by Dong-Hun Shin, shows the hand-drawn characters of sailors and the backgrounds designed in a very similar fashion to Peter Pan (Lee, 2010: 45). In the commercial, the hula dancing girls against a backdrop of tropical beaches was considered exotic at the time, while the stylized Western characters and backgrounds encouraged South Koreans to get more interested in Western animation similar to Disney. Following this trend, in 1960, Halas and Batchelor’s Animal Farm (1954) and UPA (United Pictures America)’s Arabian Nights (1959) were screened in 1960 and 1962 in South Korean cinemas with much fanfare.

Arguably, the influence of American animation in South Korea at that time was mainly from Disney and UPA. Disney produced realistic animation at up to 24 frames, on average at 18 frames (Lamarre, 2009: 187), while UPA utilized a modern cartoon style of animation using 6–18 frames. In 1962, the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS) aired Terry Toons created by Paul Terry, as well as Heckle & Jeckle, Mighty Mouse and Foo Foo, the television cartoon series by Halas and Batchelor (Hwang, 1998: 177). These Anglo-American animated shows broadcast on TV in South Korea significantly influenced the development of Korean animations and even their narratives. The modern cartoon designs of Foo Foo and Arabian Nights are found in I Am Water (1962), for example, directed by Young-Il Park and Do-Bin Jeong, and produced by the National Film Production Centre. The National Film Production Centre was established in 1961 with the aim of promoting national policy and anti-communism in accordance with the Government Organization Law. Many short animation films, such as South Korea’s first short animated film, Ant and Grasshopper (1961), 112 (1962), Let’s Live Up to Our Expectations (1964) and Bright Society (1967), under the influence of UPA and American animation, were produced for educational and entertainment purposes in the Centre (Lee, 2010: 54–56).

Nationalism and anti-communism: Creating Korean-style heroes in Robot Taekwon V

The production report to the Ministry of Culture and Public Affairs stated the purpose of Robot Taekwon V was to be ‘an enlightenment to inspire anti-communist ideology in children’ (cited in Han, 2007: 27). Along with this purpose, the intention of the film was: first, to emphasize human dignity by demonstrating that, without proper handling, the machine of civilization could end the world; second, to create strong protagonists like Young-Hee, Hoon and Dr Yoon to teach children that they need a strong will and courage to defend their freedom peacefully; and third, to demonstrate that moral and ethical values are vital to a virtuous lifestyle and to defeat villainous Dr Kaff, a symbol of communism (cited in Han, 2007: 101).

These three intentions allowed Robot Taekwon V to conform to the military government’s cultural policy in order to pass the strict film censorship regulations. The director of Robot Taekwon V, Cheong-Gi Kim, was a fervent anti-communist due to his father being abducted by North Korean troops during the Korean War (Kim M, 2006). This event which happened to Kim in his childhood embittered him towards North Korea. From this perspective, it makes sense why Kim explored his anti-communist sentiment through his villainous characters. Furthermore, in the same year Robot Taekwon V was produced, the so-called ‘Korean Axe Murder Incident’ occurred, when two US military officers were killed by North Korean soldiers at the Panmunjom truce village located in the DMZ. It provoked an immediate response from the South Korean and American military, bringing the two Koreas to the brink of war. American and South Korean aircraft and ordnance were mobilized along the DMZ while anti-communist education through mass media and educational institutions was intensely ramped up to indoctrinate the public on North Korea’s brutality of murder, arson and plan to invade the South. Through such anti-communist education, both adults and children developed a blind hatred towards people in the North, perceiving them as fearful monsters (Seo, 2005: 387).

One of the propaganda techniques at the time was to depict the villains in most anti-communist animation as either animals or monsters; for example, in General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel, the North Korean leader is portrayed as a greedy pig wearing a mask (see Figure 1, left) and the North Korean soldiers as wolves (see Figure 1, right).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 1.

Still images from General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel (1978, dir. Cheong-Gi Kim). The North Korean leader shown as a greedy pig wearing a mask (left), and a wolf symbolizing a North Korean soldier (right). © Cheong-Gi Kim. Reproduced with permission.

However, Robot Taekwon V was a bit different. The villainous Dr Kaff, who is depicted as a twisted dwarf, is not delineated with the overt animal or monster iconography reserved for North Koreans. Unlike General Ttoli: The Third Tunnel, which is classified in the fantasy genre, Robot Taekwon V fits into the style of science-fiction animation, so animal characters would have been inappropriate as villains. Keeping with the anti-communist principles, Dr Kaff was created to be more recognizable and human, albeit in an ugly, twisted way (see Figure 2, left). Since he was humiliated at an international conference due to his physical features, such as a large head and short stature, he decides to take revenge on the world by transforming himself into a real monster named General Malcolm (see Figure 2, right). In this persona, he institutes the ‘Red Empire’ and threatens to conquer the world. General Malcolm has a pale grey face with sharp canines and a red star on his forehead. To complete his monstrous transformation, he has black bat wings protruding from a communist red gown framing his grotesque physical features.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 2.

Still images from Robot Taekwon V (1976, dir. Cheong-Gi Kim). Dr Kaff (left) and General Malcolm as the vampire-like character (right). © Sincine. Reproduced with permission.

Since South Korean children were exposed to the negative connotations of red as a symbol of communism in literature and educational materials, North Koreans were easy for them to associate with ‘the Reddish People’, or in Korean, ‘Palgaengi’ (Koh, 2013: 165). In Robot Taekwon V, the Red Empire was linked with the symbol of a red star that evoked communist countries such as the Soviet Union, China and North Korea in the minds of its viewers. Thus, General Malcolm and his Red Empire were indicative of communism through their design. This film’s anti-communist sensationalism had no bearing on the plot but was included simply to put communism in an antagonistic light (Yun, 2014: 170).

As President Chung-Hee Park acclaimed his initiative of ‘independent’ modernization, he also heralded in the nationalist movement to create a ‘Korean identity’ through the promotion of historical legitimacy and the reinterpretation of national history. One of these government-led projects in the late 1960s instituted historical ‘heroes’, such as Admiral Sun-Shin Yi, King Se-Jong the Grea, and the artist Saim-Dang Shin, of the Joseon dynasty (1392–1897), into school curriculums and to be displayed prominently in inner-city plazas to raise national pride and patriotism. One such instance was a statue of Admiral Sun-Shin Yi which President Park commissioned on the main street leading to Gwanghwamun, a national treasure that was the main gate opening into the palace, in the centre of Seoul. Admiral Yi is perhaps one of the greatest national heroes in Korea. Between 1592 and 1598 in the Joseon Dynasty, the Admiral led the Korean navy’s most important victory against a Japanese invasion (Koh, 2013: 169). In particular, the statue of Admiral Yi has historic and significant meaning because South Korea wanted to recover its national identity from the suppression of Japanese colonialism from 1910 to 1945. As a great military figure, Admiral Yi was highly admired by President Park, a former general. The goal of President Park’s ‘sanctuary of the historical heroes’ projects was to emphasize the absolute authority of a government that demanded the citizens of Korea be loyal to their country and fulfil the nation’s responsibilities (cited in Choi, 2009: 27–28). In the midst of these socio-political conditions, Cheong-Gi Kim declared:

I decided to design the robot’s helmet drawing on Sun-Shin Yi’s from the Joseon era. At that time, our office was in Sejongno near the statue of Admiral Yi, and I got the design from the statue standing in front of our office. (Kim, 2004)

This historical reference was applied to the design of Taekwon V as a nationalist robot and anti-communist warrior (see Figure 3).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 3.

Still image of Taekwon V in Robot Taekwon V (1976, dir. Cheong-Gi Kim). © Sincine. Reproduced with permission.

The influence of Japanese animation has been a perennial issue in the design of robot Taekwon V. Notably, in 1975, the popular Japanese TV animation series Mazinger Z (1972) was broadcast in South Korea before Robot Takewon V (Kim J, 2006: 69). There have been claims over its similarities with Mazinger Z that are hard to deny. The explosion of Japanese animation in the South Korean market helped shape Robot Taekwon V by spreading the design of such a gigantic robot. Because Japanese animators fought for better labour rights in Japan during the 1960s, big Japanese animation studios subcontracted the production of their projects to other Asian countries who charged less than Japanese animators and, as a result, Japanese animation styles spread throughout Asia, especially in South Korea, the studios’ main subcontracting country (Choo, 2014: 145).

As director Chung-Gi Kim acknowledged, Robot Taekwon V was influenced by the Japanese animation, Mazinger Z; however, he tried to create a robot character with more Korean-ness. Kuk-Hee Choo (2014: 152) states, ‘Chung-Gi Kim wanted to differentiate his films from Japanese anime, and he asserted their Korean-ness by incorporating the national martial art Taekwondo in order to “reimagine” and “reinvent” Korea’s identity after the consecutive national traumas of Japanese colonialism.’ In 1971, Taekwondo was awarded the title ‘National Taekwondo’ by President Park and was used to discipline a nation for national coherence and along ideological issues. Robot Taekwon V was, at the same time, a demonstration of ‘Korean-ness’ through visualizing Korean traditional elements in the form of animation. Instead of being simply viewed as a cheap imitation of the Japanese figure, the gigantic robot Taekwon V should be construed as a Korean hero that combined the elements of traditional Korean martial arts with the silhouette of Admiral Sun-Shin Yi to emphasize Korean nationalistic ideals to the viewers. In an August 2018 ruling issued by a South Korean court, the design of robot Taekwon V was found not guilty of plagiarism as it possessed distinct characteristics that distanced it from Mazinger Z, such as being based on the Korean national martial art of Taekwondo. Sung-Wook Kim (1998: 70) also points out that ‘Taekwon V has many different elements from Mazinger Z, and it has its own personality; it is not enough to simply accuse it of plagiarism.’ This is similar in context to the court’s ruling, which recognized robot Taekwon V as a secondary work with substantial alterations from the original. However, in response to this, many netizens have criticized the ruling as nationalistic.

Japanese animation was popular in South Korea during the 1970s due to the country’s television industry still remaining in its infancy; South Korean TV broadcasting companies could barely afford to produce their own programs (Koh, 2013: 160). The anti-Japanese sentiment caused by the trauma of colonialism from 1910 to 1945 was still prevalent but, even so, the popularity of Japanese manga and animation had tremendous influence over South Korea. As Koh points out, ‘Korean audiences have tended to be relatively comfortable and familiar with Japanese TV dramas, music, animation, and manga, especially when compared to American popular culture’ (p. 158) since Korea and Japan have similarities in traditional values and culture. Japanese animation was also ideal for broadcasting because it cost less than American animation. The relationship of Robot Taekwon V with Mazinger Z is very important in order to understand how Korean society treated Japanese culture after the end of the Japanese colonization. The relationship echoes the socio-political aspects of South Korean society: enthusiasm over the advancement of technology and futurism, a hard work ethic, nationalism and anxiety over the Cold War period.

Taekwon V is not a protagonist, of course. It needs a human pilot, a symbol of Korean youth and heroism in the form of the character, Hoon Kim. He has been taught Taekwondo since childhood by his father, Dr Kim, and, thus, is expected to win the World Taekwondo Championship. In the semi-final, Hoon defeats the Japanese competitor and, in the final, the American one. Hoon stands up bravely to both Japanese and American competitors, knocking out the latter with a dramatic round kick as shown in Figure 4 on the left. Hoon becomes the top athlete in the world of Taekwondo, and his victory cements the superiority of the Korean people in the minds of the viewers (Choi, 2009: 77–78). It is interesting to note that Cheong-Gi Kim had Hoon fight against the American athlete Richard Shaw in the final rather than against an athlete from a communist country. Richard Shaw is also portrayed as an unrighteous character often showing wicked expressions. When Richard Shaw is abducted and brainwashed by Dr Kaff, he becomes one of the Red Empire’s pawns. This character configuration challenged the country’s popular sentiment at a time when the US was one of the closest allies to South Korea against the spread of communism. As an indication of this, Hoon has well-defined features and a positive image (see Figure 4, right), symbolizing justice, while his competitors, the Japanese and the American, are given ridiculous faces; the Japanese character depicted in such a negative way in the film was a demonstration of the historical resentment over the Japanese colonization of Korea.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 4.

Still images from Robot Taekwon V (1976, dir. Cheong-Gi Kim): an American Taekwondo athlete collapses in front of Hoon (left), and Hoon’s features (right) © Sincine. Reproduced with permission.

Also, since the American Taekwondo athlete Richard Shaw is kidnapped to work for Dr Kaff and his Red Empire along with other antagonists, Robot Taekwon V demonstrates the paradoxes and dual perspectives South Korea had towards the US. As President Park claimed that an ‘independent country’ was the ultimate goal of South Korea, many South Korean people had a hope of surpassing the most advanced nation in technological innovation and global recognition, America (Yun, 2015: 234). In light of this, the Korean athlete’s victory against the American competitor also inspired South Koreans to a new level of pride, revealing a dual attitude toward the US. Furthermore, the visual designs of Dr Kaff’s villainous robots also evoke advanced countries and serve to place South Korea firmly in their midst, and, maybe, even above them. Mary, a robot with yellow hair and a fencing sword refers to France, a ninja robot symbolizes Japan and a wrestling robot assumes Mexican-ness. The villainous robots under Dr Kaff’s control are metaphorically portrayed as originating from developed countries such as America, Japan and some of the European nations. Taekwon V and Hoon defeating the antagonists in the film serve a nationalist intention to elevate South Korea to the ranks of world powers while also battling the evils of communism. Although South Korea was an underdeveloped, relatively poor country in the 1960s, the scene where Taekwon V manages to uphold world peace was designed to encourage children to believe that South Korea was the ‘best country’ in the world. Using Taekwon V and performing Taekwondo, Hoon defeating the villainous robots was in line with the nationalistic rhetoric to demonstrate the superiority of the Korean people.

Seeking the confidence of economic development through the creation of a gigantic robot figure

In 1972, President Chung-Hee Park’s administration announced the Yushin, which literally translates as ‘rejuvenated reform’. It was a way to extend and reinforce President Park’s authoritarian government and power. It influenced the policies that involved the electronics industry and consequently raised not only their economic importance but also began to be used for ideological and political purposes as well (Koh, 2013: 160). The third ‘Five-Year Plan of South Korea’ from 1972 to 1976 changed its focus from the production of consumer products to heavy industrial manufacturing, such as steel, ships, electronics and chemicals (Park, 2002: 20). Through the combined effects of South Koreans’ endeavours and the global post-war economic boom, this powerful state-led economic development plan resulted in a rise in exports from 100 million dollars in 1964 to 10 billion dollars by 1977. The rapid economic growth gave South Koreans hope for a better life compared to their colonial past during which their economy had been devastated. Large-scale industrial complexes were appropriated to propagate images of South Korea’s economic development under the banner of the ‘creation of a new history’.

In-Ha Park (2002: 20) points out that children in elementary school believed in the prosperity of the nation through the symbols of the heavy chemical industry, and Robot Taekwon V shown in cinemas reinforced the visual images that implied the power of the steel industry. Taekwon V was not only a robot figure, but also a symbol of national confidence, scientific achievement and successful industrial development. It served to mirror South Koreans’ desire to advance into the future, relying on science and technology (Koh, 2013: 156). The labourers manufacturing Taekwon V in a huge factory are analogous to the industrial workers in the heavy chemical industrial complexes in South Korea, highlighting the officially acceptable scenes of the country’s economic development at the time.

Fantasy as an imitation of Disney animation and American culture

The main characters Hoon and Young-Hee are set as Korean, but they are depicted with dark double eyelids, large eyes and accentuated lips that, arguably, do not correspond to typical physical traits of Korean people. The notable features of the two Korean characters appear to combine non-Korean and Western-style features. Also in the 1970s, when Robot Taekwon V was produced, the third version of the popular South Korean animated TV commercial Jinro Soju (1972) ¹ portrays Korean businessmen with strong Western features, such as long sideburns, sharp noses, Western hairstyles and formal suits. The design of the Korean characters with Western physical or visual features in animation appearing during the 1970s ironically implies the sense of a ‘modern Korean’.

Since elementary school, director Chung-Gi Kim was influenced by DC Comics in the aftermath of the Korean War because many US magazines and comics were distributed throughout South Korea from US military camps at that time. He was especially influenced by the design of Superman and Batman. In the light of this, Hoon sports a muscular body and the ‘V’ on his shirt is reminiscent of Superman’s iconic ‘S’. Before the release of Robot Taekwon V, imitations of American superhero designs in South Korean animation can also be identified in Golden Iron (1968) directed by Young-Il Park. Golden Iron is a science-fiction adventure animation feature, and its main character is illustrated with a Western face and a muscular body (see Figure 5), which drew comparisons to the way in which Superman was represented in that era.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 5.

A 1968 newspaper advertisement for Golden Iron.

The idea of national progress through the use of technology was an obsession in 1970s South Korea. In Robot Taekwon V, the high-tech robot is created by Dr Kim and Dr Yoon, two elite scientists. As Chung-Gi Kim (2018) mentioned in conversation with me, South Korea did not have a PhD program for robotics in the 1970s. In light of this, Kim and Yoon were likely to be considered by the South Korean viewers as elites who had received their PhDs in the US. This can be viewed in terms of one of the core factors of American cultural influence, widely known in South Korea as Yuhakpa, the South Koreans who studied abroad in the 1970s, of whom 87 percent went to the US (Lee, 1982: 56). Afterwards, they returned to South Korea to work as respected university professors or they obtained grants as researchers for growing industries and enterprises. While studying in American universities, graduate schools and research institutions, these students absorbed much of the American culture.

Dr Kim and Dr Yoon’s appearance and clothing suggest they are ‘modernized elites’ who received their doctorates in the US. Dr Kim is depicted with a dark beard and a bald head, which was an unusual appearance for South Korean viewers at that time in their everyday experience. His appearance is similar to that of the main character in Shazzan (1967–1968), which started to air on the Korean TV station TBS in January 1975. Shazzan is an animated television series produced by Hanna Barbara productions in 1968, in which the giant genie Shazzan is bald with a dark beard, possibly originating from the tale of Aladdin and the Magic Lamp. The characters in Robot Taekwon V are definitely of South Korean descent but exhibit a Western physiognomy influenced by American films and superheroes. The decades of modernization after the Korean War led South Koreans to turn to American culture for inspiration and, in addition, public sentiment of modern-ness was also reproduced through Western-style Korean characters in animated films. The dinner scene in which Dr Kim celebrates Hoon’s victory in the World Taekwondo Championships is reminiscent of an upscale restaurant in the US. The scene shows Western-style food, cakes and a round table, representing American or Western culinary culture, which is very different from that of ordinary Koreans, who usually share their side dishes.

The Western design and aesthetics incorporated into the animation film are not only found in the rendering of characters. Another example is the graveyard scene. Dr Kim is killed during a break-in and his grave is depicted with a cross in a typical Western-style cemetery. However, usual tombs in Korea are in the form of a mound of built-up soil, taking on the appearance of a womb when viewed from above. Such idealized elements of American culture contrast with the everyday life that Koreans experienced at the time. In another scene, when General Malcolm, that is, Dr. Kaff, hijacks the aeroplane that an athlete is on, it is illustrated as Concorde, the state-of-the-art French supersonic commercial jet. In the last scene, during the fight with the Red Empire, the army commander Cornel, who has big and bright eyes with grey hair, reminiscent of US General Walton Harris Walker, who is known as the hero of Korean War, assists the South Korean military units and Taekwon V. This implies the military alliance between the US and South Korea.

Jung-Kyu Im, a character designer for the production of Robot Taekwon V, mentioned his inspiration was derived from Disney animation such as Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and Peter Pan (Lee, 2010: 106). These influences are clearly identifiable in the figures of the two birds in the woods that show a striking similarity to Disney’s bird figures (see Figure 6, left), and in the humanoid machine Mary, who mirrors Tinkerbell, the fairy in Peter Pan. The Disney style of fantasy is most obvious in the sequence where Mary and Hoon are flying together. Mary is a robot but has a crush on Hoon. She feels confused about her identity as a humanoid and, before her death at the end of the film, she fantasizes about flying with Hoon in the same way as Peter Pan and Wendy (p. 107). Mary’s fantasy world is illustrated with a Disney-style castle, flowers and sparkling rainbows (see Figure 6, right). As Kim (2005: 209) pointed out, ‘The colorful Disney fairy-world on the screen was an object of admiration’ and was purposefully created as an homage to Disney animation which South Korean children received, along with an idealized American culture filtered through Korean culture.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Figure 6.

Still images from Robot Taekwon V (1976, dir. Cheong-Gi Kim). Birds in the woods drawn and animated in the Disney style (left) and Mary is flying with Hoon in the same fashion as Peter Pan and Wendy (right). © Sincine. Reproduced with permission.

Conclusion and suggestions

Due to the Cold War and Chung-Hee Park’s military regime in the 1970s, South Korean filmmakers produced distinctive animations saturated with nationalism that resulted in a specific genre of anti-communist animation. As an animation film of this genre, Robot Taekwon V may have been censored by the government, but it was also the result of historical and socio-political motivations and backgrounds, such as nationalism, foreign cultural influence and concerns surrounding the steel industry. In South Korea, robot Taekwon V has since served as a symbol of industrial development, a nationalistic figure or character blended with traditional Korean elements and an anti-communist warrior that defeats the ‘Red Empire’, an analogy of the communist threat. As a mixture of these socio-political elements, robot Taekwon V became South Korea’s definite heroic icon, while also revealing two contradictory attitudes toward the US during the period of Park’s regime. When fighting the Red Empire, the allies portrayed as strong and reliable in the film imply the US military. But Hoon’s final opponent in the Taekwondo competition, the American Richard Shaw, is depicted as a rival and an enemy. This animation film demonstrates nationalistic sentiments and national aspirations towards a modernized South Korea that can surpass America and other developed countries through the adoption of foreign cultures.

This is also related to the situation in which the military regime advocated independent economic construction policies and the maintenance of an independent national security. Characters such as Hoon, Young-Hee and Dr Kim, depicted as modernized Korean elites, however, are discordantly portrayed with a Western appearance. A scientist who had studied abroad in the US, specifically, Dr Kim implies the sentiments of envy that South Korean society felt toward America at that time. The modern life that South Koreans desired during the 1960s and the 1970s can be understood in terms of envy of the US, as suggested by the appearance of Hoon and Mary set against the background of a fantasy borrowed directly from the animation of Walt Disney. In addition, Robot Taekwon V’s design was influenced by Japan’s popular animated figure Mazinger Z, echoing South Korea’s ambivalence toward Japan at the time, due to Imperial Japan’s colonization of Korea.

Robot Taekwon V is an anti-communist animation, but it implies the historical and socio-cultural complexity of that time, rather than only serving as an ideological propaganda. The film’s utilization of transnational design elements was an intricate ploy on the part of the film’s creators, especially in politically difficult situations during the Cold War. Robot Taekwon V exemplifies popular animated films which function not only as entertainment media but also as a vehicle for cultural reproduction of South Korea’s socio-political context in the 1970s.