Abstract
Literature in the field of sport has noted that coaches can be major contributors to the moral tone held in the sport environment and athletes are receptive to the moral frame provided by the coach. At the same time, coaches' perspectives of morality have been associated with the way coaches face moral issues that arise in the field. Therefore, the present study aimed at extending previous research seeking to illuminate the coach's perspectives of morality by (a) exploring coaches' perspectives of morality; (b) analysing coaches' responses in light of previous evidence; and (c) discussing the theoretical and practical implications of evidence. The present pilot study was designed as a qualitative multiple case study. Participants were six coaches (Mage = 46.5; SD = 7.6), who had extended sport involvement, underwent required coaching education and were coaching at the time of the interview. Case 1 was represented by three females coaching an artistic individual sport and case 2 was represented by three males coaching an interactive team sport. Thematic data analysis was conducted. Results indicated that coaches found it difficult to articulate a definition of morality; though they did describe it as an ongoing learning process, context-related, that entailed reciprocity, and therefore, required permanent interchange, co-creation, negotiation and adjustment. The coaches also identified two main perspectives of morality: the moral perspective (i.e. being able to differentiate what is right from what is wrong, doing what is right and considering self-related wellbeing) and the social perspective (i.e. sport involvement and team dynamics). Extrapolating the evidence from this study may suggest that coaches could benefit from moral education interventions, which may then translate to a reduction in or prevention of undesired consequences associated with encompassing moral behaviour.
Introduction
The study of the relationship between morality and sport has a long trajectory and has increased in recent years. Scholars in cognitive moral psychology have mainly approached this relationship from two research perspectives that highlight the importance of cognition in both understanding and complying with the rules.1,2
The first perspective, the game reasoning model, 3 studied athletes’ moral development through sport participation by considering three sources of influence (i.e. personal competencies, social contextual factors and ego processes) within the four components of moral action defined by Rest 4 (i.e. moral interpretation, moral judgement, moral intention and moral behaviour). A major research strategy used within the context of this model was to compare sport participants’ and non-sport participants’ responses to different moral related variables (e.g. aggression). It was concluded that sports context elicited a temporary moral adaptation in which moral reasoning was less mature (e.g. more egocentric and individualistic) as compared with daily life moral reasoning, a phenomenon referred to as ‘bracketed morality’. 5 Bracketed morality has been described as a broader and encompassing form of moral action promoted and allowed in the sport environment, in which the existence of artificial rules and the need to ‘win at all costs’ co-exist. 6 The evidence generated under the umbrella of this model was highly regarded within the field of psychosocial sport research, 7 as well as highly criticised by scholars in the field of sport philosophy. For example, Jones 8 and Jones and McNamee 9 pointed out that although the game reasoning model moved from the original cognitive model, which proposed that moral maturity can be assessed by examining an individual's moral judgement, it remained loyal to the impartial and universal application of moral rules that account for mature moral action. This represents a limitation if considered that moral decisions in sport have to be made within a constrained time and therefore require not only a cognitive analysis but also the balance of feelings, emotions and enacted behaviours, all elements not considered in the model coined by Shields and Bredemeier. 3
The second research perspective attempted to understand moral action and focused on the assessment of enacted and overt moral behaviour. 10 This research line, mainly led by Kavussanu and colleagues, used two theoretical venues: Rest's neo-Kohlbergian approach 4 and Bandura's11,12 social learning theory. The two major research strategies used were the presentation of real-world sport scenarios to athletes who reported the likelihood of engagement on those specific acts and the administration of surveys. Evidence resulting from this research approach allowed the identification of the role of different mediating variables, such as goal orientation (i.e. the tendency to use self- or other-referenced criteria to evaluate success, 13 perceived motivational climate and sex).
Although the bulk of research conducted under these two theoretical frames has provided valuable evidence, the fact that they are both embedded and embodied within a positivist tradition represents a major limitation: the researcher's assessments respond to available standards that are not necessarily shared by the participants studied. 14 In addition, the gap between the researcher's and the participants' perspectives may create a tension between descriptive (e.g. what is actually enacted) and normative approaches (e.g. what should be done) that hides participants' perspectives of morality. 15
Why is it important to consider participants', rather than the researchers', perspectives of morality? From a relational-being perspective, 16 human action is a co-active confluence process in which socio-cultural and historical understandings are co-created, negotiated, shared and reflected in people's perspectives and actions. 17 In this vein, the consideration of moral values such as justice and respect is crucial, because they have an impact on others' rights and welfare, and may facilitate social relationships. 18 Specifically concerning sports, a recent review suggested that the coach can be a major contributor to the negotiation of moral values held in the sport environment. 19 At the same time, the athletes are receptive to the moral frame provided by the coach. 20 Thus, athletes' moral development may be fostered if the sport environment is structured by a competent adult who has that purpose in mind.7,21 Following this line of thought, it is not the sport to blame for the frequently publicised moral scandals such as using illegal performance-enhancing drugs, but the subjects who are part of it. 9 Therefore, if we aim at comprehending the nature of the reasons underlying moral decisions in sport, we need first to understand participants' perspectives of morality.
If we accept that coaches play a crucial role in setting the moral tone within a team, a second issue to be addressed is what coaches mean by morality. To our knowledge, only two studies, both of which have used qualitative methods, aimed at exploring coaches' perspectives of morality. In the first study, Rudd and Mondello 22 sought to examine how 12 head coaches from Division I (the highest level of American intercollegiate athletics), representing a variety of individual and team sports not specified in the manuscript, defined character. The responses were grouped into two types of character: moral character (i.e. doing what is right, honest and fair; as well as the ability to distinguishing between right and wrong) and social character (i.e. hard work, sacrifice and relationships with teammates and others). The authors noted that definitions coaches provided were too general, lacked specificity and frequently conflated the two types of character. For example, some coaches were unable to identify either values or traits entailed in their definitions. The authors suggested that this trend in the responses might indicate that coaches found it hard to articulate subtle differences concerning morality.
In the second study, Romand and Pantaléon 23 went further and aimed at both attaining a deeper understanding of coaches' conceptions and practices towards the display of moral character (e.g. values they tried to teach to their players, their own moral attitudes and behaviours and their position towards athletes' moral behaviours) and determining whether coaches' talks in practice and in competition were contradictory concerning moral character. Sixteen coaches of adolescent rugby teams were interviewed. Coaches referred to values and rules they wanted to impart such as combativeness and involvement in the sport (e.g. physical challenge, violent behaviour); rule-abidance and respect for others (e.g. to the referee and the opponents); cohesion and solidarity in the team and competitive spirit (i.e. caring about success). Also, coaches acknowledged the existence of rules and norms that occurred during practice as well as rules and norms that occurred during competition. The former fell into three categories: (a) prosocial norms (e.g. punctuality); (b) respect (e.g. for others, for the coach) and (c) specific rules related to the game, whereas the latter had to do with respect (or disrespect, or neglect) for the others' rights and the games rules. Interviewed coaches mentioned as well that due to the demands of competition, they sometimes found it difficult to balance the teaching of values with the need to win. As such, although coaches emphasised rule abidance during practice, they were prone to accept less exemplary behaviours from their athletes during competition. For example, coaches explained that during a game they might take a player out of the field to avoid jeopardising the effectiveness of the team; however, they might not take a player out because he or she displayed a lack of respect.
Combined, these studies seem to indicate that when faced with discussing their perspectives of morality, coaches tended to indistinctly refer to moral and social values, and highlight the latter because as compared with the former, social values such as self-sacrifice, discipline and work ethic were more effective for winning purposes. This is of importance because coaches' conflictive interpretations of values may result in neglecting or stressing some values over others while setting the moral tone within a team, and intentionally or not, formally or not, moral education is always present in sport situations. 24
The current study is part of a major research project aiming at understanding the role of the coach concerning the moral tone held within the sport team. The overarching purpose of this particular pilot study was to extend previous research seeking to illuminate the coach's perspectives of morality.22,23 To achieve this purpose, we (a) explored coaches' perspectives of morality, (b) analysed coaches' responses in light of previous evidence reporting coaches' own voices and (c) discussed the theoretical and practical implications of evidence.
Methodological considerations
Epistemological approach and methodological strategy
We designed our pilot study as a qualitative multiple case study. 25 Qualitative research is recommended when detailed understanding of an issue via individuals' voices is aimed. 14 We used a case study design because it allows for rich, detailed and local understanding about a single phenomenon. 26 We framed our study within a constructivist epistemology, 27 assuming knowledge is co-created by the participants and the researchers. 16 Therefore, we integrated our professional backgrounds (i.e. sport, exercise, health, psychology and education) in the analysis and interpretation of participants' perspectives.
Participants
Previous literature suggested the study of moral issues is a complicated endeavour because the socio-cultural environment in which each sport takes place may widely vary.28–30 Thus, we sampled two cases to gain a richer understanding by triangulating two different perspectives. 31 Four criteria used to identify the extreme cases were used. Three of these criteria (participant's sex, sport in which participants were involved and sport context (competitive vs. educational)) were selected because prior evidence indicated that lower moral functioning was related to males, 32 participating in medium-to-high physical contact sports 33 and playing within a team sport dynamic. 34 The fourth criterion, sport context, referred to the frame where the sport was taking part, i.e. competitive (e.g. club) vs. educational institutions (e.g. College of General and Vocational Education (Cegep)), which provides academic preparation for university. We identified two sports that accounted for these characteristics: case 1 included three female coaches coaching at a private club in an artistic, individual, amateur, non-contact sport, born and socialised in Eastern Europe who came to North America during adulthood to work as coaches; whereas case 2 included three male coaches coaching an educational institution an interactive, team, medium-contact, team sport, born and socialised in North America.
We followed the procedures of purposive sampling 31 because we aimed to focus on particular characteristics of a population to answer our research question in the best way possible. We identified and contacted one coach from each sport and then, during the interview, we asked them to suggest one colleague whose perspective could be a valuable contribution for the study. As such, using snowball or chain sampling (i.e. identifying new potential interviewees that are, from participants' views, information-rich) we completed the recruitment. 31 All four suggested colleagues accepted to participate. Overall, six coaches (Mage = 46.5; SD = 7.6) coaching at different institutions at the time of the interview were recruited. We stopped sampling once our exploratory research question was addressed and the data presented a certain consistency that allowed for within and across case comparison.
Characteristics of the coaches.
At the time coaches underwent the Canadian National Coaching Certification Program, the program was organised into five levels of complexity (from community-recreational sport to elite sport) and three components (theory, technical and practical); whereas now is organised in three streams (community sport, competition and instruction) and coaches should solely undergo the stream at which they want to be certified. 35
Procedures
After obtaining research ethics board approval, we conducted a pilot interview to evaluate the adequacy of the interview questions. Following the corresponding adjustments, we contacted coaches via email or phone and invited them to participate in the study.
We used a semi-structured interview designed to allow participants to discuss their perspectives of morality. 37 The interview guide was divided into four interrelated sections: (a) introductory comments and instructions, (b) coaches' perspectives of morality (e.g. What is morality for you? What is a good example of morality?), (c) description and characterisation of morality (e.g. Why would you say this is a good example of morality? What are the most representative characteristics of morality?) and (d) final and additional comments. We also used alternative probes for clarification, confirmation or exemplification (e.g. May you share an example of what you do during training or competition when a moral issue arises?). 31
Each participant was interviewed on an individual basis by the primary researcher for approximately one hour (M = 56 minutes; Time range = 45–69 minutes). Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim (the first two interviews by the first researcher and the following ones by a third party). The quality of all transcripts was reviewed for accuracy 38 by the first researcher. The participants received the transcripts of their interviews and were allowed to make changes or additions that they perceived to be a valid representation of their views. All coaches returned their interviews without making any changes and accepted the version of the transcribed manuscript they received.
Data analysis
We benefited from the fact that case studies are methodologically eclectic 14 and we conducted thematic analysis, a flexible method for identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data. 39 Thematic analysis relies upon six main phases that we implemented as follows: the first researcher holistically read the transcripts of the first two interviews conducted, one representing each case, to become familiar with the material. An initial, exploratory coding followed. As coaches' perspectives of morality was an issue previously explored,22,23 we used a deductive approach guided by previous evidence; however, we used an inductive procedure to analyse coaches' contributions concerning characterisation of morality as this topic was scarce in the literature. By asking general questions to the material aligned with the purpose of the study, codes were grouped into potential themes. Based on this initial sense of the data, the first author developed a preliminary conceptual framework and subsequent transcripts were analysed by referring to this initial framework while allowing for the incorporation of new codes and themes. An independent member of the team (a graduate student trained in qualitative techniques) and the second author recoded the interviews. The first author compared and discussed codes with the two coders independently, and adjusted the preliminary conceptual framework. This version was presented to the third author who acted as a peer reviewer and posed questions to challenge the framework. With all feedback received, we develop a conceptual framework that relied both on direct interpretation of the individual instances (i.e. one participant from each case) and in the interpretation in light of the aggregation of instances for cross-case analysis (e.g. the artistic individual sport vs. the interactive team sport). Therefore, this framework allowed us to compare patterns identified within cases. 26
We then invited the interviewed coaches to a debriefing meeting where the results were presented. This strategy was previously used in contexts where the exploration of participants' meaning and the validation of the researchers' interpretations were aimed. 40 The meeting was audio-recorded. The five participants attending the debriefing meeting agreed with and supported the findings. Also, they provided more examples and elaborated on their perspectives. As no changes to the presented results emerged, we did not transcribe this meeting. After the debriefing meeting, we re-listened to the audio-recording and added memos to the code system. We used these memos later on to write this manuscript. Computer software MAXQDA (VERBI GmbH Software, version 10, Germany) was used to support data analysis.
Results and Discussion
The results were organised into two main themes: (a) coaches' perspectives of morality and (b) coaches' characterisation of morality. To maintain confidentiality, we attributed a pseudonym to each coach. Table 1 provides further information about the participants.
Coaches' perspectives of morality
Within this theme, we grouped coaches' attempts to define morality as well as general examples given to support their accounts. Although we clearly asked coaches to share their understanding of morality and to delineate its boundaries, after close examination of definitions provided, and guided by the previous research evidence,22,23 we realised that coaches' discussions pertained to the previously described two main perspectives: the moral perspective and the social perspective.
Moral perspective
We included within this perspective coaches' comments concerning the distinction between right and wrong, doing what is right, and self-related wellbeing issues. When coaches discussed both the ability to differentiate what is right from what is wrong, as well as doing what is right, the value that was more frequently brought up was respect, followed by honesty, integrity and compassion. In all examples, the common element underlying these accounts was how integrity in the interaction with others makes social life possible, which blurred the lines between moral and social perspectives of morality.
According to the coaches, being able to differentiate what is right from what is wrong entailed just proper judgement of a situation. Darren, for example, said: I like the honesty thing, you know? I think that's the one I mostly appreciate from my players; that this is what I need and what I want from them, ‘cause in a situation where I say: ‘I want you to go and take one hundred shots’, I want to be able to leave training and know that's what they will do and to believe they are telling me the truth about whether they did it or not. And they can surely lie to me because I am not going to be there, but if they just do what I asked for and they don't lie to me… Wow! That makes a huge difference. Morality has to do with respect; respect to other athletes, the coach, the administrators, the opponents… You know? Things that make relationships possible and, at the same time, contribute to personal and social growth and development… I watch out for those things. Helga described how she dealt with the latent tension existing between performing and winning which, as she explained, it could represent a pressure for coaches and athletes: My priority is to protect the girls' health and integrity. The problem is that not everyone agrees with that, and believe me, it takes some personal endurance to deal with these issues… So I push girls within their limits, but never outside them. So, it's true, there is always the doubt about whether they gave their 100% in competition or not, but once it's done, I turn the page and I accept that was what they were prepared for. It's nonsense to torture them, even if I know they could have done more. A society that has a code of conduct that made no reference to people's well-being, even implicitly, would not have anything recognizable as a moral code…. Part of the point of moral behaviour (…) is to regulate conduct according to certain standards or norms, but the regulation has to be to some purpose, and surely it is our well-being that is our ultimate concern… (p. 79)
Social perspective
We included within this perspective coaches' comments dealing with values that tended to enhance the achievement of the desired performance results and teams dynamics. We referred to the first group of comments as sport involvement. For instance, Peter said: Winning is just the process, though. If you do all the other little things before winning, winning just happens; if you put all your efforts, if you are disciplined, if you play hard; I mean, if you pay attention to all those things; then, the results simply happen. It is like going to exams at school if you… in every class you do all your… homework, you do everything else, you study for your exam, you go in, you gonna be confident going in… gonna feel good about yourself going in… cause you've covered all the bases, we do the same thing…. So, we train as hard as anybody, and I work hard as well!
We also identified values we grouped under team dynamics, which had clearly no moral ramifications and were not constitutive of the sport. The examples that came out more frequently were ‘teamwork’ (Darren), ‘team spirit’ (Olga) and ‘loyalty’ (Helga). When elaborating on team dynamics, coaches frequently discussed conjointly social and moral values. For example, Olga said: ‘I guess there are issues like the respect to each other, knowing each other, being and thinking as a team, that don't come up spontaneously, and that's when the coach has to reunite them back into the idea of team spirit’. Also, Peter said: For sure, different people have different ideas, but what we try to convey to the student-athletes here is that we are gonna be open and honest with them… we expect the same from them. So you gotta earn respect and it's gotta be mutual, and it starts with being open and honest, and supportive with one another. There are some countries in which hard work is rewarded, and this counteracts laziness, because they truly support and encourage athletes who bring back medals, and I mean it! For example (name of the country), has a budget for that… People from (name of the country) value what they can get from having elite athletes as role models for their youth, as ambassadors of their country… So once athletes are recruited, they work hard to remain in that position and they are proud to represent their country because of all the support they get.
Coaches' characterisation of morality
We asked coaches to elaborate on their definitions of morality to better understand how their knowledge of it translated into their coaching practices. We identified three main characteristics of morality that we present as they emerged, without making any distinction between differences that pertained to the moral or social perspective.
Crazy little thing called morality
All participants agreed that morality was hard to define because it was a ‘broad and abstract concept’ (Donald). For these coaches, it was easier to think of ideas related to morality, something they did successfully, rather than coming up with elaborated definitions of it. Moreover, during the interview, the coaches sought reassurance that their definition was actually referring to morality while articulating their ideas. For example, Helga asked several times during the interview while she was elaborating on her ideas: ‘Is this morality? Again, I don't know’. Also, Donald said: ‘Morality… It is a broad concept to start with, you know what? The concept itself is difficult to nail, let me think a little bit…’ Another indicator that coaches struggled to define morality was the fact that during the interview, the coaches mainly used the term morality, as proposed by the interviewer; however, they referred to morality by also using the words character and ethics interchangeably as it was referred in previous literature.22,23
These coaches' struggles to define morality have been discussed in the social and sport literature.22,41 This is of interest considering that all the coaches completed the National Coaching Certification Program (see Table 1), but mentioned not remembering receiving any specific information related to morality as part of their certification. Previous evidence also indicated that coaches are more likely to base their coaching practice in their own coaching experience, rather than in systematically received education,42,43 possibly because actual education does not respond to coaches' needs.
The interrelationship between reasoning, attitudes and behaviours
All coaches agreed that morality entailed a negotiation between personal and social values. Concerning the personal process, these coaches discussed reasoning, attitudes and behaviours associated with morality; however, they mainly related morality to behaviours. Coaches explained that in certain sport situations with moral implications, that they first evaluated the situation and then they decided what should be done and why. Eventually, coaches referred to enacted behaviours and/or attitudes. For example, Peter said: ‘You know what your values are, what your principles are, what's important, what's not, what's worth fighting for, what's not. And you make those decisions ‘cause you're constantly evaluating and you then behave in consequence’. Instead, Donald discussed personal attitudes associated with morality: There are things that you don't learn in books and when they take you by surprise, they may destabilise you. You have to be very attentive because when that happens, usually negative attitudes come out. It never happened to me, because my principles are there, but I must say that I saw other coaches being in trouble. Well, that's the ground where it gets tough, you know, when you have moral issues versus winning issues… so for example at the pro level, you're paying someone to do the job, to score, to defend, not to practice, he's not necessary getting paid to practice. So I am not sure that pro coaches, when they complain about players' attitude and commitment, are always right in what they bring up in the discussion. Maria: You know? You have to be very professional when you coach… So it's about the training, the choreography, the music, the diet. So many things you have to care about! And I assume the girls will just respond in the same way I do, but that isn't always the case; sometimes they are so-so… And I try to keep things in order to avoid getting to a point of no return. I talk to them a lot about it. But I also learned that it's the moment when I have to do something about, I mean, be more precise. Interviewer: Like for instance? Maria: Well, some may leave the training earlier, some may stay more time until they understand what is expected from them.
Even if what finally counts is the moral behaviour, 10 it can be argued that for these coaches reference to moral behaviour was scarce and resulted from scrutinised self-reasoning, and mainly anchored in the justification of a decision polarised between what they understood as being good and bad. Coaches scarcely discussed their own behaviour and instead, shared someone else's behaviour when providing examples. This is of interest given that, at least coaches from the artistic individual sport, expressed their interest in self-related wellbeing issues. This seems to indicate that for these coaches moral issues are not closely related to memories of wellbeing.
Also, these coaches referred to, but did not elaborate, on attitudes associated to moral issues and notably, none of them referred to emotions. This is of interest as emotions, along with moral reasoning and behaviour are constitutive elements of moral character. 44 While some scholars elaborated on the importance of moral reasoning,3,5 a recent literature review reported that setting the moral tone at the beginning of a session and/or intervening just if a situation required it were the modalities preferred by elite coaches,19,23 whereas teaching moral skills and values, and discussing with the athletes about moral issues were strategies used in contexts where performance was not a priority.45,46
Morality, a social and dynamic phenomenon
Although coaches agreed that morality entailed a personal reflective process, they indicated that it mainly pertained to the social realm, a view nurtured through the discussion of three points. First, coaches mentioned that morality was context-related, meaning that inherent values might change from one socio-cultural context to another. The extent of what was meant by context varied from the broad notion of country or geographical region to the constraints of the family. Helga said: Moral standards change from place to place. Here [referring to Canada], for example, physical punishment is forbidden, but in some non-Western countries, if your performance is far behind from what you were expected to do, you may be punished in a public place as a way to teach others what may happen to them if they don't do what they are supposed to do. These coaches also identified differences among moral standards promoted, supported, and reinforced within each sport. Donald, for example, compared individual and team sports: The team, itself, promotes a different morality, a morality that prioritises team values. So I never go to the lockers after a match because that's their place. I rather leave them alone, in their own micro-society, in their own world, where they have their principles that define their moral environment.
Second, all coaches agreed that the implementation of moral values largely relied on reciprocity and shared agreement, i.e. that all behaviours have a given impact on others and call for responses aligned to them. Therefore, because of reciprocity and on behalf of making social life possible, behaving in the right way was expected. Helga explained: In all relationships there is a back and forth that takes place and this happens within some clear boundaries. I mean, if an athlete comes to me to be trained, then I have to respect that person as much as he or she has to respect me. If this is the case, we will have a long and fruitful life working together.
Coaches coming from an interactive team sport described morality as an ongoing learning process, an idea supported by the fact that the learning of morality, a context-related notion, starts at an early age, but continues all along life, across different social situations, especially when moving from one context to another. Peter summarised this ideas as follows: I mean it's an ongoing process… For example, we empower people to speak. So we had an incident in practice today, somebody had an issue, and I said all right, if you gonna say something you might say it, speak up, let's hear it… whether it's positive or negative, we gonna hear it, and then we deal with it. But it's a process, it doesn't happen overnight, some take longer than others, especially when you know? You have a team whose players come from different socio-economic backgrounds. When something related to the moral order happens, I'll think about it after I leave training, and I'll be thinking while driving back home … It's just then that I will make a decision.
Conclusion
This pilot case study aimed at extending previous research on coaches’ perspectives of morality.22,23 We conducted face-to-face interviews with three female coaches of an artistic individual sport and three male coaches of an interactive team sport coaches. Coaches referred to morality as falling into two main perspectives. The moral perspective mainly referred to the distinction between right and wrong, doing what is right, and according to coaches coming from the artistic individual sport, it relied upon self-related wellbeing such as ‘be happy with yourself so that you can bring this back’ (Maria). The social perspective dealt with issues that enhanced and facilitated sport involvement (e.g. discipline) and pertained to the domain of team dynamics (e.g. loyalty).
These coaches struggled to define morality and while they were reticent to describe personal moral behaviours, coaches easily elaborated on colleagues’ moral behaviours. One possible explanation is that coaches either do not agree with the values they have to transmit or that they perceive athletes’ moral development is not their responsibility. This position has been described as ‘partisanship’ 24 and opposes another position referred to as ‘indoctrination’ that argues that even when values can be agreed on, as athletes might not be ready or mature enough to understand and evaluate a moral system, the teaching of moral values is understood as an imposition if athletes cannot clearly consent. We can argue plausibly that although the age of the athletes coaches by participants varied from 10 to 21, neither ideas related to partisanship nor to indoctrination were brought up by coaches during the interviews. Moreover, we agreed with Simon and colleagues 24 that moral education is going on all the time, through implicit or explicit coaches’ actions and messages. A second possible explanation is that even when evidence indicates that a committed coach may enhance an athlete's psychosocial and moral development,19,24,47,48 the most predominant coaching model embraces a ‘rather narrow, rationalistic, bio-scientific approach to coaching through giving precedence to physiological, psychological, and nutritional “facts”’ (p. 163). 49 This model contends that technical aspects are crucial components of sports and are reinforced by a coaching culture that highlights reproduction of more experienced coaches’ practices 42 and leaves no place for a reflective practitioner. 50 This might explain why these coaches are more prone to share their moral reasoning than their moral behaviour. Educated in an environment in which the technical aspects are highlighted, coaches might lack ‘practical wisdom,’ or phronesis, i.e. the lived experience of doing what is ethically right and virtuous. 51
An explanation for why these coaches did not remember having any moral or ethical education during their certification might be the way moral content was presented to coaches. Following Cushion and colleagues, 43 coaches' education mainly lies upon linear technical models in which coaches' creative and critical thinking or problem solving are not aimed at. As such, in lack of the presence of a phronetic socio-educational approach that prepares coaches to face a complex domain that entails both an individual and social process of interaction, and reflection about context-related situations, and where critical decisions have to be taken,42,51,52 coaches are cautious to both describe their moral behaviours and approach athletes' moral development because they might not be fully prepared to do it in a confident manner. Thus, before providing any moral-related response, these coaches are used to engaging in an in-depth reflective self-guided process that both considers in-depth available options as well as justifies a decision taken based on pre-existing personal values. Of note, although coaches agreed that morality is context-related, none of them shared an example of how, after reconsidering their own values, they re-negotiated their personal values. It seems instead that coaches re-confirmed rather than re-evaluated their own values.
The fact that the relationship between self-related wellbeing and morality was, not only brought up by coaches in the artistic individual sport but also represents an under-examined issue in the field of sport is significant. Duquin, who studied the moral rationales of 109 coaches found that ‘self-interest orientation’ 53 was the rationale more frequently used by interviewed men coaches and explained this finding as being aligned within an utilitarian culture. The utilitarian approach supports the idea that ‘what ought to be done is always what produces greater utility’ (p. 8). 54 Further research is needed to explore the reasons underlying this perspective that was, in our study, brought up by women coaches.
Although the aspects of an intervention were not directly addressed in this study, evidence seems to lead to one direction: coaches’ education. Given the crucial role coaches play concerning morality, 19 we suggest adopting an approach in which critical thinking and problem solving are enhanced. Concerning the former, the new module of ‘Make ethical decision’ seems to have alleviated the situation by introducing five competencies, namely: valuing, interacting, leading, problem-solving and critical thinking. 55 However, one limitation is that this module aims at providing theory to be applied to moral dilemmas, presented as vignettes, a strategy largely criticised because basically, moral reasoning applied to a hypothetical situation cannot equate being faced to a real situation.12,56–59
As coaches described morality as an ongoing individual and social learning process, it would be important to provide them both the appropriate tools to incorporate the continual promotion of morality through their coaching practices and decisions, and a space to experience what ethically coaching means, specifically when interacting with athletes. 60 In this vein, we propose using an interactive approach that provides the coach with the space to be familiar with moral issues common to sport settings by discussing their perspectives and lived experiences with peers.41,61 Such an approach could help the coaches to be self-aware of issues that might put morality at risk (e.g. discrimination) and to learn how to implement the consideration of moral issues in their coaching practices. Another way to support coaches' moral reflections and behaviours would be to provide in-place mentoring 62 and evaluation, as the certification for coaches in Canada foresees concerning technical sport-related issues. 63 In addition, as both the coach and the athlete share a common space in the sport setting, it would be ideal to foster encounters between coaches and athletes as well as generate discussions from the different viewpoints enhancing in-depth discussions. Finally, we suggest that potential interventions targeting coaches be followed up by reinforcing support to coaches over time and providing means of evaluation of how coaches implement content related to morality in their coaching practices.
The present study has some limitations. Because of the exploratory nature of this pilot study, we only conducted one face-to-face interview with six participants; therefore, evidence should be considered as representative of this population. However, we conducted in-depth interviews, we triangulated different perspectives (i.e. internal and external researchers, debriefing meeting with participants), we compared and contrasted the two identified cases all along the analytical process, and we achieved consistency in reported data to support the reliability of the conclusions. Also, by prioritising the coaches' voices, we found support for previous research22,23 exploring coaches' perspectives of morality, and we extended this literature, for example, by identifying self-related issues associated with coaches' perceptions of morality and providing evidence on how coaches characterise morality. A second limitation concerns the comparison and contrast of cases (i.e. artistic individual sport vs. interactive team sport), we identified certain differences, but due to the way the study was designed, we cannot identify which of the features of each case contributed to such differences in coaches' perspectives.
This study provides a springboard for future areas of research. First, even when we provided empirical support to previous research dealing with coaches’ perspectives of morality, the fact that evidence scarcely discussed in previous sport literature emerged (e.g. the role of self-related wellbeing), suggests that future research should replicate and extend this study to support these findings. Also, some discussions that came up during the interviews need to be explored in-depth. For example, coaches’ responses concerning their own moral behaviours were ambiguous and even if probes were asked, details were not given (e.g. the meaning and the extent of ‘we empower people to speak’ (Peter)). In this case, we speculated that coaches probably discussed situations they felt comfortable with and preserved for them instances in which they were not, but we still do not know the real reason underlying these issues. Second, it would be of interest to explore how and why coaches morally behave in the way they do and how the way they learned morality when they were athletes, influence the way they now teach morality. Third, these coaches noted that moral reasoning, attitudes and behaviours were interrelated. Studies aiming at depicting this dynamic would provide resources to be included in tailored coaching education interventions. Fourth, this study used different criteria to bind the cases. Future research should as well explore in-depth which criterion (or criteria among the socio-demographic and the sport related used in the present study) plays (or play) a core role in shaping the coach's perspective of morality. Fifth, based on the results we obtained, a second encounter with coaches in organised focus groups interviews may probably enrich our understanding of coaches’ perspectives of morality due to the interchange and discussion among coaches. Finally, especially in the case of Canadian coaches, it would be interesting to explore the impact that the certification program that is now in place had so far on coaches’ moral education as none of the interviewed coaches underwent this program. In addition, even if this certification program has been delivered for over 10 years, no research has yet been conducted to evaluate the impact it has on enhancing coaches’ ability to articulate morality.
Conclusion
Literature aiming at exploring coaches' understanding of morality is scant and this study contributed to address this knowledge gap. The fact that it is difficult for coaches to articulate a definition of morality and to describe personal moral behaviours has pedagogical implications to coaching education, suggests that coaches might not have the necessary background to morally guide the athletes in a confident manner. Therefore, if coaches benefit from moral educational interventions tailored to their needs, this will likely be transmitted to their athletes and the undesired consequences associated with encompassing moral behaviour could be potentially reduced and even prevented.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
Personal support was received from the Fonds de recherche du Québec: société et la culture (FRQSC) (Dr. Peláez), and santé (FRQS) and Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR: Dr. Bacon). The authors would like to thank Ms. Claudia Fernandez (Language Ties) for her proofreading assistance. Special thanks go to Drs. Tim Elcombe (Wilfried Laurier University) and Alun Hardman (Cardiff Metropolitan University), both reviewers of the manuscript who provided extremely helpful comments and thoughts. This work was orally presented at the North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity (NASPSPA), held in Austin, TX, in June 2009.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
