City of lights? The waning elitism of US correspondents in Paris between 1998 and 2010

Abstract

This qualitative study presents findings from in-depth interviews conducted with US foreign correspondents based in France in 1998 and in 2010. This longitudinal research investigated differences in the sociodemographic profiles of an elite group of reporters and attempted to discern the evolution of journalistic practices at two distinct time periods. Results suggested an overall waning elitism among correspondents, an erosion of Paris’s international news value for US media, as well as the deontological threat posed by the Internet for a comprehensive and thorough foreign coverage. Overall, through the longitudinal analysis of Paris-based correspondents, this study presents the gradual neglect of France by American media.

Keywords

Foreign correspondents foreign news France international news Internet news US media

Introduction

Although recent turns of events in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Japan placed foreign news at its highest level of coverage since September 2001 (Pew, 2011; Stelter, 2011), the state of US foreign correspondents remains gloomy (Enda, 2011; Kumar, 2011b; Sambrook, 2010). The number of foreign reporters in steady decline since the end of the Cold War precipitated foreign news into the editorial abyss. The situation reached such alarming proportions that Columbia Journalism Review printed an article provocatively titled, ‘Foreign news, Who gives a damn? (Hoge, 1997). Amid growing competition from the Internet and social media, a return to the primacy of local news (Halimi, 1998) and economic pressures (Sambrook, 2010), it was reported that foreign-related news coverage had reached an all-time low in American media prior to January 2011 and the unrest in the Middle East (Enda, 2011). Long gone are the days when a majority of dailies readers admitted having missed international news when in 1962 several New York publications went on strike. Historians turn back to the pages crafted by Hohenberg (1964) who prophesized that foreign correspondents would soon belong to a bygone era. While his statement would be proven wrong by the development of the Vietnam War, the coverage of the Cold War and certainly September 2001, this bold argument rings true today. Scholars and journalists alike have addressed the issue over the years and deplored a situation believed to be in contradiction to a time of globalization, an epoch with intertwined economic, political, and military implications for many industrialized nations (Emery, 1989; Wu and Hamilton, 2004).

In 1998, 10 years after the Berlin Wall toppled down and the collapse of the Soviet Union, some newsrooms had already begun to retract from Western Europe, and Paris certainly paid the price. ‘The bipolarization of the world was no longer valid in [the] 1990s. Americans used to be interested in Russia as it constituted a threat to the country. So France? Why would they care about a country that does not affect their daily lives?’ (Dahlburg, 26 March 1998, personal communication). France’s historical richness and cultural aura no longer sufficed as persuasive arguments to secure a salient place into the international pages of US media, nor did the traditional Parisian romantic appeal justify a costly news operation. Correspondents became part-time reporters and quickly turned into freelancers, and parachute journalists appeared as valuable commodities. In 2010, 12 years after an initial snapshot of the situation, the US cohort of Paris-based reporters appears as thin as a French baguette. Economic-led decisions and an editorial shift towards the Middle East and Asia left the French capital with what seems to be editorial crumbs.

Considering financial changes in journalism and the rise of the Internet as a news source, this article presents the evolution of a specific population since 1998 to better illustrate the demise of foreign correspondents and the challenges encountered throughout the period. This unique longitudinal study in a prime European posting with deep-rooted historical ties to the US relied on in-depth interviews conducted in 1998 and again in 2010 with Paris-based US correspondents. In a period of heightened globalization and influential technological innovations, this article evaluated the uniqueness of Paris as a potential illustration of the journalistic troubles encountered in other traditional European postings.

Motivation

One of the earliest mentions of foreign correspondents in France dates back to 27 April 1792, with British reporters listed as the first documented journalists in the country (Hohenberg, 1964). The American media settled in France at the beginning of the 20th century with Associated Press in 1912 and The New York Herald European Edition. The Chicago Tribune emulated its competitor in 1917 before several other publications considered the value of having a full-time reporter across the pond. This historical presence certainly offered itself to a study of the American correspondents population.

In 1997–1998, a gradual marginalization of these correspondents (Hess, 1996) and an obvious decline in interest in international news (Moisy, 1996) hinted at the beginning of a new era for the profession (Hamilton, 2009b; Hamilton and Jenner, 2003), which also presented an ideal context for an investigation. The goal of the initial study conducted was led by broad research questions designed to follow the traditions of sociodemographic surveys completed since the 1950s. In late 2010, foreign coverage found its way back onto the front pages partly due to the release of documents from Wikileaks (Sambrook, 2010), therefore providing an opportunity to revisit and evaluate the concerns addressed by correspondents in 1998 and present a longitudinal evaluation of the Paris-based cohort much needed due to financial changes in journalism and the rise of the Internet as a news source.

Paris as a prestigious posting

As evoked through the writing of Hamilton (2009a), France has always attracted US journalists, and the desire to maintain to this day The International Herald Tribune a few hundred yards from L’Arc de Triomphe certainly illustrates a long-lasting relationship between France and the US. The initial writing of French journalists covering the American Civil War (Blackburn, 1991) and the work of Alexis de Tocqueville equally symbolize the mutual interest the two countries developed. A long list of prominent public figures and artists crossed the pond to be in Paris. Former correspondent Stanley Karnow (1997) explained this phenomenon by writing that Paris simply stood as a magical name, a cultural center with global impact. Walking in the footsteps of Hemingway, Scott Fitzgerald, Edgar Mowrer, and Lee Miller, Paris represented a passage obligé for American foreign correspondents. ‘A nation’s historical and cultural inheritance often decides the stress given to foreign news’ (Lent, 1977: 47).

Previous surveys of foreign correspondents

As the 20th century drew to a close, the profile of US foreign correspondents had essentially been painted by earlier surveys conducted in the 1950s and 1960s (Self, 2011; Wilke, 1987). Anderson (1951) developed a first global analysis of foreign correspondents with a poll of 293 reporters in 1950 identifying the geographical repartition of this press corps. Kruglak (1955), who had initially employed a survey and interviews to discover whether correspondents were sufficiently experienced to interpret Europe, concluded that 81.8% of reporters contacted operated in four European countries (Italy, Great Britain, Germany, and France). Maxwell (1956) complemented the picture with data gathered from a similar total of 209 correspondents to establish a more precise profile of this specific population based on five parameters: family, education, politics, economy, and religion. Maxwell’s (1956) findings presented a US correspondent as an educated reporter raised in a wealthy environment on the East Coast. For 90% of the correspondents surveyed, the fluency in a foreign language stood as an important aspect, and 80% admitted having received their first foreign job before turning 35 years of age. These studies attempted to explain whether foreign correspondents belonged to an elite group of journalists.

Beyond Maxwell’s (1956) analysis, other authors generally measured the size of the foreign press corps. Wilhelm (1963) noticed a 75% increase in comparison to Anderson’s numbers as he totaled 515 American reporters based overseas. A study, part of a broader review of international coverage conducted by the Graduate School of Journalism at Columbia University in the early 1960s, counted 140 full-time US reporters working overseas for newspapers, magazines, radio, news agencies, and broadcast stations (Yu and Luter, 1964). With one-third of the overall US overseas press corps, Western Europe still represented a major news hub with 67 correspondents. This Eurocentrism in the assignment of reporters continued to be visible in 1990.

The trend started to shift at the end of the Cold War. In his world survey of foreign correspondents, Kliesch (1991) indicated that although Europe continued to be of pivotal importance in global news coverage, for the first time since researchers started collecting data on foreign correspondents, it accounted for less than 50% of the American correspondents. Meanwhile, with a total of 57 correspondents in Paris in 1975, and 58 in 1990, data showed the continuous appeal of France for American media.

The pattern in one country did not fit all however. A global survey of 404 foreign correspondents evoked a significant decrease in international news coverage (Hess, 1996). Moreover, evidence demonstrated how recession and newsroom downsizings impacted the situation of foreign correspondents. Importantly, a foreign correspondent remains introduced as an elite reporter, a seasoned professional holding higher degrees than most domestic journalists and most likely to come from a higher social class. The data revealed that 78% of reporters who started their overseas experience after 1990 had a father working as a manager. ‘From a third before 1960, … more than half after 1990 had a professional or managerial father and went to a highly selective college’ (Hess, 1996: 13). The author also reported that, at the end of the 20th century, some American correspondents started their career freelancing in difficult postings, hoping to gain some trust from a newsroom and possibly a desirable post.

Considering the traditional Eurocentric tendency of US media and historical ties with France, the following research questions guided the 1998 investigation:

RQ1: What is the sociodemographic profile of US correspondents working in Paris?

Between 1998 and 2010, the literature on international news dramatically soared and with it, enriching perspectives emerged on foreign correspondents. Scholars talked about a new era in the profession (Hamilton, 2009b) with many types of foreign correspondents and no longer fixed national bureaus. Unanimously, the literature underlined a steady decrease in the number of full-time correspondents (Hamilton, 2009a; Hughes, 2007; Kumar, 2011b; Moisy, 1996; Viallet, 1993). Eighteen newspapers and two channels had closed down their overseas offices since the American Journalism Review first collected data on foreign assignments in 1998 (Enda, 2011). Parachute correspondents emerged as a result of news organizations considering the value and the cost of a permanent foreign office (Erickson and Hamilton, 2007; Hamilton, 2009b; Saluri Russo, 2010). With an estimated average cost of $250,000 a year, Constable (2007) argued that the glamorous image of a foreign correspondent mingling with sources in world cities faded to leave room for younger reporters representing the mobile communication generation. The discussion reached such crescendo that scholars talked about fading elitism (Hamilton and Jenner, 2003). Individual digital correspondents are almost hailed as saviors in these tightly budgeted times (Kumar, 2011a).

The rise of 24-hour news production and the Internet undoubtedly modified the scenery. The do-it-yourself journalism emerging from a global wired context and its effects on the quality of reporting generates discussions (Hamilton and Jenner, 2003, 2004). The risk of adopting new technologies and letting untrained individuals file stories from cellular phones could see a decrease in professional news skills (Wu and Hamilton, 2004), and also a potential dilution of journalistic quality (Sambrook, 2010). The adoption of new technology has certainly enriched productivity and the speed of delivery, yet has tested the ability of journalists to verify and interpret the situations covered (Sambrook, 2010).

The new reality has brought to the forefront a different foreign correspondent (Sambrook, 2010). The average foreign correspondent, a seasoned male reporter working in an established bureau who developed a solid expertise in the country of assignment no longer stands as the effigy of a typical reporter. Foreign locals, diverse in background and gender, with deadlines on all media platforms, operating from home with no strings attached to a particular news organization, may be the new model of foreign correspondents.

Based on the updated literature, the following research questions guided the follow-up analysis in 2010:

RQ2: Did the sociodemographic profile of the US correspondent change in 12 years?

RQ3: What are the impacts of new technologies on the correspondents’ practices?

RQ4: What are the relationships between US correspondents and French media, and how have they evolved in 12 years?

Method

At the global level, the absence of a census of US foreign correspondents as well as the inexistence of any professional organization updating a list of these journalists complicate any attempts to contact the population (Wu and Hamilton, 2004). Yet, the availability of listings for American correspondents in France facilitated an academic study. Indeed, the Anglo-American Press Association of Paris has been maintaining a comprehensive list of their members affiliated to British or American media since its creation in 1907. Additionally, the Bureau of the Foreign Press at the Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (France’s Department of State) has also been keeping a record of foreign journalists working in France.

Participants in 1998

In 1998, a foreign journalist needed to register with the Department of State upon arrival in the country. While it appeared more than likely that the listings did not include correspondents who had just moved to the French capital or transferred to another bureau, these documents represented the most precise sources to review. The researcher was granted an exceptional temporary access to consult these private confidential records.

The selection of participants happened in two stages. The first phase involved cross-referencing names of US correspondents between the two distinct documents to identify reporters listed as correspondents for a US medium. This analysis yielded a total of 43 US journalists registered as of January 1998. It also imported to define a Paris-based US correspondent. The following definition was used for this study:

A correspondent is somebody who writes or reports for one or several media of general interest of English language based in the United States. It’s someone who writes or reports for a daily, a weekly, for a radio, a TV network, for a newsmagazine or a news agency. (D Weaver, 14 January 1998, personal communication)

This conceptualization echoed a general definition by Marx (1970) who wrote: ‘the foreign correspondent is a journalist who works in a state different from the one in which his information-medium is located’ (Hahn and Lönnendonker, 2009: 499).

The definition contributed to narrow down the population to 32 (N = 32). The selected journalists represented four news agencies (Associated Press, Bloomberg News, Bridge News, and Down Jones Newswires), two TV networks (CNN and CBS), one radio station (National Public Radio [NPR]), five weeklies (Time, Newsweek, Business Week, The Nation, and Life), and five dailies (The Christian Science Monitor, The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal).

During the second phase, the researcher configured specific parameters to finalize a list. A reporter of at least each sector needed to be interviewed (radio, television, news agency, weekly, and daily), and a minimum of 30% of women to replicate findings generated by Hess (1996).

Four preliminary open interviews of an average duration of 1h 27 minutes were conducted with a former Business Week foreign correspondent still living in Paris, a former Washington-based journalist and chairman for Agence France Presse, a former foreign correspondent for Le Monde in Latin America married to a US correspondent, and a US correspondent finishing her term in Paris. Presented with a general question about their definition of a foreign correspondent, the respondents provided answers allowing the finalization of the questionnaire. Interviews with the population were initially requested by phone with all 32 journalists, and follow-up requests were made directly through appointments to the correspondents’ respective offices in Paris. A total of 13 in-depth interviews of an average of 1h 28 minutes were conducted between January and June 1998. The participants included 40% of the targeted population with a representative of each medium as well as precisely 30% women (n = 4). Every interviewee was always given the choice of the language (French or English) as well as the location. The interviews were recorded and transcribed by the researcher.

To ensure a complete understanding of the professional routine of this targeted population, the researcher drew conclusions emanating from three months of participatory internships with The Christian Science Monitor, The New York Times, and Associated Press. Operating as a personal editorial assistant to the Paris bureau chiefs of newspapers of record, as well as reporting breaking news from France’s Department of State for Associated Press’s international desk presented valuable opportunities to live the life of the targeted population and thus understand the uniqueness of the job.

Participants in 2010

In 2010, US foreign correspondents were contacted by email using a confidential list provided by the Anglo-American Press Association. Cross-references with the Bureau of Foreign Press from the French Department of State were not possible due to the absence of any replies to both emails and voice mails detailing the purpose of the study. Although every full-time correspondent registered with the Department of State was a member of the Anglo-American organization in 1998, it may not have been the case in 2010. Thus, relying on one document may have limited the researcher’s contacts. The author replicated the selection strategy used in 1998. A total of 18 US foreign correspondents were identified and contacted with a note detailing the academic endeavor. Given the researcher’s new geographical location and the human and financial impossibilities to be in Paris for the follow-up study, in-depth interviews were conducted by phone with six correspondents and immediately transcribed by the author. A questionnaire was provided electronically to three additional journalists. After email reminders and a lapse of three weeks from the initial request, answers from nine respondents (50%) were compiled. Similarly to the initial study, a reporter from each medium was interviewed as well as 37.5% of women (30% was a targeted minimum to obtain a similar ratio to that found by Hess in 1996). The average phone interviews lasted 42 minutes, and correspondents who responded via email accepted follow-up questions sent electronically.

Coding

In 1998 and in 2010, the open-ended interviews were coded and analyzed following a systematic method. For each transcript, every quote was reviewed for the presence or absence of any of the predetermined themes (daily routines, the impact of technology, description and perception of the job, relationships with the US newsroom, relationship with local media and government). Each relevant quote was then subjectively evaluated for its length, association to the preselected issue, and power (the formulation by the interviewee).

Questionnaire

The questionnaire used in 1998 included typical demographic items (age, education, marital status, place of birth). Because of an emphasis on the working conditions, questions targeted issues linked to daily routines, relationships with news sources, contacts with US newsrooms, the degree of perceived independency and autonomy, work experience, perception of the journalistic role, and influence of the audience’s feedback. Every correspondent was also asked to write his/her definition of a foreign correspondent and to evoke personal and professional concerns if any.

The 45-question instrument used in 1998 was shortened in 2010 to accommodate limited interview conditions imposed by international phone calls and email exchanges. The themes of the perception of journalistic roles and the influence of audience feedback were arbitrarily taken out of the instrument to leave more time to address salient issues unearthed from the analysis of the initial data set: the impact of technology and the influence of news sources.

Results

Sociodemographic and geographical origins

In line with findings from previous works (Hess, 1996; Maxwell, 1956), data showed that the Paris-based foreign correspondents in 1998 overwhelmingly (77%) grew up on the East Coast. ‘The foreign policy elite has always been from this region. They were all raised in this environment because you need to have this wealth of knowledge to be able to work in our field’ (Craig Whitney, 22 June 1998, personal communication,). At the turn of the century, the US correspondents in Paris also belonged to a high socioeconomic class. Illustrated by the fact that the CBS Paris bureau chief’s father occupied a managerial job at ATT, and that the NPR correspondent’s father worked as a lawyer; 12 out of 13 correspondents admitted being from wealthy background.

In 2010, the proportion of journalists coming from the East Coast decreased to 55%, revealing a more diverse geographical distribution with correspondents from California, the Midwest, and the South. Additionally, the correspondents no longer came predominantly from high socioeconomic families. Results also revealed that 22% of correspondents now based in France are foreign nationals.

Education levels

The 1998 study of Paris-based correspondents underlined high levels of education as every journalist contacted admitted having a college education, with specifically 53.8% mentioning a masters degree or higher. ‘Paris is highly competitive and to be a foreign correspondent implies certain qualities acquired I think through a long education career’ (Gael Edmondson, 10 May 1998, personal communication). The Paris correspondents mainly held history degrees (53.8%) and 30.7% of the participants graduated with a journalism, media or mass communication education. ‘I never believed that a journalism degree was a contingent condition to become a foreign correspondent. More importantly, an overall understanding of the world and political movements needs to appear through our writings’ (Craig Whitney, 22 June 1998, personal communication). The Paris-based cohort also demonstrated a high level of proficiency in foreign languages in 1998 as nearly 50% of Paris-based journalists spoke at least three foreign languages and 23% could communicate in four different idioms. The Associated Press assistant editor even mentioned six languages (English, French, Spanish, Russian, Polish, and German).

The situation 12 years later evolved as both the proportion of correspondents with a graduate degree and a high level of proficiency in three or more languages diminished. Results indicated that 75% of correspondents had an undergraduate degree and 25% obtained a graduate degree in political science or history. Confirming a possible continuing decline in language proficiency already observed by Wu and Hamilton (2004), 33% of the 2010 respondents admitted proficiency in three languages or more.

Professional experience

‘Paris is almost a private ground for seasoned journalists who are above 40 and already have a beautiful career’ (Peter Ford, 26, February 1998, personal communication).

Findings indicated that a US correspondent seldom starts in France for Paris constitutes a prestigious post, ‘a reward’ conferred toward the middle or the end of one’s career. In 1998, correspondents who had essentially started their career freelancing or as interns or editorial assistants in the US, had now spent more time abroad than in domestic newsrooms. They also had in common assignments in Latin America or Russia. In fact, every male correspondent interviewed had been assigned in three different countries before landing in France, while female reporters had been able to obtain this posting after three to four years abroad. Regardless of the gender, Paris-based correspondents had commonly gained the trust of their editors in assignments deemed difficult such as Latin America (Guatemala, Nicaragua, Argentina), the Middle East (Jerusalem), and Moscow. ‘Journalists who succeeded under harsh conditions, under tight deadlines, at night under heavy stressful contexts will most likely end up in Paris’ (Gael Edmondson, 10 May 1998, personal communication).

In 2010, three profiles clearly emerged from the data. On one hand, US newsrooms continued to rely on seasoned journalists who excelled in two to three posts abroad (37.5% worked in Moscow) before accepting a position in Paris. Second, a new pattern became apparent for 25% of correspondents who either directly started their career in France freelancing or as editorial assistants, or arrived in France after only one foreign assignment. The third professional trajectory, quasi absent in 1998, included veteran journalists (37.5%) who decided to stay in France more than the regular three to five years traditionally associated per post. These reporters, slightly older now, essentially work from home on a part-time basis.

Overall, interviews revealed a seemingly longer length of stay in 2010 than before when correspondents would be transferred to another posting every three to six years. Symbolically, three journalists interviewed in the follow-up study were also part of the 1998 research. ‘The independence and the power associated with this job constitute a responsibility that you need to earn’ (Deborah Seward, 29 May 1998, personal communication). In 1998 and again in 2010, Paris-based correspondents specifically cited their experience as a warrant for independence towards their newsrooms. The US journalists praised their autonomy, yet acknowledged how the growing prevalence of the Internet had modified this relationship. ‘We are no longer in an exotic country looking for sources or stories. We no longer have excuses to give to our editors as we are basically constantly available now’ (Steve Erlanger, 30 January 2011, personal communication).

The place of foreign news in US media and the prestige of Paris

In 1998, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times, Newsweek, Time, CBS, and The Wall Street Journal all had official bureaus in Paris. For this cohort, Paris represented an historical tradition, a city museum still reflective of a centralized state with a long history. Reporters traditionally covered art exhibits, movie releases, music, and theater representations. Moreover, correspondents acknowledged that Paris constituted a dominant political scene, an international center of diplomacy, and a major European hub. ‘Paris stands as a tradition, a necessity, just like London does’ (Craig Whitney, 22 June 1998, personal communication). Stanley Karnow (1997), former correspondent for Time, confessed his desire to walk in the footsteps of the likes of Hemingway, Fitzgerald, and Miller.

Yet, the space devoted to international news in general and French events in particular appeared limited at the end of the 20th century. ‘The Americans are no longer interested in foreign news now that the Cold War ended. In addition, a foreign bureau is quite costly’ (Christopher Dickey, 18 May 1998, personal communication). In 1998, some media had already started to close down some bureaus and impose some budget cuts on their correspondents. ‘A foreign bureau is expensive, and when there is nothing hot in the news, from the media ownership perspective, we don’t need a correspondent but only a subscription to a news agency’ (Peter Ford, 26 February 1998, personal communication). Symbolically The Christian Science Monitor had decided to have one correspondent for Europe based in Paris. Peter Ford himself carried the title of European Bureau Chief. Time and Newsweek both relied on two permanent freelancers.

In 2010, a correspondent explained that Paris now stood as a shadow of itself. The numbers of reporters had dwindled and the newsworthiness of French topics declined.

Sources of information

‘In general, I can easily say that reading Le Monde, Libération or Le Figaro is extremely necessary. I usually read the newspapers of records for a start and then develop my own contacts’ (Craig Whitney, 22 June 1998, personal communication). Many Paris-based correspondents admitted consuming a wide array of French and European news sources. Interviews and participatory observations enabled the establishment of an unofficial ranking of the most often used and most trustworthy sources. Le Monde amassed supporting votes for the French press while The Guardian and The International Herald Tribune topped the foreign press. Although they mentioned France’s news channel LCI and CNN International, correspondents reported reading newspapers and news magazines more often than watching television or listening to radio stations. News agencies (AFP, Reuters) were not widely quoted either. The Internet, which garnered two mentions in 1998, now became the most widely cited news source. Correspondents said they consult online newspaper editions, and use especially social media (Facebook and Twitter) as emerging sources of story ideas.

The discussion of their sources of information logically led to an assessment of their relationships with the French authorities and public figures. The US correspondents alluded to this dynamic by emphasizing the importance of the historical heritage. They indeed explained having limited difficulties landing in interviews or accessing politicians well aware of the deep-rooted relationships between the French power and US journalists. The Anglo-American Press Association of Paris founded in 1907 continues for instance to schedule regular news conferences between a national public figure and the members of the press corps. However, US journalists did believe that they had to tone down their interviewing styles to adjust to the journalistic culture. ‘The French press is too tranquil and it ultimately impacts us as the politicians are not used to be questioned that directly. Everybody eats at the same table in France, journalists and public figures’ (Anne Swardson, 17 June 1998, personal communication).

The closeness between French journalists and the administration hardly resurfaced in recent interviews. Correspondents now commented on the Americanization of French politicians and a communication process much more similar to what exists in the US. ‘The political life in France changed. From public appearances to contact with the press, a streamlined professionalization is visible in contrast to more traditional official visits and appointments’ (Jim Bitterman, 15 February 2011, personal communication).

A united group through common practices and culture

The US journalists form a small group in the French capital unified through common practices and perceptions. In 1998 and 2010, correspondents often cited the prevalence of deontological principles as a defining trait of their identity. Preoccupied by an urge to move away from the French culture of association between reporters and politicians, US correspondents predominantly described themselves as an entity governed by a desire to maintain their role as a counter-power and remain independent.

Additionally, the dynamic of the group also appeared through accounts of an inter-media competition. Journalists agreed that even in Paris The New York Times represents an agenda setter for the rest of the US press. ‘We find the exact same competition abroad than in the US’ (Gael Edmondson, 10 May 1998, personal communication). In 1998, participatory observation revealed instances when seasoned journalists developed story ideas directly from soft news topics salient in French media and at times even interviewed sources quoted in French articles. A small proportion of US correspondents (20%) questioned the integrity of newer reporters arrived on the job and their ability to detach themselves from their news sources, particularly the French media.

Technology

‘The Internet still poses a lot of unsolved problems’ (Peter Ford, 26 February 1998, personal communication). The Internet appeared as a sensitive topic in 1998, yielding negative opinions. Rarely used but to conduct email correspondence or request news releases and send completed stories, correspondents underlined ethical issues associated with the Internet. ‘With the increase in Internet use, it almost forces us to unveil as fast as possible our stories so we can defeat the other news organizations’ (Gael Edmondson, 10 May 1998, personal communication). The debate focused essentially on a deontological perspective. Correspondents wondered whether editors would be lured by faster news delivery cycles and gradually exercise greater leniency in editing.

Additionally, correspondents asked questions about the consequences of Internet for the future of their profession. In 1998, Thomas Kamm, bureau chief for The Wall Street Journal, wondered about the appeal the Internet may have for advertisers, and its impact on the writing style. ‘It may simply mean that we would write summaries of our articles with a line at the bottom that will read: “for more details, go to our Internet edition”’ (Thomas Kamm, 28 May 1998, personal communication). As a general consensus, the correspondents surveyed in 1998 explained that it was too early to draw conclusions about this new medium.

The follow-up study reveals a completely opposite world. Reporters praised the medium for its ability to connect them with the readers. ‘It has opened up the possibility for the average citizen to express his/her views’ (Eduardo Cue, 25 November 2010, personal communication). Others valued how the Internet broadened the field of subjects. Eleanor Beardsley of National Public Radio even explained that it enhanced the sound quality of her material.

Nevertheless, the negative comments far outweigh the positive assertions. Concerns that had arose in 1998 regarding the speed of publication and the lack of sourcing resurfaced in 2010. Paris-based correspondents criticized the 24/7 news cycle created by the Internet. ‘The Internet changed the expectations and demands, because it’s 24/7 now with updates, and there is a cost to in-depth reporting’ (Steve Erlanger, 30 January 2011, personal communication). Correspondents asserted that the never-ending news cycle drowned the audience in information they could not interpret. ‘The skills of the journalist, analyzing, putting events into context, recognizing what was not said or is missing, are not appreciated very much anymore’ (Eduardo Cue, 25 November 2010, personal communication). Bruce Crumley of Time magazine particularly emphasized the debate of speed versus accuracy. ‘It’s important that our stories don’t repeat that error, so we take more time to get stories out as correctly as possible, and with the element “here’s why you need to know this” in place of the “we’re the first to tell this to you” allure’ (Bruce Crumley, 22 November 2010, personal communication). Some correspondents have quoted reporting, investigating, and fact checking as routine practices of a bygone era. Some even criticized the assumption that anyone could be a journalist now thanks to the technology.

They finally concluded with some thoughts on how the Internet and the growing popularity of mobile communication stood as a threat to the profession. ‘Technology in general has given the average person the possibility of taking pictures, texting messages and information, and at times getting the real story’ (Eduardo Cue, 25 November 2010, personal communication). Joan Shore, correspondent for The Huffington Post, argued against a constant flow of information with superficial depth.

Discussion

The collected data provided a valuable frame of study to draw longitudinal conclusions on a specific group of journalists.

The first issue rich for discussion relates to the profile of Paris-based correspondents. At the end of the 20th century, the US reporters constituted a homogeneous elite group clearly defined by sociodemographic traits (Hess, 1996). The 21st-century cohort appeared much more difficult to depict. The 2010 data underlined what Hamilton (2009b) characterized as ‘a confederacy of correspondents.’ Seasoned reporters trained in the US, who demonstrated their skills in difficult postings, operate in France alongside reporters with various profiles. Wu and Hamilton (2004) noticed an increasing presence of foreign nationals. The authors had found that 69% of correspondents surveyed were foreign nationals, a percentage much higher than what was noticed in Paris (22%). This small proportion likely emanates from the difficulty for French natives to craft news stories in English. Despite a potential language barrier, differences in journalistic styles and traditions may hinder French nationals from working with US media (Rieffel, 6 February 2011, personal communication). Additionally, it is possible that French nationals are associated with US news media as editorial assistants and not as foreign correspondents and thus could not be counted in this study according to the definition accepted.

The career path of US media correspondents no longer follows a uniform track (Hamilton and Jenner, 2004). This longitudinal study revealed two new professional tracks. Data showed that some reporters are staying in Paris for an extended period of time (three reporters surveyed in 2010 were already there in 1998) even though they now operate on part-time contracts, while other reporters landed the Paris job after merely one assignment abroad. This contradicts the more classical profile observed in 1998. The economic challenges may explain such career orientations, with younger correspondents forcing entry doors by building on freelance opportunities rather than waiting for assignments.

Second, and most importantly, the Paris-based correspondents were more hesitant in 2010 to claim an attachment to an elite. Hamilton and Jenner (2003) had previously evoked this fading elitism. For the authors, certain characteristics that had placed this group of reporters in an upper layer of society were not as apparent anymore. Results from 2010 certainly underlined this point. Data indicated an overall geographic dispersion of origins and no longer a strong East Coast culture, as well as smaller proportion of graduate degrees, and reduced language proficiency than 12 years ago. While it appears difficult to enunciate factors that would support the educational findings, the steady decline of the print press’s prevalence and the absence in Paris of any bureaus from the three major networks, all essentially based on the East Coast, may have played a dominant role in this trend. Certainly, seasoned correspondents who stayed in France since 1998 deplored the diminishing ability to understand French history and diplomacy, or to comprehend the intricacies of an old centralized state, traits they believed to be unique to the French nation in comparison to other western countries. Yet, advancing explanations to support these findings proves to be delicate.

Short of fluency in several idioms, interviews strongly indicated that covering the world today implies the adoption of technology in the routine journalistic practice. A primordial issue apparent in this longitudinal analysis relates to new technologies and the Internet specifically. Wu and Hamilton (2004) explained that dissociating foreign news coverage from technological improvements was impossible. The main concern briefly evoked in 1998 stood tall in 2010. The Internet impacts the news production cycle, its delivery pace and frequency as well as its quality. Brief reports hit the front pages before investigative stories (Wu and Hamilton, 2004) and quick updates bear more importance than checking the validity of a source and relaying an historical context much needed to comprehend an event. Lokman Tsui (2009) believes that the pressure of 24/7 news cycles caused a decline in journalistic standards. Paris-based correspondents indeed juggle with the concepts of speed and quality, as they actively participate in competitive news markets. This analysis revealed an interesting similarity between some interviews and what Hohenberg wrote in 1964 when he discussed the status of tomorrow’s foreign correspondents. ‘But a piece of wire, a beam of electrons, and some machinery, no matter how ingenious, have never yet covered a story’ (Hohenberg, 1964: 434).

Anne Swardson, Paris correspondent for The Washington Post in 1998, now editor for Bloomberg News in Paris, hinted at the possibility of a return to previous trends set by newsrooms earlier in the 20th century, at a time when news correspondents did not benefit from financially rewarding packages and bureaus in a capital city. Swardson quoted GlobalPost as a potential model for modern news coverage, an online platform operating with contracted stringers and a wide network of freelancers. For some Paris-based correspondents, the increase of independent bloggers and reporters, covering the world without understanding and/or explaining the complexities of the society and culture studied, leads the American public to accept a lower quality of reporting. Additionally, as echoed by Schiller (2010), on-site reporting may tend to appear as a slow news practice inadequate for the current fast-paced society.

American correspondents therefore logically fear that a continuing trend in reducing budgets and diminishing the place of international news may simply favor the rise of independent one-person operations filing audio, video and/or written stories online (Kumar, 2011a). A strong and vast body of evidence fails to give hope of a sudden reverse in this situation (Sambrook, 2010; Saluri Russo, 2010; Willmott, 2010). In such a context, correspondents admitted changing their angles to find ways out of the international pages and to sneak into the sports, art, culture, and entertainment sections.

The third point of discussion revolves around the perception of Paris as a foreign assignment. Personal accounts (Karnow, 1997; Lennon, 1994) underlined the value of the traditional bureau for the American media, and the historical ties between France and the US. The passing of time seemed to have also dimmed the lights of Paris, as correspondents noted the overall reduction in privilege for all European bureaus. They explained how the London and Paris postings, although still awarded to senior reporters in media of record, consisted now more as foreign bases for travel to other areas. As made obvious through the recent events in 2011, the news interest shifted to the Middle East and Asia leaving France with a reduced number of correspondents and a lower international news share.

Eventually, this longitudinal approach shed some light on the identity of a close group of journalists and their practices and perceptions. US correspondents evoked a certain pride in carrying not only a US tradition of foreign reporting in France started at the beginning of the 20th century with associations such as the Anglo-American Press Association of Paris, but also praised their role as a counter-power to the authorities. Embracing a competition with The New York Times, US reporters explained how they deontologically differed from the French press, which they perceived to be too friendly with leading public figures.

Victims of an editorial shift to other geographical regions and more noticeably of financial changes in journalism and the rise of the Internet, US correspondents in Paris witnessed changes visible in other western postings of prestige such as London or Rome. The long history of Franco-American relationships no longer constituted sufficient argument to send correspondents to study philosophical movements at the cafes, report on cultural exhibits, and overall describe the French exception to an American audience.

Limitations and further research

The data gathered in 1998 and 2010 provided a valuable study frame to analyze the population and to understand practical routines over a period of 12 years, particularly marked by a financial crisis and a heightened globalization. Personal and financial limitations prevented the researcher in 2010 from having exclusively one-on-one interviews and complementary findings with field observations. Relying on international phone conversations and email exchanges, rather than face-to-face interviews, impacted the momentum of discussions. Additionally, it is difficult to guarantee that the difference in data gathering methods did not influence the printed outcomes.

Second, although some aspects noticed in Paris may corroborate conclusions drawn by other scholars who conducted larger surveys of US foreign correspondents, the findings presented in this study cannot be generalized. They only represent a contextual snapshot of the evolution of a unique population. Thus, a replication of in-depth interviews with correspondents working in other dominant European bureaus such as London, Berlin or Rome could extend the reliability of the findings. Despite difficulties to access official listings of US correspondents, a survey would equally bring some value to the topic. Additionally, a content analysis of stories produced by specific correspondents would establish sound evidence to see where the filed articles are most likely to be published depending on the foreign bureau.

Eventually, while an overwhelming majority of the correspondents surveyed in 1998 and 2010 expressed their concerns towards technology, an exception arose from reporters working for National Public Radio, who applauded the integration of technological upgrades to ease their editing process. Therefore a study of NPR correspondents may generate a different picture.

Conclusion

Economic and editorial decisions in US newsrooms certainly led to the reduction of foreign bureaus over the last decade. Other factors linked to technological innovations may have equally contributed to the downsizing of US foreign desks. Although this article has drawn broad brush strokes as to the reasons behind the declining need for foreign correspondents, the study did not concentrate on the factors that may have played a role in editorial curtailment. Instead, it essentially focused on understanding the evolution of Paris-based correspondents working for US media over a period of 12 years. Findings brought to the forefront a clear fading elitism among correspondents. While the reasons behind this phenomenon remain unclear, however, this study suggests that technology and the Internet may have acted as an equalizer, with everybody potentially acting as a reporter if needs be. Despite a glowing reputation and unquestionable richness, Paris certainly lost some of its magnificence along the way.

Footnotes

Funding

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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