Abstract
Panikos Panyani provides a fascinating insight into the history and identity of fish and chips through five thought-provoking chapters which discuss the dish’s ‘Origin’, ‘Evolution’, ‘Britishness’, ‘Ethnicity’ and ‘Meaning’. This is done by narrating the cultural dynamics which enabled fish and chips to emerge as a staple of British identity, charting the technological, social and economic factors which both helped and hindered its success. Published by Reaktion Books and priced at a modest £18, I fully recommend engaging with this book as a teaching resource on multiculturalism and hybridity, or simply as a means of providing a fresh look at a cultural symbol that few until now have delved into with such passion and rigour.
The chapters entitled ‘Origins’ and ‘Evolution’ narrate the early history of fish and potato eating in Britain. Panyani begins by telling the reader how the potato had its origins in South America, arriving in Europe as a result of the Spanish conquests during the 17th century. Initially the potato was seen as a luxury crop up until around 1840 when its cultivation increased in response to the rising price of wheat. Potatoes subsequently became a cheaper nutritional source than bread. The practice of frying potatoes developed to provide ‘a more flavoursome alternative to boiling’ (p. 27). Fish on the other hand became popular due to technological advancements in infrastructure in the form of railways, which enabled large amounts of fish to be transported quickly to major urban centres inland, while new refrigeration techniques involving the use of ice allowed fish to stay fresher for longer.
The railway therefore completely transformed fish consumption in London; the rest of the country followed as large northern cities developed significant fish markets in the second half of the nineteenth century. (pp. 23–24)
Panyani stresses that the early history of fish and chips remains hazy, arguing that instead of converging in a particular place or at a certain moment, the two products courted one another and gradually moved in together as the 19th century progressed. The availability, cheapness and nutritional value of fish and chips provided the bedrock around which the industry grew, becoming the takeaway of choice for the working classes until the 1960s. Panyani informs us that this popularity led to a boom in small, independent, family-run businesses that resisted the growing trend of franchises. However, ‘decline surfaced during the course of the 1960s, partly as a result of the arrival of Indian and Chinese takeaways’ (p. 61).
The chapters on ‘Britishness’ and ‘Ethnicity’ link fish and chips with cultural identity, a practice which emanated from the arrival of migrant populations during the 1950s and 1960s, causing Britain to become ‘conscious of its “own” food’ (p. 85). Panyani argues this consciousness was transmitted into the public imagination through cookbooks, which divided food into ethnic categories and ‘just as volumes of Italian, Chinese and Indian food emerged, so did books on British food in response, which usually contained a recipe for fish and chips’ (p. 88). This led to the dish becoming a prominent symbol of Britishness which led to its subsequent exportation to countries within the commonwealth and regions with large expat communities such as the Mediterranean. Here, Panyani gets the reader to think in greater depth about this perceived Britishness by exposing the fact that both components of the dish actually originate from migrant cultures, labelling the dish ‘an imported hybrid’ (p. 109). Fried potatoes are thought to have originated in France, while fried fish was a staple diet of the Jews. Panyani narrates how anti-Semitic stereotypes circulated London in the 1800s, which stigmatised the fishy smell of the ghetto. These racial slurs diminished during the early part of the 20th century. However, fish and chips continued to be associated with ethnic groups as the majority of shop owners since the end of the 19th century have come from a variety of cultural backgrounds, most notably in the form of Italian and Cypriot families, who used the trade’s propensity for providing employment to alleviate the stress of being excluded from mainstream professions. Panyani describes fish and chips as a symbol of Britishness without forgetting its deep association with migrant groups.
It is the cultural diversity of fish and chips that provides the backbone of the concluding chapter, which evaluates how the dish has moved from the margins to become arguably the number one symbol of Britishness, all in the space of 100 years. Panyani is clever in the way he articulates this by highlighting the hybridity and diversity of fish and chips, which provides a deep underlying message that celebrates the diverse and multifaceted nature of wider British culture. This provides a refreshing narrative that helps garner hope of a multicultural British identity, whilst emphasising the important contribution migrant communities make to our society.