Abstract
In Working-Class Young Men in Transition Steven Roberts provides a significant contribution to the study of contemporary masculinities, youth studies and social class. Presenting powerful data, the book skilfully critiques historical studies of masculinity whilst also providing narratives and analysis detailing of how working-class young men navigate their transitions into adulthood. The book seeks to unveil the intricate strategies of young working-class men through their formative years, and in doing so, to challenge the seemingly accepted discourses surrounding this group in academia and wider society.
Coherently structured in nine succinct, yet clearly defined chapters, the book provides two detailed theory chapters, a methodological chapter, four findings chapters, an introduction and conclusion. A consistent narrative flows throughout, seeking to interrogate the traditional framing of working-class young men as being aligned with the prevalent works on masculinity. In this vein, Chapter 2 adeptly deconstructs the ‘crisis of masculinity’ rhetoric by showing how such assertions have occurred in previous generations, only to reappear during times of economic and societal flux. Furthermore, Roberts highlights how authors including Willis (1977) created and perpetuated a negative caricature of working-class masculinity. Chapter 3 presents the main theoretical elements of the book: masculinity theory from Connell (2005 [1995]) and Anderson (2009) and the theoretical toolbox of Bourdieu (1990). Roberts asserts that reductionist masculinity alone is ill equipped to fully theorise the processes of continuity and change at the core of masculinity, instead positioning Bourdieu’s habitus as a key theoretical tool to bridge the gap between societal structures and internal dispositions. Prior to the findings, Chapter 4 briefly outlines the methodological context and data collection tools.
The findings elements for the book are presented in Chapters 5 to 8, focusing upon the intersection of masculinity; educational experiences and aspirations, the labour market, domesticity and expressed emotions. Within Chapter 5, on education, Roberts demonstrates the ‘ordinariness’ of their transitions through school, noting how the young men did not reject education as it was perceived to be a socially embedded ‘norm’. Instead, the young men persevered through compulsory education before following a path into the labour market because of their anxieties over their financial constraints. Chapter 6 addresses the young men’s position in relation to the post-Fordist labour market, detailing how (unlike in previous studies) the young working-class men adapted to ‘feminized labour’ required in the service sector of the economy. However, the adaptation to the service sector was not a silver bullet to labour-market success, as opportunities for progression remained limited. Similar adaptations also appear within Chapter 7, as Roberts shows how young working-class men are no longer entirely gender conformist in the family setting. Referring to Anderson’s Inclusive Masculinity Theory (2009), Roberts provides evidence that young working-class men are transitioning towards a more equal distribution of domestic roles. Finally, in Chapter 8, Roberts demonstrates how the expression of emotions has changed significantly in relation to previous generations. In providing data emanating from ethnographic research on social media and semi-structured interviews, the author clearly and concisely reveals how the group readily communicate a range of emotions and, in doing so, dispels the myth of working-class young men as guarded or emotionally distant individuals. The book culminates in a short, yet engrossing conclusion, which authoritatively unites the key themes of the book. Roberts states that working-class masculinity has been subjected to negative theorisations from the 1970s and 1980s that are no longer representative of contemporary masculinity. With that in mind, Roberts calls for a re-evaluation of social theory to accurately reflect how young working-class men have adapted to the stock of educational, employment, parental and emotional evolutions in recent decades to provide more inclusive forms of masculinity.
While Roberts provides readers with a fascinating dataset and the application of relevant theories, the book stops short of providing its own detailed theorisation of contemporary working-class masculinity, instead highlighting the relevance of Inclusive Masculinity Theory. The theories presented within the book could have been strengthened by utilising the ‘epistemological fallacy’ of Furlong and Cartmel (1997) to better theorise the disjuncture between the educational and labour-market aspirations and the outcomes through Bourdieu’s theory of social class. Also, the strength of the book in terms of breadth occasionally becomes a slight weakness as more space is required to showcase the data and theory to its full.
Overall, the book was a fascinating and deeply enjoyable read; it provides significant contributions to a number of areas within academia and sets a high bar for future writings on working-class masculinity.