Ana as god: Religion,interdiscursivity and identity on pro-ana websites

Abstract

Pro-anorexia (pro-ana) is an Internet-based movement that provides advice and support for the development/maintenance of an eating disorder (ED). The movement is sometimes framed as a religion, with rituals, psalms, creeds and the invocation of a deity (Ana) who personifies the ED. The latter aspect is likely to influence identities and behaviours as well as providing emotional support and motivation for community members. However, there is little sustained empirical analysis of how members themselves orient to and self-position within the religious discourse. Here, we apply the concept of interdiscursivity to examine the construction of Ana as god(dess). Drawing on a body of online interactions from one pro-ana website over a 47-day period, we discursively analyse members’ constructions of Ana and their relationship with her. With reference to biblical texts, we consider how these constructions directly reference concepts of Christian religion and faith. Implications for understanding pro-ana and interdiscursivity are discussed.

Keywords

Ana discourse analysis eating disorder identity interdiscursivity online community pro-ana religious metaphor

Introduction

Pro-anorexia (pro-ana) is an Internet-based movement that provides support and advice for those wishing to develop or maintain an eating disorder (ED) (Gavin et al., 2008; Ging and Garvey, 2018). The first websites appeared in the 1990s, proliferating thereafter. Since its inception, pro-ana has attracted censure for normalising and promoting highly dangerous EDs (Boero and Pascoe, 2012; Christodoulou, 2012). Research suggests that there is some basis for these concerns. For example, from meta-analysis of existing studies, Rodgers et al. (2016) confirmed links between exposure to pro-ana websites and ED pathologies. In a survey of teenagers, Custers and Van den Bulck (2009) found that viewing these sites was associated with body dissatisfaction and increased desire to be thin; while an experimental study with female undergraduates (Bardone-Cone and Cass, 2007) showed that exposure to pro-ana led to ‘greater negative affect, lower social self-esteem and lower appearance self-efficacy’ (p. 537).

Beyond exposure effects, a key concern about the websites relates to the provision of social support for members, which may increase motivation to resist recovery (Dias, 2003; Fox et al., 2005). Social support is a crucial element of pro-ana, as demonstrated by Tong et al.’s (2013) analysis of 48 pro-ana blogs (see also Juarascio et al., 2010). Likewise, group bonds are strong within the community (Giles, 2006), which provides a sense of shared purpose and network. Some researchers have identified emotional benefits to being a member of a pro-ana community (e.g. Smith et al., 2013), although there are concerns that this aspect may reinforce the ED and reduce engagement with treatments. Using grounded theory, Haas et al. (2010) characterise pro-ana group interactions as providing negative enabling support for ED behaviours, thus helping to maintain the condition.

A number of studies have explored the themes and content of pro-ana websites (Boepple and Thompson, 2016; Juarascio et al., 2010; Lipczynska, 2007; Mulveen and Hepworth, 2006; Yom-Tov et al., 2016). These have shown that typically, the websites contain message boards, discussion fora, blogs, dieting ‘tips and tricks’, body mass index (BMI) calculators and photo/video galleries providing ‘thinspiration’ for extreme weight loss. Most pro-ana sites focus on anorexia (Ana) but some also promote and support bulimia (Mia). An interesting and distinctive feature (discussed further below) is that many pro-ana websites contain an overtly ‘religious’ dimension, with creeds, psalms and commandments, and sometimes the invocation of a deity-like figure called Ana (and/or Mia), who personifies the ED and offers guidance and motivation to followers (Day and Keys, 2008; Knapton, 2013; Lipczynska, 2007; Maloney, 2008; see section ‘Pro-ana and religion’).

In this article, we focus on this religious dimension as central to members’ engagement, both personally and collectively, with the pro-ana movement. In so doing, we build upon existing analyses to offer three new contributions to knowledge. First, we offer a sustained analysis of how members draw upon and use religious themes across a range of constructions and discursive actions to develop a comprehensive meaning framework. Second, through cross-referencing with biblical sources, we provide demonstrable evidence of the interdiscursive (ID) nature of the pro-ana religious metaphor, including its internal coherence. Finally, we offer a unique focus on how Ana is constructed as a deity, thereby providing insights into the motivations and worldviews of the pro-ana community.

Pro-ana and religion

One of the first studies to highlight the religious component of pro-ana combined grounded theory with content analysis of 20 websites (Norris et al., 2006). A religious metaphor was found on most of these sites, with Ana’s Psalm and Ana’s Creed being the most common themes. The authors noted that the websites’ messages centred on ‘control, starvation, and self-hate’, leading to ‘an almost cult-like feel’ (p. 445). In a larger content analysis of 180 websites, Borzekowski et al. (2010) showed that 16% contained a creed or oath to Ana and/or a statement of ‘Thin Commandments’. Day and Keys (2008) discursively analysed 13 pro-ana websites, on which they identified a strong theological discourse combined with concepts of sacrifice and self-denial. The latter were framed as commandments and focused on pleasing and/or appeasing the deities Ana and Mia.¹

A number of studies have highlighted specifically Christian references in the pro-ana religious discourse. In a study of 24 prominent websites, all of which referenced Ana as an entity/deity, Maloney (2008) identified a distinctly Judaeo-Christian framework, including concepts of prayers and offerings, and Biblical/Christian imagery has also been identified in participant posts on pro-ana message boards (Williams and Reid, 2007). In a case study of one large pro-ana site, Bolsover (2011) also highlighted references to Christianity, with the Apostles’ Creed becoming the Ana Creed, the Ten Commandments the Thin Commandments, and the 23rd Psalm, the Ana Prayer. A recent study by Knapton (2013) also examined links between pro-ana and Christian discourse. This analysed the conceptual metaphors used on 34 pro-ana website interactions and identified two central representations: ‘Anorexia is a Skill’ and ‘Anorexia is a Religion’. In the latter, the ED was constructed as a belief system linked to the deity (Ana) and to a set of requirements and prohibitions, analogous, respectively, to the Christian concepts of God, commandments and sin. Moreover, concepts of religious worship (e.g. rituals of summoning, pledges to be faithful) were common in members’ interactions.

Studies addressing the personification of the ED (as Ana and/or Mia) are of particular interest for our study. Bolsover (2011) notes that Ana presides over the websites in the form of psalms and directives and is invoked for guidance by her followers. In an analysis of postings and online interviews, Crowe and Watts (2016) discuss how Ana is alternately expressed as a friend/confidant or in ‘quasi-religious terms as a protector figure’ (p. 380). From the latter perspective, Ana is a guardian, who can share the burden of anorexia and provide inspiration for her followers. However, as shown by Maloney (2008) and Knapton (2013), among others, Ana may also be presented in a punitive light: as demanding absolute loyalty and adherence to a strict behavioural code (i.e. extreme self-discipline and starvation), and as being critical of anything less than perfection. Hence, Ana takes different guises within the religious metaphor. She may be a friend, protector and guide on the pro-ana journey or she may be a harsh and demanding figure, who tests and punishes those who follow her.

While associations between food/fasting and religion are not new (Boero and Pascoe, 2012; Crowe and Watts, 2016), the pro-ana movement is distinctive in its explicit framing of the ED as a religion, its appropriation of religious discourse and imagery and its invocation of a presiding deity. Such framing may affect members’ treatment and recovery. For example, it may valorise self-perceptions and understandings of the ED (Crowe and Watts, 2016), provide a sense of purpose and code of practice (Knapton, 2013) and create a sense of community/collective identity, from which members derive the emotional energy to maintain their ED (Maloney, 2008). It is therefore important to understand how the pro-ana religious discourse functions and how it shapes the sense-making and self-constructions of members. It is also necessary to interrogate the extent to which it parallels the conventional religious discourses that provide a framework for many people’s everyday lives. However, while there are existing studies of pro-ana interactions and identities,² as well as research on how the religious metaphor may frame the websites themselves, to date, there has been relatively little sustained analysis of how members draw upon and use the pro-ana religious metaphor in their own constructions and interactions. Notable exceptions are the studies discussed above by Maloney (2008), Knapton (2013) and Crowe and Watts (2016), but these have focused on exemplar contributions by members, rather than providing detailed analysis of the manifestations and functions of the religious metaphor across different discursive actions. Moreover, there have been no extended empirical analyses of the ID dimensions of this framework. We aim to address these issues in this article.

Conceptual framework: Interdiscursivity, discourse action and identity

We propose that an ID analysis is best suited to understanding the appropriation of religious discourse by the pro-ana community. The concept of interdiscursivity is drawn from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and traces ideological structures across texts and contexts in order to understand social issues (Fairclough, 1993, 2003). A central concern is how social discourses are influenced by existing texts and how they can be changed or ‘hybridised’ in this process (Benwell and Stokoe, 2006; Van Dijk, 2003). While the term is often used interchangeably with ‘intertextuality’, there is a distinction to be drawn. Intertextuality is a text-level phenomenon describing how a specific text refers to others, while interdiscursivity describes the appropriation of broader-level ideas and discourses from one context into another (see Koskela, 2013: 389–390; also, Bhatia, 2010; Fairclough, 2003). It is the latter concept that we are using in this study. In order to examine the actual use of religious discourse by the pro-ana community, we have combined ID with core analytic principles from Discursive Psychology (DP), namely, a focus on discursive action, construction, identity positioning and sense-making (Edwards, 1997; Edwards and Potter, 1992; Potter and Wetherell, 1987; Wiggins, 2017). Our analysis suggests that discourse function and action can be imported, alongside textual and ideological features, from one discourse domain to another.

This study: Constructing and following Ana

The data are drawn from the second author’s PhD study, which examined how pro-ana participants used religious themes and references in constructing the ED and their own identities. A set of religious analogies was identified, including Ana as deity, food as devil, hunger as temptation, eating as sin and fat as the wages of sin (Evans, 2015). In this article, only the constructions based on ‘Ana as deity’ will be directly discussed.

Message board exchanges were collected from one pro-ana site over 47 days in 2009–2010. The website was prototypical in terms of content and structure (Norris et al., 2006) and had a publicly accessible message board. The data collection timeframe was 01 December 2009–16 January 2010; a period chosen because of the increased opportunity for talk about food, eating and body concerns around the Christmas period (see Troscianko, 2010). To collect data, the second author visited the open parts of the site but did not participate in any interactions. Messages were archived daily and 219 threads in total were collected. Access was predicated upon the publicly available nature of the posts (Association of Internet Researchers, 2012). In addition, because pseudonyms were used by the posters, and the website is now inaccessible,³ the interactions were inherently anonymised.

The data were initially read in-depth to identify recurrent themes and positions. Overtly religious vocabulary and references were noted at the outset; and on repeated reading, it was possible to identify specific constructions, sense-making patterns and discursive actions associated with these themes. For the analysis discussed here, all references to Ana as deity were extrapolated. Each construction was analysed with reference to its discursive action and its place within the religious framework. Subsequent analysis focused on lexico-semantic features and the use of recurrent metaphors and tropes. As in other studies of pro-ana as religion (e.g. Crowe and Watts, 2016; Day and Keys, 2008; Knapton, 2013; Maloney, 2008), the religious themes and metaphors were identified without reference to other texts. However, uniquely to our analysis, each theme was then cross-referenced with specific biblical sources, which provided demonstrable parallels for the data. These sources are presented in footnotes for each of the themes and sub-themes below.

Analysis⁴

The analysis focuses on three main themes. The first two pertain to the speakers’ own relationship with Ana and their journey towards acceptance of the Ana lifestyle, namely, committing to Ana and following Ana. Then, we consider alternating constructions of Ana as a loving vs a punitive deity.

Committing to Ana

A central tenet of Christian teaching is that humans are imperfect and in need of Christ’s salvation.⁵ Similarly, in many instances, participants state that they need Ana to remedy a personal weaknesses or problem:

Extract 1

Be.BEAUTIFUL: I’m not thin enough to be popular.

I’m not pretty enough to be attractive.

I’m not smart enough to be intelligent.

I’m not happy enough to be optimistic.

I’m not loving enough to be loved.

I’m not outgoing enough to be noticed.

I’m not healthy enough to be normal.

I’m not caring enough to be heard.

I’m not good enough for my life.

I am a failure in every form.

But sometimes, things change.

(….)

I am no longer a failure in every form…

I’m working on the rest. Ana, I shall let you make me better. You will mend my faults and make me perfect. Without you, I couldn’t be any of these things. (Data file 18, lines 1–24, 04/12/09)

Through a series of negative declaratives, listed in poetic form, the speaker positions herself as weak, flawed and in need of help. The speaker addresses Ana directly through the pronoun ‘you’, thus personifying her as an entity with agency and power. Moreover, the speaker adopts a subordinate position in the discourse, locating herself as the recipient of the action, to be transformed or made ‘perfect’. Ana is portrayed as the potential source of transformation as having the ability to ‘mend’ the speaker’s inadequacies. In our data, acceptance of personal need is often related to a feeling of being ‘lost’, isolated or abandoned, as shown in Extracts 2 and 3, which occur in the same thread:

Extract 2 spikedown7: I am so lost. i dont know what to feel, think, or do…

i feel so alone. even when in the midst of a crowd…

i will forever be empty and alone, for who can love and care about me? a nobody. a screw up. i am nothing but thrown away trash. im merely shit on the bottom of someone’s shoe. (Data file 89, lines 1, 2–3, 12–14, 22/12/09)

Extract 3

notsoprettylizzie: you need ana! she can turn it all around for you, like she did for me. she can help you feel positive about yourself and make you strong. (Data file 89, lines 37–38, 23/12/09)

Here, Ana is explicitly accorded transformative power to take away problems and turn lives around. This theme is also found in the Christian idea of personal salvation and of God’s power to change one’s life.⁶ Extract 2 begins from a position of hopelessness and self-loathing. The extent of the speaker’s despair is constructed via a series of intensifiers, extreme case formulations (ECFs – Pomerantz, 1986) and derogatory lexical items. A little later in the sequence (Extract 3), another speaker (notsoprettylizzie) invokes Ana as the key to combatting such feelings. She warrants her advice with an account of a personal life transformation, which she attributes to following Ana. Thus, the first speaker’s construction of weakness and failure is juxtaposed with one of potential strength and self-worth: ‘she can help you feel positive about yourself and make you strong’.

Such accounts of life transformation are common in the data. As illustrated in Extracts 4 and 5, it is also claimed that Ana is the only means by which transformation may be achieved:

Extract 4

cpu: So.. here I am. I know ana’s the only way now.

I don’t want to be the failure I am any more. (Data file 77, lines 10–11, 19/12/09)

Extract 5

someday…: Ana is absolutely the only way, shes the answer! Just trust & believe & u WILL b the thinner. (Data file 77, lines 25–26, 21/12/09)

In Extract 4, the speaker (cpu) attributes her presence on the website to a recognition that Ana is the sole route to change and success. A little later in the thread, her construction is strongly reinforced and upgraded by another speaker (someday…) who uses an ECF to claim that Ana uniquely has the power to help cpu’s life, specifically, to make her thinner. This construction follows the same logic as Christian discourse in which Christ is the only way to salvation.⁷ Here, there is also an orientation to the idea that Ana requires her followers to show trust and faith in order to receive her help. This idea is further developed in Extract 6 as a need for solid commitment to Ana.

Extract 6

ness -: i need help. i just can’t control my cravings.

i need help. (Data file 45, lines 10–11, 08/12/09)

(….)

getthinordietrying: You need ana!! If you stop eating NOW, ana will take you under her wing. Show ana you can ignore cravings and she will drop numbers off the scale, show ana you can run until you drop and she will give you tiny thighs, show ana you really want this and she will give you a flat stomach, Show ana you can say fuck you to food, work your ass off, and keep her a secret, and she will give you a thigh gap and make all the girls envy you. (Data file 45, lines 62–67, 08/12/09)

The requirement to show commitment to Ana in order to receive her rewards is recurrent throughout the data and has parallels in Christian injunctions to show devotion to God and tenacity in following commands.⁸ The posts in Extract 6 are taken from the same thread. The first (by ness-) constitutes an appeal for help to withstand hunger and food cravings, which are seen within the pro-ana community as a source of weakness and temptation (Evans, 2015). The second speaker creates a transactional frame in which Ana provides the strength to withstand cravings, but simultaneously makes this support conditional upon the actions of those who seek her help. Hence, ness- is required to demonstrate concrete commitment, that is, to sacrifice food and to engage in extreme exercise, in order to receive Ana’s support and ultimately to reap the rewards of ‘tiny thighs’ and ‘a flat stomach’.

A related theme is the need for support from other members to remain strong and committed to the ED. This theme is illustrated in Extracts 7, 8 and 9. Extracts 7 and 8 are direct requests for support, while Extract 9 shows a community orientation towards encouraging new members embarking on the pro-ana journey:

Extract 7

emmmy xo : im done eating…

i’m done with food, i know what i need now, i need ana. and i need you. i’m too weak to do it on my own. (Data file 40, lines 63, 64–65, 10/12/09)

In Extract 7, the speaker presents a resolve to stop eating juxtaposed with a claim of personal weakness that prevents her from implementing her decision. Here, she appeals not only to Ana but also to other members of the pro-ana community (‘and I need you’) for help. The need for mutual support from fellow members is also a significant theme in Christian discourse.⁹ In our data, this is frequently expressed by new members as well as by those who are seeking to bolster their ongoing commitment to Ana:

Extract 8

SeekingPerfection:

pleease

will someone be my companion as I start out on my journey and be my support, and my thinspiration

and help me grow with Ana

would anyone like to be my ana-bff. (Data file 114, lines 7–18, 28/12/09)

Extract 9

Lala: yes, i would love to be your bff. and i do need help too. (Data file 114, lines 19–20, 28/12/09)

(…)

A-J: Hey…I’ll be yor Ana Bff

Add me…we’ll talk…we’ll fast…and whatever…

We’ll keep each other right

Could do with the support too to be honest. (Data file 114, lines 34–37, 28/12/09)

(…)

beautifulbones1996: we can encourage each other and give each other strength on this journey, that way we can overcome the cravings together. (Data file 114, lines 67–68, 30/12/09)

Extract 8 is the latter part of a post in which the speaker has vowed to reject their previous life of weakness and failure (eating) and to embark on a pro-ana life. There is an explicit appeal for support, framed as a request for one specific friend to assist them in developing their relationship with Ana. The lexical choices here explicitly echo Christian discourse, with pro-ana framed as a ‘journey’¹⁰ in which followers need both guidance and companionship in order to progress and achieve their goals. As shown in Extract 9, community members are quick to offer encouragement and friendship, while also expressing their own failings and need of encouragement/motivation. These responses, and particularly the contribution by beautifulbones1996, emphasise the importance of community support in providing collective strength to members. The speakers explicitly orient to the value of interaction and shared activity as a form of motivation, thereby adding substance to Maloney’s (2008) claim that pro-ana religious discourse provides ‘emotional energy’ for community members to pursue the ED.

In the final two extracts in this section, the speakers describe having made a solid commitment to Ana. This construction occurs throughout the data and is framed as a joyful process:

Extract 10

skinnyalltheway: Ana saved me too - she transformed my mundane crappy little life + gave me joy - a purpose, a reason for being. She made me what I am today Without her I’m nothing! She really made me into something!! I’m so thankful. (Data file 79, lines 25–27, 22/12/09)

Extract 11

ellie-is-fasting: i chose to give my heart to ana + i’ll never look back, i’m achieving my dreams. i’m finally becoming that girl i used to only dream i could be. (Data file 71, lines 11–12, 17/12/09)

In the Christian context, personal salvation occurs when an individual gives his or her life to God and thereby receives a new purpose and meaning for living.¹¹ In Extract 10, the speaker invokes this principle when describing Ana’s impact on her life. Again, Ana is personified. She is constructed as having agency and power, manifested in the capacity to save and transform lives. For the speaker, this represents a stark transformation, from a life of banality and insignificance to one of joy and purpose. Notably, in contrast to Ana’s potency, the speaker assumes a passive positioning in which she is the object of Ana’s actions and in which she claims both dependence and gratitude. Similarly, in Extract 11, the speaker references a personal decision to surrender herself to Ana as one that has enabled her to forge a new, successful and fulfilling life. Having decided to commit to Ana, the speaker claims certainty about the future (‘I’ll never look back’). Again, this has analogies with the Christian themes of giving one’s life to God with transformative outcomes.

Following Ana

We will now consider constructions of following Ana or living a pro-ana life (once a commitment has been made). These emphasise the importance of following Ana’s wishes and of turning to her for guidance, particularly when faced with temptation:

Extract 12

fragilexxFATTIE: I love Ana with all my heart,

I will until death makes us part.

I watch her mould me into a work of art. (Data file 61, lines 24–26, 13/12/09)

The Christian concept of having faith emphasises the importance of trusting God’s will and of living a just and faithful life.¹² In Extract 12, the speaker expresses devotion and conviction in following Ana’s plans. There are two explicitly intertextual religious references here. In projecting a lifelong commitment, the speaker draws on the vows taken at a Christian marriage ceremony, while her claim of being ‘moulded’ by Ana directly invokes the biblical representation of God as a ‘potter’ and humans as ‘clay’ to be shaped and modelled.¹³ Notably, the speaker self-positions not only as a passive recipient of Ana’s actions but also as a detached observer of her own moulding, in which her body provides material for Ana’s work. The post expresses both submission to Ana’s will and complete confidence in Ana’s ability to effect transformation.

A theme related to devotion and faith is that of overcoming temptation. Specifically, in following God’s will, Christians must stay strong: they must withstand the temptations of the flesh and the material world, which lead to sin.¹⁴ In Extracts 13 and 14, the speakers similarly construct hunger as a temptation that must be resisted in order to follow Ana’s will and attain her approval:

Extract 13

FarFarAway: You can do it! We’re all stuck with this stupid pro eating holiday, but trust ana, that’s what I do! That’s all I can do! I feel her with me, she’s almost tangible. (Data file 99, lines 22–23, 23/12/09)

Extract 14

RubyRedShoes: stay strong, keep in mind what you have set out to achieve, be dedicated, motivated and you’ll get there, you can relise your dreams!!! show them…

starve on

in Ana’s name. (Data file 66, lines 48–50, 53–54, 16/12/09)

Extracts 13 and 14 frame a key concern of the pro-ana community at the time of data collection: the desire to get through Christmas without eating. The holiday period can be seen here as a particular context of temptation and possible weakness. In both extracts, the speakers highlight an imperative to remain true to their goals, and notably, both extracts construct Ana, herself, as a personified bulwark against temptation.

In Extract 13, the speaker urges another member to place their trust in Ana in order to resist the temptation of food and to continue on the pro-ana path. There are analogous representations in biblical discourse, whereby God provides strength and resilience to fight temptation.¹⁵ That Ana is presented here as an ‘almost tangible’ presence underlines both her personification and the extent to which she represents a real entity for the speaker. The speaker in Extract 14 also attempts to motivate another site user to continue fasting. Here, there are explicit exhortations to resist food and to ‘starve on’, while the notion of ‘staying strong’ is constructed in relation to a desired endpoint.

Of course, the concept of ‘staying strong’ implies that there is something to be overcome or endured. Christian life is often constructed as difficult and demanding,¹⁶ and here, the pro-ana journey may be seen as similarly arduous in that members struggle to stay on the path of self-starvation. As in the previous extract, faith in Ana constitutes an important resource in the struggle – just as for Christians, faith is a powerful means of overcoming life’s adversities.¹⁷ Moreover, the addressee is advised to continue ‘in Ana’s name’, which implies that Ana is the intrinsic reason for undertaking the struggle. In biblical sources, as in other religious frameworks, God also provides the central purpose in the lives of the faithful and, therefore, the reason that they are willing to follow a life that is less comfortable or enjoyable than alternative routes might have been.¹⁸ The next two extracts explore a common theme in accounts of pro-ana life: the need for demonstrable daily commitment to Ana:

Extract 15

dani: we need to keep weighing and praying and striving towards our goal. b committed and u WILL b thin. (Data file 79, lines 16–17, 20/12/09)

Extract 16

xcspychik47: keep weighing in every day and yea by all means pray! Try keeping a food journal too, I no that helps me stay focused and in tune with what ana wants from me. (Data file 79, lines 18–20, 19/12/09)

Devotion to Ana is framed, in part, as proactively engaging in activities that keep the speakers ‘on track’. From an external perspective, these activities (daily weigh-ins, keeping food journals and resisting the temptation to eat) are the very behaviours that characterise disordered eating (Anderluh et al., 2003). Here, however, they are constructed as daily components/obligations of a pro-ana life and an important means of staying true to Ana’s will – just as daily prayer or other displays of faith might underpin a Christian life.¹⁹ Interestingly, both extracts also reference prayer as a tool to aid the pro-ana journey. Neither speaker specifies to whom the prayer should be directed, so it may be that the addressees are being advised to pray to (the Christian) God, rather than to Ana (see also Maloney, 2008). However, it is also possible that Ana is being explicitly afforded the power of a deity who hears and responds to the petitions of her followers. The final theme in this section is making progress with pro-ana and overcoming setbacks along the way:

Extract 17

Empty/Eyes: My dresses that I bought 2 weeks ago have gotten too big for me

FINALLY! Making some progress with Ana. (Data file 20, lines 1–2, 04/12/09)

Extract 17 is an account of triumph and achievement, overtly framed as ‘progress’, which is physically evidenced as weight loss. In biblical sources, God’s followers grow stronger through faith and careful adherence to God’s teachings, which, in turn, draws them closer to God.²⁰ Extract 17 parallels this notion of progress in that the speaker’s (presumed) adherence to the pro-ana lifestyle is now bringing the demonstrable rewards of weight loss. The emphasis on the word ‘finally’ implies that progress has not been easy to achieve. Moreover, in the claim that she is making progress ‘with Ana’, her achievements are framed as attributable to Ana’s influence. This construction is congruent with the claim, discussed earlier, that Ana herself provides the strength needed to follow her path:

Extract 18

lustinlove: Im still a fat bitch because my bones only come out sometimes.

they need to stay out forever…

Theres room for improvement for sure… (Data file 193, lines 18–20, 13/01/10)

Extract 18 also presents progress (or lack thereof) as physical proof of weight loss. As in Extract 17, the speaker uses this evidence to calibrate success and achievement. However, this is an account of imperfect progress. To the extent that her bones ‘sometimes’ protrude, the speaker constructs herself as moving closer to her goal of extreme emaciation, that is, to a time when her bones will be permanently visible. A desired endpoint is thus projected, and the speaker positions herself on a trajectory towards that state. In constructing progress, the speakers also describe experiencing setbacks, as in the following account:

Extract 19

bella1: i joined 6 days ago

ive had the best 6 days ive had for the last six months, ive hardly eaten, done loads of exercise and have felt myself growing closer to ana again. lost half a stone aswell, so only had one stone to go till GW.

but tonight i messed up. i was upset with my best friend so i went to the kitchen, grabbed a loada food and i ate the whole lot. i lost control…

this hasnt ruined anything has it? tell me its a stumble…

i feel like this binge is the end of the world…

i let myself down

worse than that i let ana down….

Reena: We all know how a binge feels. You’re not the only one and it’s definitely not the end of the world. A weak moment doesn’t ruin everything… (Data file 206, lines 1–6, 10, 10–11, 14–15, 19–20, 15/01/10)

There are many accounts of regression in Christian discourse, for example, when people fail to follow commandments, thereby sinning and creating a temporary separation between themselves and God.²¹ Extract 19 is such an account of setback. The speaker describes successful adherence to pro-ana (progress), which has been derailed by an eating binge. This setback is constructed primarily as an issue of control wherein the speaker has faltered in her progress, an action for which she claims personal responsibility. Notably, she frames her failure as also ‘let(ting) Ana down’, which is the ultimate (or ‘worst’) aspect of the transgression. This is contrasted with her claim that during the period of progress, she was not only achieving weight loss but also growing closer to Ana and (re)establishing a relationship with her. However, as in Christian discourse, where God offers forgiveness and redemption to these who repent of sin,²² the speaker hopes that she may return to the pro-ana lifestyle after her setback. Her appeal for reassurance that she has not irrevocably damaged her progress is immediately offered support and encouragement by another member (Reena). Thus, occasional eating/bingeing is constructed as something that may be redeemed, rather than constituting a long-term impediment to ED progress.

Ana as loving vs punitive deity

The final section of the analysis considers competing constructions of Ana as: (a) a loving and nurturing deity, who provides guidance, inspiration and strength and (b) a demanding and sometimes cruel deity, who dispenses harsh judgement and punishment:

Extract 20

gonnagetabs: Ana helps me through the day, if it is a bad one, she shows me how good it is to feel having an empty stomach. So beautiful. So in control. At least I can count on her to bring about stability in my life she loves me that much. (Data file 181, lines 30–32, 17/01/10)

Extract 21

*-stef-*: she loves us + wants to make us better-she wants to give us what we want most-what’s in our heart. (Data file 181, lines 20–21, 11/01/10)

A central tenet of Christian teaching, particularly that of the New Testament, is that God offers unfailing love, most significantly evidenced in the Crucifixion of Jesus for the redemption of sinners²³ and also that God promises eternal rewards to followers.²⁴ In Extracts 20 and 21, the speakers construct a similarly loving and nurturing figure who seeks their best interests and wants to positively change their lives. Here, Ana is, once again, attributed agency, intentions and power. Specifically, she loves her followers and wants to reward them, to make them ‘better’, and help them to achieve their desires. This frame is congruent with earlier constructions of Ana as a transformative force in the lives of her followers. However, it sharply contrasts with the construction of a punitive and unforgiving deity, which is discussed in the final series of extracts:

Extract 22

Empty/Eyes: Do you even know how difficult it is to please you, Ana. (Data file 134, line 3, 03/01/10)

Extract 23

disorderedconduct: Hear her appraisal clear

Finally I’ve done something right. (Data file 163, lines 25–26, 09/01/10)

Extract 24

Broken-x: I know Ana is good for me, she loves me.. I try so hard to be perfect- smart.beautiful..THIN for her. but its never enough.

I’m never gonna be good enough for Ana. her expectations are god darn impossible. (Data file 167, lines 9–11, 10/01/10).

In these extracts, the speakers present Ana as a harsh and demanding figure whose standards are difficult to achieve. In Extract 22, Ana is addressed directly, while in Extract 23, she is referred to in the third person. In both cases, the speakers themselves are positioned as subject to Ana’s demands and evaluation. As the objects of her will (and in contrast to earlier extracts), they struggle to please Ana and find her standards difficult to fulfil. Extract 24 is particularly interesting in that Ana is constructed as simultaneously loving and punitive. The speaker initially orients to Ana’s goodness as an acknowledgement, or as something that is taken for granted. This is contrasted, however, with her own experience of trying and failing to meet Ana’s stringent requirements and thus remaining permanently inadequate in her eyes.

We can find parallels to these constructions in some biblical (mainly Old Testament) representations of God as exacting and unforgiving to those who sin. In some Old Testament sources, God expresses extreme wrath/anger and visits plagues and other punishments as a form of vengeance.²⁵ However, even where biblical sources refer to God’s wrath and retribution, these are presented as righteous anger and punishment, provoked by sin.²⁶ A similar meaning framework can be seen to underpin the pro-ana discourse. When Ana is presented as harsh or punitive, her anger is almost invariably linked to failure (eating, weight gain) on the part of her followers, and thus, presented as justifiable. This conceptual structure is clearly demonstrated in the final two extracts:

Extract 25

getthinordietrying: Your so weak. Ana doesn’t want girls like you ! She wants the girls with self-control, the girls that really want thin, not the girls that want their cake, and thin too.

Ana doesn’t want a fat ass, she doesn’t want a glutton, Ana hates you, and you should hate yourself. (Data file 35, lines 29–32, 07/12/09)

Extract 26

nicoco: Ana is probably so angry right now, and just right! I’d be surprised if she ever wants anything to do with you again!

You can’t just do what you like, that’s not how it works. (Data file 40, lines 25–27, 09/12/09)

Extracts 25 and 26 are responses to confessional posts, where a speaker has admitted the transgression of eating and has asked others to provide them with motivation/guilt to help them resist in the future. Both extracts are explicitly framed in terms of Ana’s hatred and anger. Here, Ana is ascribed not only agency and intention but also emotion. In Extract 25, it is claimed that she ‘hates’ the addressee because of their failure, while in Extract 26, it is claimed that she is ‘angry’ with the addressee and is likely to reject her in the future. In both cases, Ana’s emotions are negative ones, and her overall construction is that of a demanding and unforgiving deity, who rejects and punishes those who deviate from her rules. However, it is notable that through lexical and structural links, both posts present her responses as reasonable and justifiable. The speaker in Extract 25 details Ana’s requirements in order to highlight the extent of the addressee’s transgression; in turn, this explains Ana’s hatred for the latter. Extract 26 further indexes the rule-bound nature of pro-ana to emphasise the addressee’s deviation from the system (‘that’s not how it works’), thereby again offering justification for Ana’s anger. Within this framework, self-control is key to pleasing Ana, and her followers expect to experience her wrath and punishment if they deviate from her expectations.

Discussion and conclusion

We have adopted an explicitly ID perspective to consider how pro-ana members use religious discourses to make sense of their ED and their own identities. Focusing on constructions of Ana as deity, we have shown how a religious (and specifically, Christian) metaphor shapes members’ engagement, both personally and collectively, with the movement. Although there are existing analyses of pro-ana religious discourse (e.g. Crowe and Watts, 2016; Day and Keys, 2008; Knapton, 2013; Maloney, 2008), our analysis is distinctive in several ways. We offer the first sustained analysis of how members themselves use the religious theme across different constructions and different discursive goals. Moreover, through cross-referencing with biblical sources, we provide the first demonstrable evidence of the ID nature of the pro-ana religious metaphor. Finally, we offer a uniquely focused analysis of how the central deity, Ana, is constructed, thereby offering insights into pro-ana motivations and worldviews.

The first important observation from our data is that Ana is explicitly personified in that she is treated as having agency and intention, and as experiencing emotions including love, satisfaction and anger. This has parallels with the Christian concept of God as an identifiable entity with particular intentions (sometimes known as God’s will). Furthermore, Ana, like God, exercises power over her followers. This power is often intensely positive and affirming, but it may also take the form of censure and punishment for wrong-doing. A further parallel is that members construct personal relationships with Ana, from whom they seek guidance and inspiration, just as Christians relate and appeal to God through prayer and religious observance.

Three themes, or sets of constructions, were identified. In the first, committing to Ana, the speakers attributed personal imperfections and failings to a need for Ana, and described life transformations once they decided to commit to the pro-ana lifestyle. As shown in the analysis, a similar theme of human imperfection is pervasive in Christian discourse, as is the concept of personal salvation through God’s transformative power. The second theme, following Ana, focused on living a pro-ana life (or actively pursuing the ED). This examined the speakers’ day-to-day experiences, including a requirement to show devotion to Ana, the inevitability of struggles/failure, Ana as a source of strength against temptation and the satisfaction gained from ‘making progress’ with the ED. Again, there are demonstrable parallels in Christian discourse in which followers are exhorted to show faith to resist temptation, and in which God provides the strength and inspiration to follow a righteous life. The third theme examined alternate portrayals of Ana as loving vs punitive deity. In the former, Ana was presented as nurturing her followers through love and guidance, and as rewarding those who followed her commands (or who maintained the ED) through, for example, weight loss and associated life satisfaction. However, in other places, she was presented as harsh, exacting and (justifiably) punitive to those who failed to maintain their ED. These constructions have parallels, respectively, in Christian representations of a God of Love, most evident in the New Testament, and a God of Wrath (or righteous anger), more commonly found in the Old Testament.

As discussed briefly earlier, beyond the dangers of pro-ana itself (Boero and Pascoe, 2012; Haas et al., 2010), for those with an ED, the prevalence of a religious metaphor poses unique threats to treatment and recovery. Other researchers have addressed this issue and we will now summarise their concerns, before outlining the additional insights offered by our analysis. A key concern is that the religious metaphor may valorise members’ self-perceptions in relation to the ED. For example, some of Crowe and Watts’s (2016) interviewees framed their ED as an exclusive and aspirational journey in which suffering was necessary to achieve perfection: ‘The path to beauty is a hard and painful process that is clearly not for everyone. Only the most dedicated will prove themselves worthy’ (Crowe and Watts, 2016: 386). Maloney (2008) similarly notes that pro-ana members construct themselves as ‘the chosen ones’, or the small number who are able to maintain the anorexic lifestyle. The religious metaphor also provides a sense of purpose and prescriptions for living. From this perspective, the ED ‘is not conceptualised as a disorder or an illness. Rather [it] becomes a powerful way of life with its own belief systems and codes of practice’ (Knapton, 2013: 10). Finally, the religious frame can create a heightened sense of community and collective identity, not dissimilar to that of conventional religions and church groupings, from which members derive the reinforcement and motivation needed to maintain their ED (Maloney, 2008).

Our analysis adds to these existing insights in several ways. By combining interdiscursivity with the DP-based concepts of discursive action and function, we have shown that the metaphor extends beyond the website content (psalms, creeds etc.) to shape the members’ own discussions; and furthermore, that it prevails across different constructions and discursive actions. In a real sense, then, the ‘pro-ana religion’ can be seen to structure members’ everyday sense-making and representations of ED, as well as their lived experiences and identities within the pro-ana community. It is arguably more difficult to ‘treat’ a worldview than an illness or disorder, at least using conventional methods. In addition, by conducting a systematic ID analysis, we have shown that the worldview being created here has some internal coherence. In our data, it does not consist of atomised references to religion, but rather a set of meaning structures that relate to one another in relatively intelligible manner – for example, needing Ana, finding Ana, transformation, transgression, reward and punishment are all concepts that are linked causally and cogently within the overall meaning framework. This feature of the discourse strengthens its logical force and may be expected to make it more robust in the face of competing arguments.

Finally, by focusing specifically on how the god(dess) Ana is constructed, we have identified unique dangers around members’ orientations and concerns. The use of religious discourse reinforces prevailing worldviews (Fairclough, 2003), and in any religion, the central deity personifies and provides a reference point for both the belief-system and the aspirations and behaviours of followers. By personifying the ED in this way, the members are creating an important focal point for their own beliefs and prescriptions for living. Moreover, the personification of Ana affords the construction of personal relationships with the deity. In such relationships, the members are invariably positioned as subordinate to Ana’s will and as reliant on her for inspiration and guidance. The relationship with Ana provides a strong motivation to pursue the ED, while creating a specific set of aspirations, obligations and accountability concerns (for example, around eating and exercise). All of this may be expected to make the ED more difficult to treat, since its maintenance is required to sustain members’ relationship with Ana and its abandonment is a matter for censure and rejection.

Maloney (2008) has argued that ‘religious functionalism is the real danger of [pro-ana] sites, but has been effectively ignored in previous literature’ (p. 3). While researchers have now begun to explore the religious component of the websites, the ID analysis presented in this article more directly addresses the functionalism and effects of the religious metaphor. Our aim is not to provide recommendations about how this issue should be treated by ED professionals, but rather to highlight its existence and to provide solid insights into how it functions as a worldview and meaning framework. Hence, we aim to contribute to understanding pro-ana and the associated implications of managing/treating EDs. Day and Keys (2008) note that for many patients, the ED itself is intrinsically motivating as something to be ‘good’ at. With the application of the religious frame (and the personification of Ana), this motivation gains further momentum because it is underpinned by belief, values, a relatively coherent worldview, a deity-figure who inspires and punishes and a set of spiritual and community relationships. The construction of the ED as a spiritual journey, with explicit parallels in a different discursive domain (that of Christian faith), will conceivably present a particularly strong bulwark against medical or therapeutic rehabilitation.

We would like to finish the article by reflecting on some questions of theoretical and empirical relevance. First, our analysis has shown that the pro-ana use of religious discourse represents the ‘full’ importation of a discourse from one domain into another, not only thematically but also functionally. This raises the question of why this wholesale interdiscursivity has taken place. While it is common to find elements of one discourse being used in a different domain (Fairclough, 1993, 2003), these are typically hybridised and/or transformed in the second context of use. It is rare to find an entire discourse being appropriated and retained in this way. We propose that the emergent nature of pro-ana is what underlies this phenomenon. That is, because the movement is without precedent and does not have a set of constituent discourses, it has drawn fully upon an existing framework to create a new context for sense-making within recognisable parameters. In an analysis of five pro-ana websites (one of which foregrounded the religious metaphor), Lipczynska (2007) noted that

the Internet … has allowed a new subculture of eating disorders to develop, with its own rules and creeds, its very own deities and language which allows devotees to disguise their conversations about their disorders and perhaps feel part of a community which fully embraces them and their choices. (pp. 547–548)

Applying an ID perspective sheds light on how and why this process is occurring. It also raises the further question of whether there are other new discursive domains where we might witness such holistic movement of discourses.

There are also questions around the degree of consciousness with which the interdiscursivity is taking place. While the presentation of creeds, psalms and prayers is clearly an explicit appropriation by those who run the websites, what we have seen in our data is a more personalised and functional use of religious themes and meanings. While demonstrably interdiscursive with biblical sources, these instances of personal usage are less easy to map directly to specific words and texts. Therefore, the degree of consciousness with which the discourse is being appropriated is less clear, although in at least some cases, there does seem to be an explicit invocation of religious concepts, such as prayer, sacrifice and salvation. This issue of consciousness and/or intentionality is something that has relevance for studies of interdiscursivity more generally.

Finally, it is interesting to consider the role of culture in framing interdiscursivity, and specifically, here, the relationship between pro-ana and religion. While all existing studies (including our own) have identified the pro-ana religious metaphor as being Christian in character, this raises the question of what pro-ana discourse would look like in a non-Western context where Christianity is not the prevailing religious reference. Would any such communities also draw upon a religious discourse to create a framework for the emergent meanings of pro-ana, and if so, would it be configured with respect to a different set of beliefs and deities? Or would they draw upon an entirely different discursive domain?

We are unaware of any existing examples or studies that would allow us to answer these questions. However, with the growing prevalence of the Internet and the attendant flourishing of new sub-culture communities, they are issues that invite further exploration in light of ID principles.

Footnotes

Authors’ Note

This paper is based on the PhD research of the second author.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Notes

Author biographies

Karyn Stapleton is a Senior Lecturer in Communication at Ulster University. Her research interests are in discourse, identity, interpersonal communication and social psychology. Recent research publications have included articles on: interpersonal accountability, pragmatics of swearing, cognitive dissonance, public apology, women’s identities in conflict contexts and narrative theory. All of her research is concerned with how discourse and interaction relate to other psychological, cultural and social phenomena.

Sarah L Evans is a teacher of English at Childwall Sports and Science Academy in Liverpool. She studied BSc (Hons) Language and Linguistics and completed a PhD at Ulster University, where the focus of her thesis was an examination of the interdiscursivity in pro-ana discourse; more specifically, the complete appropriation of religious discourse by the pro-ana community. Her research interests include discourse, identity, online communities and interdiscursivity. She is currently working on a paper exploring the merits of combining interdiscursivity with core analytic principles from discursive psychology.

Catrin S Rhys is a Senior Lecturer in Linguistics at Ulster University. Her research employs conversation analysis to examine language and social interaction in a range of institutional and mundane settings. Recent publications have included articles on the design of interviewer turns in football interviewing, nurse-patient interaction and the language of complaints handing in the NHS. With her background in formal linguistics, there is a focus in all her research on the interface between the interactional and the linguistic properties of language use.

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