Influences on Academic Talent Development of Black Girls in K-12: A Systematic Review

Attributes

Black girls are observed in classrooms dominating discussions, being loud, outspoken, and competitive with boys and other girls to gain the teacher’s attention (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Morris, 2007 Neal-Jackson, 2018). Black girls with these characteristics, referred to as having high instrumentality (independence and competitiveness), may experience a greater decline in academic achievement than those with lower instrumentality (Skinner et al., 2018). As adolescents physically develop, the high instrumentality they exhibit can intimidate teachers resulting in negative stereotyping and negative outcomes to school performance (Skinner et al., 2018). Unexpectedly, teachers from the same racial background characterize Black girls’ interaction style similarly (Morris, 2007). These perceived problematic behaviors such as competing and standing up to others often are the same behaviors that some Black girls used to propel their learning (Morris, 2007). Although teachers complain that Black girls can be “loud,” the outspoken behavior does not hinder enrollment numbers in advanced courses; for instance, in one study, more Black girls were enrolled in pre-Advanced Placement classes than Black males or Latina groups (Morris, 2007).

Some teachers attempt to instill traditional feminine behavior to Black girls which includes speaking softer, having body control, and being more conciliatory to authority (Neal-Jackson, 2018) while others encourage Black girls to be more assertive which leads to more acceptance to the teachers’ requests by the girls (Morris, 2007). Although Black girls may describe their behavior in similar ways to their teachers, girls understand these characteristics as strengths rather than impediments to their learning (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Neal-Jackson, 2018).

When young Black girls refuse to conform to a quiet demeanor that teachers often insist upon, school becomes a place where Black girls are limited in the way they can express themselves and inconsistent with the way they act at home and the community (Neal-Jackson, 2018). Likewise, some Black girls have to alter their preferred identity in exchange for a more ladylike and quieter persona (Fordham, 1993) or purposefully disconnect themselves from any behavior that may be perceived as stereotypical Black women’s behavior to access educational resources that are provided to others (Neal-Jackson, 2018). Specifically, academically successful Black girls learn how to increase self-regulation by evaluating their circumstances to control and adjust their behavior (Pearson, 2008). For example, in a magnet school known for its advanced placement and humanities programs located in a predominantly African American part of Washington, D.C., Fordham (1993) observes how high-achieving Black girls are taught directly and indirectly to be “silent” in school. Girls at the school do not speak in class unless they are called upon. Even in the face of physical or verbal confrontations, the highly successful girls do not draw attention to themselves. Being invisible and restrained are tactics these girls learn to use to become academically successful. Fordham (1993) surmises that silence “conceals their female voice and the resulting gender expectations” (p. 23) and by using this strategy shields Black girls from the envy and resentment that comes from others who are academically less successful.

Academic identity

Academic identity is important to the academic success of Black girls. When one is academically identified, they are engaged and motivated to learn and their self-esteem is linked to doing well in school (McMillian et al., 2011). Black girls confident about their academic abilities are likely to have future-oriented goals leading to successful careers and productive lives (Pearson, 2008). For instance, Black girls who persist in school establish priorities and dedicate time to develop study schedules for schoolwork (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012). Black girls believe that education is important for their future and maintain they have to work harder than the average White girl to be successful; consequently, successful Black girls often take after-school jobs for economic reasons, thus leaving less time and energy toward other endeavors (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012).

Adolescent Black girls with a strong sense of self are determined to stay focused in school and maintain their grades even through adversity (Morris, 2007; Pearson, 2008). Black girls who academically persist in school often report having high grades and are academically curious (Butler-Barnes et al., 2017). Interestingly, participation in physical activity has been shown to increase persistence, alleviate boredom, and increase concentration leading to higher academic performance for Black girls (Shen, 2017).

Conversely, academic disidentification refers to how one’s self-esteem is detached from one’s academic performance. Disidentification is a strategy by which students separate their self-esteem from academics out of fear that scholastic interest will reinforce negative stereotypes about their ability (McMillian et al., 2011). Negative experiences such as disciplinary actions for behavior in school can contribute to academic disidentification (Cokley et al., 2012). In studies related to Black student disidentification, Black girls experience less academic disidentification than do Black boys (Cokley et al., 2012; McMillian et al., 2011, 2016; Morris, 2007; Osborne, 1997). From their outspokenness and a strong interest in success, Black girls seem to take their education more seriously than Black boys (Fordham, 1993; Morris, 2007).

Aspirations

Black girls’ aspirations may help develop future academic outcomes (Honora, 2002). High academic aspirations enable Black girls to persist academically and overcome difficulties (Butler-Barnes et al., 2017; Neal-Jackson, 2018). Black girls maintain that hard work leads to academic success and a way to reverse negative socioeconomic status (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Evans-Winters, 2005; Neal-Jackson, 2018).

Generally, self-expectations of future academic attainment decrease as Black youth become older and may be attributed to a more realistic view of their academic competence (Kao & Tienda, 1998). Although a disproportionate number of Black girls drop out of high school, the girls who remain are often highly optimistic toward academic success (Kao & Tienda, 1998).

Parents report higher expectations of the academic achievement of their daughters in comparison to their sons (Wood et al., 2007, 2010). For instance, in one study, 67% of the mothers of Black youth maintain that girls are more competent than boys in academic disciplines, which indicates a positive bias for daughters (Wood et al., 2010). Parents expect more girls than boys will finish college (Wood et al., 2007). Interestingly, compared with White mothers, Black mothers maintain higher aspirations for academic success for their daughters and influence their daughters’ self-identity and independence (Ridolfo et al., 2013).

Compared with Black boys, Black girls set more goals in education, future employment, marriage, and family (Honora, 2002). Black girls have higher aspirations for more schooling than White girls (Kao & Tienda, 1998; Mau & Bikos, 2000; Neal-Jackson, 2018) and are more optimistic about future educational opportunities if they persevere in school through their senior year (Kao & Tienda, 1998). For instance, among 8th and 10th-grade Black girls, 31% have aspirations to attend graduate school. By 12th grade, the percentage rises to 41% as compared with 37% of White girls (Kao & Tienda, 1998).

In summary, Black girls value education and have high academic aspirations to succeed. The personal characteristics of Black girls may vary. The outward appearance that some Black girls portray as confidence and assertiveness may intimidate others; however, they maintain that this assertiveness or competitiveness helps them achieve their academic goals. Other Black girls outwardly appear to control and regulate their behavior to fit a more traditional feminine model. Black girls with positive academic identities maintain behaviors such as being organized and attentive to schoolwork to reach their goals. In addition, those who have confidence in their academic abilities persist in future academic aspirations and overcome difficulties.

Racial identity

Race is considered a social construct used to make sense about self, abilities, and aspirations (Oyserman et al., 2001). Research on racial identity formation focuses on the concepts of racial centrality, private regard, public regard, and minority ideology. Centrality is defined as how central a particular racial group membership is to one’s sense of self; private regard can be defined as how one feels about being part of a particular racial group, and public regard is defined as one’s perceptions about how others view the racial group (Sellers et al., 1997). Private regard and racial centrality act as buffers against negative racial experiences for Black girls in school (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018). Cultural assets (private regard and racial centrality) and academic assets (academic curiosity and academic self-esteem) influence Black girls’ persistence in school (Butler-Barnes et al., 2017). Adolescent Black girls with high personal and cultural assets have a high sense of self which includes high private regard, high self-acceptance, and high self-efficacy, and they report higher persistence than Black girls with a lower sense of self (Butler-Barnes et al., 2017). Similar to racial centrality and private regard, researchers posit that minority ideology may also encourage Black girls to have positive future aspirations of education success; for example, Black girls who have a minority ideology understand the history of inequitable systems and are motivated to change the system by attaining academic success (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018).

Perceiving achievement as part of race may help to protect against declining academic efficacy and boost efficacy for both girls and boys (Oyserman et al., 2001). Recent research suggests that a strength-based approach to racial identity development for Black girls is more plausible than a deficit view that proposes that Black students do not achieve because they fear “acting White” if they perform well in school (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018). A deficit view of Black girls results from the notion that Black girls are ultimately in control of their fate regarding academic success without regard to the influences outside of their control (Neal-Jackson, 2018). With the strength-based approach, having a secure attachment to one’s ethnic group alleviates negative racially based experiences in school and provides support for academic success (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018). Black girls’ academic efficacy increases when achievement ideology is viewed as part of one’s in-group identity (Oyserman et al., 2001). That is, when Black girls are proud to be Black and belong to a group that values achievement, then they perceive they can achieve academic success.

Overall, research indicates that having positive feelings about being Black (Harris & Marsh, 2010) and being supported in the classroom increase classroom engagement and curiosity to learn which can increase positive educational outcomes (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018). Black girls who have positive attitudes toward their racial community may be able to disregard the perceived negative stereotypes that Blacks are less intelligent than Whites while encouraging them to believe that it is effort not innate ability that leads to academic success (Butler-Barnes et al., 2017).

Conversely, when Black girls are aware of racism, academic efficacy declines (Oyserman et al., 2001). Personal assets such as religiosity and peer and parent support can help buffer against discrimination (Butler-Barnes et al., 2013). High levels of ethnic socialization described as African American values and heritage are related to lower grades for Black girls (Brown et al., 2009). Black students who have a strong racial identity might be more susceptible to attributing unfavorable racial stereotypes to themselves leading to reduced academic achievement (Cokley et al., 2012). It is likely that too much ethnic socialization originating from parents may cause uncertainty and anxiety for Black girls and contribute to lower performance levels (Brown et al., 2009).

High-achieving Black girls ignore negative stereotypes that discount their ability to academically achieve and recognize the way they view their race can have positive academic outcomes. With high personal assets, Black girls believe in themselves and persist in school despite obstacles.

Social capital

Social capital refers to the social networks and advantages available that can influence future academic opportunities (Kim & Schneider, 2005). Depending upon class membership, Black girls have different amounts of social capital, which can be used to gather other social and financial resources for future educational plans (Battle & Coates, 2004; Hardie, 2015). Black girls from working-class families experience restricted social capital—fewer high-status social ties and fewer resources available to them (Hardie, 2015)—and heavily rely on support from teachers and counselors in their schools (Butler-Barnes et al., 2015; Hardie, 2015).

Black girls from middle-class families experience isolated social capital compared with their White peers who have larger networks on which to draw for support. Whereas, on average, middle-class Black girls report seven social connections to adults who have attended college, but less than half of the girls report that these individuals are in career fields that they wish to pursue (Hardie, 2015). The differences in access to social capital can create a domino effect on how Black girls’ families can connect and receive the help that may influence future opportunities for their daughters (Hardie, 2015).

Supportive families

Black girls who lack family and parent support often struggle and have difficulties maintaining academic success (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012). In working-class families, daughters note their parents take a passive role in future college plans or lack knowledge of the college enrollment process (Hardie, 2015; Kao & Tienda, 1998). Having high expectations of attending college for some families may be unrealistic due to the low socioeconomic status of the family (Wood et al., 2007). Financial and material support provided by families is linked to positive reading achievement for Black girls (Chesmore et al., 2016). Economic insecurity may lower academic expectations for Black girls and may signal to the girls that the future will also be economically stressful (Gillette & Gudmunson, 2014). Instead of attaining post-secondary education, working after high school to receive a paycheck may seem more appealing to Black girls who have limited financial resources (Gillette & Gudmunson, 2014).

Nonetheless, Black girls often credit their academic accomplishments to the amount of support given to them by their families (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Butler-Barnes et al., 2015). Emotional support such as recognition and encouragement from parents is critical for Black girls’ academic success (Clayton, 2017). Parental influence is greater than other adults’ influence in the lives of Black girls (Koch et al., 2019). When Black girls try hard and persist academically, parents are more likely to support their daughters’ persistence (Koch et al., 2019).

Higher grade point averages for Black girls are related to parental expectations of their daughter’s academic and behavioral achievements (Clayton, 2017). Likewise, parental expectations about their child’s academic achievement aspirations play a role in the gender differences seen between Black girls and boys (Wood et al., 2007) and are communicated to the child through parent behaviors (Wood et al., 2010). Depending upon the gender of the child, parents may socialize their children differently (Brown et al., 2009). Girls experience different socialization from their parents compared with their brothers or later-born sisters; for example, girls have more chores, more responsibilities, and are monitored more closely (Mandara et al., 2010). Firstborn girls are perceived as more responsible and dependable than later-born siblings, and parents invest more time and resources toward their future success (Mandara et al., 2010).

High-achieving Black girls validate the importance of communication such as talking and listening to parents and teachers especially during the transitioning years in high school (Clayton, 2017). High-achieving Black girls who receive support from parents in the form of monitoring, rewarding, and punishing behaviors noted more school engagement than that of low-achievers (Clayton, 2017). Parents of high-achieving Black girls influence the courses they will take by persuading them to take harder classes like Advanced Placement or honors classes while in school (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012).

Parenting style

Effective parenting that includes equal amounts of demanding and caring may assist Black girls to develop a sense of control and competence that may increase attention in the classroom and more time spent studying (Varner & Mandara, 2014). Authoritative parents provide firm control with equal amounts of warmth and caring (Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). Similar to their White peers, Black girls whose parents use more of an authoritative parenting style have better outcomes than those with disengaged parents (Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). In high-poverty areas, Black girls may be at an even higher risk of stress and underdeveloped self-efficacy when disengaged mothers do not display connectedness, warmth, or firm control with their daughters (Pittman & Chase-Lansdale, 2001). In high-poverty neighborhoods, authoritarian parenting methods may be more commonly used to provide safety and to train girls in ways of survival (Davis-Maye, 2004).

Maternal support

Black girls indicate their mothers are the most influential supporters in their lives, monitor their activities in school, and question them about future college goals (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012). In addition to their mothers, Black girls identify grandmothers and aunts as providers of support for their development (Battle & Coates, 2004; Davis-Maye & Perry, 2007; Neal-Jackson, 2018; Pearson, 2008). Black women tend to have and use more family support systems than men and provide more resources to their daughters (Battle & Coates, 2004). As socioeconomic status increases, Black girls in single-mother households perform better than girls from father-only homes; however, the advantage diminishes 2 years after high school graduation (Battle & Coates, 2004).

Black girls identify with their mothers and develop warm, supportive relationships (Battle & Coates, 2004). Mothers impart their wisdom and experiences by teaching them strategies for protection and emotional strength (Davis-Maye & Perry, 2007) and guiding them vicariously (Pearson, 2008). Through daily behaviors, Black mothers model for their daughters how to situate themselves between two cultures—their own and the dominant White culture (Pearson, 2008).

Black girls have higher self-esteem ratings than White girls due in part to the quality of the mother–daughter relationship and the way Black mothers foster self-esteem and problem-solving ability in their daughters (Ridolfo et al., 2013). Mothers convey particular cultural information and constructive behaviors for self-evaluation that create positive self-concepts which in turn helps buffer oppression (Ridolfo et al., 2013). To combat the discrimination in school, Black girls report their mothers show them how to counteract the injustices they experience by standing up to others when harmed or by informing school personnel about unfair acts committed against them (Neal-Jackson, 2018).

Paternal support

A positive relationship with fathers leads to higher self-esteem and academic engagement among Black girls (Cooper, 2009). Over half of the Black girls in one study recognized their fathers or stepfathers as their father figure while others identified another person such as an uncle as one who provides paternal support (Davis-Maye, 2004). During the adolescent years when mother–daughter conflict increases, positive father–daughter relationships aid positive self-identity among Black girls (Cooper, 2009).

Girls who are supported and communicate more with their fathers describe being more academically engaged in school (Cooper, 2009). When Black girls perceive that their fathers are supportive, a high level of hope for future achievement occurs (Davis-Maye, 2004). As Black girls from single-father homes become older, closer relationships that develop between fathers and daughters can positively influence the development of the girls (Battle & Coates, 2004).

Despite the positive influences, single fathers may not support girls in the same ways as single mothers, such as by not seeking help or having the networks of support like single mothers, which may inadvertently result in fewer resources for their daughters (Battle & Coates, 2004). Research suggests that single fathers tend to distance themselves from their daughters during adolescence resulting in a misunderstanding of how much the father values education (Battle & Coates, 2004). Black girls who experience long periods of father absence during childhood usually live in poor households and have suffered family economic anxiety that results in low academic expectations and low educational success (Gillette & Gudmunson, 2014).

Peer support

During middle school, high-achieving Black girls face many pressures that range from teasing, fighting, psychological changes, and peer pressure (Pearson, 2008). Black girls note difficulties with peers due to different outlooks toward schooling, fighting over romantic interests, and arguments among peer groups, and noted these difficulties restrict the number of close peer relationships with other Black girls (Evans-Winters, 2005; Pearson, 2008). In one study from a school-within-a-school, the Black girls in the academy were called names like “nerd” and experienced other negative pressures from the students in regular classes. Instead of retaliating, these high achievers used negative pressure as a motivator to succeed and defy the negative comments (Pearson, 2008).

Black girls report that they have friends who support academic achievement (Butler-Barnes et al., 2015; Pearson, 2008). Higher achieving Black girls indicate behavioral support from peers is less of a factor for academic success than do middle- and low-achieving girls (Clayton, 2017). To reduce distractions during study sessions, high-achieving girls purposely specify friends to study with who were not close friends (Marsh, 2013).

Peers reinforce the idea that some Black girls believe to become self-reliant, they must be independent; for example, having close peer relationships encourages Black girls during high school to persist and concentrate on academics rather than dating (Hubbard, 1999).

Teacher support

Teachers have a strong influence on the academic success of Black girls (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Trusty, 2002). Teacher behaviors such as providing high expectations for quality work (Booker & Lim, 2018), homework help, tutoring, and supporting students’ talents (Clayton, 2017) are important components to Black girls’ academic outcomes. High teacher expectations combined with warmth and caring for Black girls lead to more academic engagement and quality performance from the students (Booker & Lim, 2018; Pearson, 2008). Supportive teachers are willing to meet the developmental needs of the students (Grier & Boutakidis, 2018; Pearson, 2008), make learning culturally relevant (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Pearson, 2008), and respect students on an individual level (Booker & Lim, 2018). In particular, when teachers hold positive expectations of Black girls, they recommend a higher number of girls for enrollment into pre-Advanced Placement courses that results in increased numbers of Black girls who participate in these courses (Morris, 2007).

Developing strong relationships between teachers and Black girls can lead to higher motivation and perseverance in academics (Butler-Barnes et al., 2018); for instance, feelings of belongingness evolve from close connections with teachers that motivate the students toward the achievement (Booker & Lim, 2018). Expressive qualities such as kindness and sensitivity positively relate to feelings of school ability and school belongingness. Likewise, perceptions of Black youth with expressive qualities tend to be more positive encouraging favorable relationships (Skinner et al., 2018). Black girls who feel more connected to their teachers and supported in the classroom report that they engage more with the lesson, help in the classroom, and tutor peers (Booker & Lim, 2018).

In summary, nurturing relationships form a foundation of support for Black girls to academically achieve. In addition to tangible support from family members and others, individuals provide Black girls encouragement, a sense of belonging, and information that influences academic success.

Environment

Black girls experience many forms of school-based discrimination such as underrepresentation in advanced placement classes (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012), unfair dress-code violations (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Morris, 2007), race and gender discrimination (Bécares & Priest, 2015), a disproportionate number of discipline referrals (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012; Morris, 2007), lack of information on post-secondary education (Hardie, 2015; Kao & Tienda, 1998), and low teacher expectations (Neal-Jackson, 2018). Schools reflect the views the larger society holds toward African Americans (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Discriminatory practices in schools have led to the low-achievement of Black students and a resulting culture that mistrusts the school’s structure and policies in dealing with Black students (Ogbu & Simons, 1998).

Moreover, the educational environment where students spend most of their schooling is crucial to their development; discriminatory experiences in these environments can have negative influences on Black girls’ academic persistence and success (Butler-Barnes et al., 2013). School-based racial discrimination can lead to lower academic persistence for Black girls; for example, girls may exhibit insufficient effort because of past experiences that lead to unrewarded efforts (Butler-Barnes et al., 2013). Some teachers focus on Black girls’ perceived misbehavior (West-Olatunji et al., 2010) or lack of academic temperament instead of their academic accomplishments or class performance (Brickhouse et al., 2000). When Black girls believe that their school system does not support them, they begin to distrust the school and the school representatives (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012). Black girls reveal discriminatory experiences that occurred to them or their friends in school but do not report the occurrences to appropriate school personnel because of a general lack of trust in this group (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012).

Academically advanced Black girls who participate in White-dominated advanced classes may feel isolated from other Black students who do not take advanced classes. This second-generation segregation creates a division between being academically superior and being Black (O’Connor et al., 2011). Since many high-achieving Black girls may be the only Black girl in predominantly White classrooms, high-achieving Black girls often experience pressure from teachers to be a positive role model for other Black girls in their classes or to be a positive archetype for the whole Black community (Neal-Jackson, 2018).

Some Black girls are more adept at participating in the various ethnic cultures in their schools and depending upon how high-achieving Black girls interpret being Black may determine how they negotiate social boundaries with their peer groups (O’Connor et al., 2011). In particular, Black girls cross these social boundaries by working with other Black students or White students, alone, or with other people of color (O’Connor et al., 2011).

Institutional racism

Black girls experience negative outcomes from race and gender discrimination (Bécares & Priest, 2015). For example, in the highest economically advantaged groups, Black girls score lower on math assessments than White boys even when both groups demonstrate no difference of interest or capability; the difference in math scores may be described as the outcome of the racial and gender discrimination Black girls have experienced throughout their schooling careers (Bécares & Priest, 2015). These differences in scores may also be due to stereotype threat, or when negative racial stereotypes of a group affect the performance of a representative of that group (Bécares & Priest, 2015). Black girls have an awareness of negative racial and gender stereotypes by adolescence and may experience a decrease in performance during testing (Hudley & Graham, 2001).

In contemporary research, the term positionality illustrates one’s perceived social position and power within social networks (Merriam et al., 2001). In classroom settings, power differences are created from the interaction of the positionalities of both the teacher and the student and both positions must be considered (Lee & Johnson-Bailey, 2004). Traditionally, school personnel positions Black girls below their White peers (Neal-Jackson, 2018). Marginalized students, often mindful of their positions in school, can use this information concerning the positionality of school personnel to question teacher support (West-Olatunji et al., 2007).

Black girls position themselves as confident (Pearson, 2008), determined learners (Neal-Jackson, 2018) with a strong sense of self (Archer-Banks & Behar-Horenstein, 2012). School personnel who view these characteristics as negative stereotypical traits often discount these girls, and it is this negative positioning that can lead to limited educational opportunities and a lower position for Black girls in school (Neal-Jackson, 2018; West-Olatunji et al., 2007). Moreover, despite having cultural assets, Black girls’ lived experiences are not included in class lessons resulting in a lack of engagement (West-Olatunji et al., 2007).

Pedagogy, access to programs, and resources

Research suggests that Black girls may need a nontraditional teaching style that promotes their sense of curiosity in math and science by making lessons connected to the real world (Booker & Lim, 2018). Classroom activities that are interesting to Black girls have been shown to increase their persistence in the lesson (Shen, 2017). In addition to authentic pedagogy, relationships that support Black girls’ needs for belonging and reassurance encourage Black girls to engage in learning (Booker & Lim, 2018). For example, in large part to the close connections felt toward their teachers, Black girls note how they took positive actions in class like helping others more, raising their hands to participate, and tutoring classmates (Booker & Lim, 2018).

The use of culturally responsive intervention programs offered in schools may help to increase positive racial identities without isolating or comparing Black girls with other racial groups; for example, one intervention program focuses on “humanizing blackness rather than dehumanizing” and supports a positive racial identity rather than minimizing race (Jones et al., 2018, p. 32). Culturally responsive intervention programs have been shown to increase racial centrality and levels of private regard in Black girls as well as increase academic engagement compared with control groups (Jones et al., 2018).

Identifying barriers that inhibit Black girls in poverty from accessing higher education such as mitigating financial burdens may encourage Black girls’ future academic aspirations; for instance, girls from families in an intervention program that receive a monthly earnings subsidy, sponsored health care, child care, and employment search benefits demonstrate higher academic success and greater aspirations for post-secondary education success (Wood et al., 2007).

Historical circumstances and structural barriers such as a lack of resources and educational preparation limit Black girls’ opportunities to access advanced math classes (Booker & Lim, 2018; Wood et al., 2007). Structural disruptions to established schooling practices, support for Black women intellectuals, and resilience help Black girls persist in mathematical fields (Joseph et al., 2017). Structural disruptions can be access to suitable classrooms, books, teachers, and programs that support underrepresented populations (Ladson-Billings, 2000; Noddings, 2005).