“We’re not treated equally as Indigenous people or as women”: The perspectives and experiences of Indigenous women in Australian public relations

Abstract

This paper argues that the public relations sphere needs to have better understanding and more representation and acknowledgment of Indigenous women’s contemporary experiences and contributions. Indigenous Australian women experience multiple oppressions, such as Eurocentric and patriarchal control and, within the broader areas of Indigenous, women’s, and feminist public relations scholarship, their voices are largely absent. To address these issues, this paper, based on Indigenous women’s standpoint theory and an Indigenous yarning method, presents the narratives of five Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women employed in public relations. These narratives reflect experiences of marginalization by the Australian mainstream culture of whiteness and patriarchy; they also suggest the incidence of work induced mental distress for the women participants. This study of female Indigeneity within public relations aims to promote understanding of intersectional identities, the long-term effects of whiteness and racism, and may suggest how public relations can play a role in decolonizing efforts.

Keywords

Australia feminism Indigenous public relations whiteness women

Introduction

The ongoing effects of colonization, and the multilayered oppressions of whiteness and gender, mean that Indigenous women suffer a higher rate of mental illness and distress (Walker et al., 2020) and 10-year less life expectancy compared to non-Indigenous women (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), 2017). At only 2%–3% of the Australian population, Indigenous women also suffer from disproportionate rates of incarceration (Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), 2018) and violence and homicide (e.g. of all reported women’s murders in Australia, 16% of victims are Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women—Collard and Higgins, 2019). In response to these statistics, Indigenous women are increasingly seeking to highlight the experiences and resistance efforts of other Indigenous women against Eurocentric and patriarchal systems (Fredericks et al., 2019; Moreton-Robinson, 2000; Ryan, 2019; White, 2010). Yet, within the discipline of public relations, there is a notable absence of studies centering Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women’s standpoints and reflecting on Indigenous women’s lived experiences.

Indigenous Australian women are rarely cited or acknowledged for their roles and contributions in public relations’ intersectional contexts and this disciplinary silence may have implications for theory and practice (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2016, 2020a; Fitch et al., 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Johnston, 2010; Keating, 2013, 2016a, 2016b Petersen, 2016; Rea, 2002; Sakinofsky et al., 2019; Sison, 2016). In response, this paper aims to present and analyze some intersectional narratives of Indigenous women employed in public relations, showing how their feminist and Indigenous standpoints may contribute to the development of the profession. Indigenous women’s standpoint theory (Moreton-Robinson, 2013) and an Indigenous yarning method (Bessarab and Ng’andu, 2010) will be harnessed to challenge and disrupt the Eurocentric and patriarchal practices of mainstream Australian public relations.

Decolonizing whiteness within Indigenous Australian public relations contexts

The social construct of whiteness is based on the concept of Caucasian peoples having power, privilege, and priority, to the extent that it has long been the “invisible default” (Petray and Collin, 2017). This has been reported within Indigenous Australian public relations scholarship (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019). Research from critical and postcolonial public relations positions aims to interrogate whiteness and privilege decolonizing frameworks in order to dismantle existing white colonial power structures (Dutta, 2016; Dutta and Elers, 2019; Edwards, 2014, 2018; Munshi et al., 2011; Munshi and Edwards, 2011; Sison, 2014, 2016; Vardeman-Winter, 2011). Within the specialization of Indigenous Australian public relations, research is highlighting evidence of whiteness and is now attempting to remove this continuing legacy of colonial control (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019).

The media and public relations industries have assumed ongoing roles in promoting deficit discourses of Indigenous peoples since the inception of Australian colonization in 1788 (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019; Thomas et al., 2019). Public relations research from Indigenous Australian positions has highlighted the challenge for many Aboriginal organizations to secure positive media representations. Studies of Aboriginal community-controlled organizations (Clark, 2012; Petersen, 2016), Indigenous Affairs (Clark et al., 2019), and Aboriginal cultural associations (Sakinofsky et al., 2019) all confirm this and advocate addressing these difficulties in the context of Indigenous Australian public relations. One aim of Indigenous Australian public relations is to advocate for social change and self-determination and thereby challenge deficit discourses. Examples of this “decolonizing” approach are now emerging, notably in the promotion of critical empowerment of media relations and challenging deficit discourses as integral factors of a seven-protocol Indigenous Australian public relations theoretical framework (Clark et al., 2019). Yet, while these collective efforts highlight the continuation of whiteness, there is still an ongoing silencing, marginalizing, and demoralizing of Indigenous people’s roles and contributions to Australian public relations (Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a).

The lack of recognition of Indigenous contributions and strategies perpetuates whiteness within theory and practice. Several scholars have cited numerous instances of this lack of recognition of public relations engagement and protocols with Indigenous peoples and communities in practice (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021; Fitch, 2020a). This is particularly highlighted through lack of Indigenous engagement and communication within the two organizations Qantas airlines and the Adelaide36ers basketball team (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021). In these separate instances, both Qantas and the Adelaide36ers involved the same person, Aboriginal (Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara) artist Elizabeth Close, and their attempts at hiring artistic services free of charge (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021). This lack of respect for both artist livelihood and Aboriginal cultural exchange resulted in varying negative outcomes from both of their public relations teams (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021). In referring back to the Indigenous Australian public relations theoretical framework, there are several protocols that outline culturally appropriate and respectful engagement practices, notably the themes of Indigenous philosophy, Indigenous justice, and interrelatedness (Clark et al., 2019). While public relations scholarship on Indigenous perspectives is emerging, within practice there still remains a continuation of deficit engagement practices from Eurocentric public relations positions (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021; Fitch, 2020a).

This brief demonstration and critique of Eurocentric privileging and systemic practices from Indigenous Australian public relations scholarship provides further groundwork in the movement toward a self-determination and decolonization of the Australian public relations discipline (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019). This is a significant step, as the acknowledgment of colonization and colonial practices is a movement toward decolonization in itself (Muller, 2014). Within the public relations discipline, the process to decolonize public relations is described by Dutta and Elers (2019: 4) as “interrogat[ing] the West-centric assumptions circulated in the scholarship, interrupt[ing] the universals built upon Eurocentric assumptions, and attend[ing] to the textures of power that silence voices from colonized and postcolonial contexts.” Along with these processes to decolonize whiteness, the privileging of women’s positions and voices can also assist with questioning and critiquing white and patriarchal knowledge productions and colonial practices. The profession of Australian public relations has historically been viewed as a creation by “important white men” and Eurocentric patriarchal control continues to underpin management in the profession (Fitch, 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Wolf, 2016).

Gender and sexism within Australian public relations

The growth of women’s voices and critiques of the patriarchy emerged toward the end of the 1980s when a bourgeoning representation of women entered the public relations profession. This emerging work scrutinized the salary discrepancies between men and women, lack of management and senior roles for women, and work allocated in roles that appeared to be stereotypical women’s tasks (Cline et al., 1986; Grunig, 1988; Kern-Foxworth, 1989; Rakow, 1989; Toth, 1988; Toth and Cline, 1989). In Australia, public relations remains a female-majority but Eurocentric, male-managed profession, highlighting both an overrepresentation and an underrepresentation of women within the industry (Fitch, 2016; Fitch et al., 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Johnston, 2010; Keating, 2013, 2016a, 2016b; Rea, 2002; Sison, 2016; Wolf, 2016). This privileging of a white male-managed profession has resulted in a gender imbalance. This means fewer managerial and strategic roles and multiple instances of sexism and sexist representations of and for women (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2020b, 2020c; Keating, 2016a, 2016b).

The imbalance of gender within Australian public relations is a concern for the industry, and although an increase in male members is advocated, a further overrepresentation of men in senior level positions may continue to impact the experiences of women. This is revealed within the Diversity and Inclusion Policy of the Public Relations Institute of Australia (PRIA) (2016)—Australia’s peak public relations body—which has recommended a 40% increase in the representation of males aged under 25 by the year 2025. Nevertheless, women were not explicitly categorized within the policy and no targets were set for addressing the continued discrimination that women can experience within the profession. This is reflected within wider employment practice, in the overrepresentation of Australian women working within technical and/or part-time roles, compared to men who dominate full-time positions (Keating, 2016a, 2016b). Regarding working conditions, men are often described as “gender blind” to the intersecting factors that impact women; for instance, work–life balance and associated stressors, parenthood, professional, and societal pressures, and the often casual nature of their work (Aldoory et al., 2008; Keating, 2016a, 2016b). In this scenario, advocating the overrepresentation of men in high-level strategic positions may be seen as permitting the continuation of sexist industry standards and practices and the sexualized representations of women.

The continuation of Eurocentric patriarchal structures within Australian public relations is ongoing and instances of sexualized representations of women practitioners are evident within historical and contemporary cases (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2020b, 2020c). The legacy of sexism is evident in historical examinations of internal public relations industry publications/magazines from 1965 to 1972, which demonstrates gendered representations of women in subservient domestic roles such as wife figures, bodies/body parts, support workers, or consumers (Fitch, 2020c). These publications did not showcase women as figures of agency, but merely as props or stereotypically sexualized females (Fitch, 2020c). More recently, research on a case of two Australian public relations professionals (a female and a gay male) examined their filings of sexual harassment cases against their employers and workplaces and the role of media/bloggers in their representations of the two plaintiffs (Demetrious, 2014). This case demonstrated unequal power roles and pressure to conform to sexualized gender-role dressing for both women and (gay) men (Demetrious, 2014). Ultimately, this clothes-body complex is still significant within Australian public relations and the media, and women are continually viewed with sexual connotations (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2020b).

The research on women’s standpoints within Australian public relations is highlighting and interrogating Eurocentric patriarchal privileges and the ongoing practices of sexism and sexualized representations of women, yet far more work needs to be undertaken (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2016, 2020c; Fitch and Third, 2010; Keating, 2013, 2016a, 2016b; Rea, 2002; Sison, 2016; Wolf, 2016). Although these understandings of sexism and sexualized representations may relate to the positions of women of color and Indigenous women they still center on the standpoints of the majority white female professionals. This effectively silences the voices of women of color and Indigenous women and thus perspectives of racism and sexism need to be explored within public relations to fully understand their lived experiences, historical and contemporary oppressions, and determinations of resilience (Sison, 2016). Intersectional lenses and feminist inquiries (i.e. third world, global south, postcolonial feminism) offers platforms for interconnecting race, gender, class, sexuality and/or disability, and affirms the need to dismantle dated power structures that still affect the lives of marginalized groups such as Indigenous women (Bachmann and Proust, 2020; Golombisky, 2015; Vardeman-Winter and Tindall, 2010).

The multilayered oppressions of racism and sexism for Indigenous women

The constructs of sexism, racism, and false notions of white supremacy relegate Indigenous women to the lowest level of Eurocentric society. Despite this, there is a strong movement toward proclaiming a decolonization and self-determination of Indigenous women voices and narratives (Behrendt, 1993; Huggins, 1987; Moreton-Robinson, 2000; Ryan, 2019; Sullivan, 2018). Historically, Indigenous women were deprived of their rights within all aspects of their lives, subjected to racism and sexism and forced into occupations like domestic service or prostitution (Best and Fredericks, 2013; Sullivan, 2018; White, 2010). Resulting from these past and contemporary oppressions from the white male (and female) gaze, many strong and resilient Indigenous women have provided a fount of critical inquiry and scholarship (Behrendt, 1993; Fredericks, 2004, 2010; Fredericks et al., 2019; Huggins, 1987, 1994; Langton, 1989; Moreton-Robinson, 2000, 2013; Ryan, 2019; Sullivan, 2018; Watson, 2007; White, 2010).

Today, the continuation of historical racism is manifested in the various organizations and professions that Indigenous women enter. Indigenous women are continually undervalued within professional contexts, underrepresented in senior roles, experience racism within the workforce, and struggle to manage personal responsibilities (Fredericks and White, 2018; Moreton-Robinson, 2007; O’Sullivan, 2019; Thunig and Jones, 2020; White, 2010). Aboriginal Gooreng Gooreng woman White’s (2010) research detailed 11 university-educated Indigenous women’s encounters with racism within their careers. Notably, the women described experiencing covert racism and negative attitudes from their non-Indigenous co-workers (for instance, the negative belief that Indigenous peoples get special treatment and advantages over other Australians) (White, 2010). Likewise, attitudes toward Indigenous women noted within the research of Aboriginal Gamilaroi woman Amy Thunig and non-Indigenous scholar Jones highlighted the racist role and experience of, what they termed, an Indigenous “performer” within academia and university workplaces. In this research involving seventeen Indigenous women the Indigenous “performer” is defined as an Indigenous person who is expected to serve their workplaces on all matters Indigenous while also undertaking their own paid role (Thunig and Jones, 2020). This research claims that when Indigenous women refuse this role as “performer” they are often positioned and labeled as an “angry black woman” (Thunig and Jones, 2020: 17). This labeling is resonant with the historical sexual positioning and deficit narrative constructions of Indigenous women by white peoples.

The historical and contemporary sexualized treatment of Indigenous women (and girls) by white men (and white women) has arguably transitioned from overt to covert behaviors (Ryan, 2019; Sullivan, 2018). Historically, this was evident in the practice of white men kidnapping Indigenous girls and women, forcing them into prostitution or sexual slavery, then labeling them as promiscuous (Sullivan, 2018). Aboriginal Wiradjuri scholar Sullivan (2018) underscores that the colonial narratives and positionings of white men deemed that all Indigenous women were available to them as prostitutes. Today, Indigenous women and girls continue to experience high levels of sexual harassment and violence, with the perpetrators being both non-Indigenous and Indigenous men (Cripps et al., 2019). These disproportionate instances of sexual violence from both non-Indigenous and Indigenous men has been reasoned as “the direct effect of gendered, colonial violence against Indigenous women” (van Rjiswijk, 2020: 34). The colonial slur labeling Indigenous women as promiscuous continues, as has been argued by Aboriginal Biripai woman Ryan (2019), via media framing and reporting. For example, Ryan (2019) highlighted the case of Ms Daley, who in 2017 was brutally raped and murdered, but was instead framed by The Sydney Morning Herald (2017) newspaper as dying following a wild and dangerous sex orgy.

Within historical and contemporary colonizing practices, the sexism and racism of white men and white women have entrenched hierarchical boundaries and forced sexualized narratives onto Indigenous women. Through Indigenous women’s continued resistance to oppressive forces, they are increasingly able to fight for, and self-determine their own narratives. However, resisting these patterns of historical and contemporary oppressions may take a large toll on their mental health. The research literature highlights that further work must be done in understanding the lived experiences of Indigenous women across the disciplines, and this is certainly an important role for public relations. Rather than commit to research that ultimately reinforces the sexisms and racisms embedded within the white male gaze, it is essential that such research instead engages with Indigenous women’s standpoints (Moreton-Robinson, 2013) to better understand their lived experiences within an intersectional approach to public relations (Vardeman-Winter and Tindall, 2010). Many Indigenous women have argued that Indigenous feminism is a way of decolonization, and Indigenous women’s standpoint theory provides a framework for Indigenous women to assert their roles in research, legitimize their stances, and embody movement toward decolonization (Moreton-Robinson, 2013).

Research approach

Indigenous women’s standpoint theory

The co-authors of this paper are Indigenous women and the lead author is committed to an Indigenous woman’s standpoint theoretical position. Indigenous women’s standpoint theory is “a socially situated subject of knowledge” (Moreton-Robinson, 2013: 332), that privileges reflection, consideration, and/or critique through ways of knowing (epistemology), ways of doing (axiology), and ways of being and belonging (ontology). The foundation and development of Indigenous women’s standpoint theory was inspired by the approaches (and the gaps) in existing feminist and Indigenous standpoint theories (Moreton-Robinson, 2013).

As Indigenous women, our positionings and representations within a modern patriarchal and Eurocentric nation is unique and intersectional. Indigenous women’s standpoint theory will therefore be integral in critiquing Eurocentric patriarchal constructions of public relations and centering the positions and voices of Indigenous women within the profession. As the basis for this research, Indigenous women’s standpoint theory inspires the strength to resist colonization and the patriarchy, guides the methodology/method, and centers and privileges the Indigenous women participants’ voices.

Participants

Five Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women working in public relations and communications (identified under pseudonyms) participated in this study. The women originate from areas all over Australia, and thus each identifies with different Indigenous groups or nations. The women live in mid-to-large-sized Australian cities, and work or have worked in consultancies, universities, and Indigenous organizations. Some undertake public relations practices in their personal lives (media interviews, writing articles/opinion pieces, influential social media users).

The five women were sourced via existing networks and knowledge of the Indigenous Australian public relations practice, and were contacted by phone, email, and LinkedIn. The small sample size of this research was largely due to both the underrepresentation of Indigenous women in the profession and the challenge in obtaining participants. Consent forms were provided to all participants, which outlined the collaborative role of the research, the use and recording of their stories and knowledges, and the steps for maintaining approval/ethics throughout the research journey.

Data collection

The method of yarning is an Indigenous and culturally appropriate storytelling approach in gathering data, advocating collaboration, and co-researching (Bessarab and Ng’andu, 2010). Yarning as a method is similar to unstructured interviewing and relies on collaboration and respect between researcher and participants, and agreement on all aspects of research and write-up. The yarning plans were flexible to suit a conversational, storytelling approach, with follow-up discussion allowing further expansion on key themes. Under this plan, discussions centered around themes of Indigenous Australian public relations and Indigenous women’s experiences. At each yarning session, a gift card and pair of Indigenous made earrings (brand: Haus of Dizzy https://hausofdizzy.com/) were presented to the participants to represent the values of yarning (collaboration, unity, reciprocity) and to symbolize gratitude. Sessions were recorded one-on-one with the lead author and transcribed through a transcription program.

Data analysis

Data examination was performed through thematic analysis to identify, analyze, and record themes within the transcript sets (Braun and Clarke, 2006). Thematic analysis of the data was conducted in the NVIVO program, under a six-phase process of (1) becoming familiar with the data, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for emerging themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining themes, and (6) conducting the write-up (Braun and Clarke, 2006). The transcripts were first authenticated through careful listening, comparison of text to the audio, and notation of resultant initial/early themes. The approved transcripts (by participants) were uploaded into the NVIVO program and a comprehensive breakdown of initial themes into subthemes was implemented. The five women who contributed to this paper have previously provided their voices and perspectives to another paper from our authorship: “Asserting an Indigenous theoretical framework in Australian public relations” (Clark et al., 2019). This published paper has separate themes and provides a theoretical view of Indigenous Australian public relations. Our forthcoming papers will utilize the remainder of the dataset to analyze additional themes.

Findings

The five Indigenous women in this research commonly studied public relations and communications at university and are self-proclaimed feminists who entered public relations and communications to create positive change and to benefit their Indigenous communities. The following findings provide recognition to the perspectives and experiences of Indigenous women working within public relations, elaborating on the two themes of Eurocentric and patriarchal experiences; and mental stress and distress within the profession.

Eurocentric and patriarchal experiences within Australian public relations

The women openly discussed their experiences of whiteness, racism and/or the patriarchy in public relations and communications—whether that included struggling with the media, differences in collaboration styles with stakeholders, or an overrepresentation of white men within the public relations system. For example, Susan discussed the media’s continuing oppression and racism toward Indigenous peoples in discounting Indigenous stories:

One of the difficulties working in marketing and communications for Indigenous perspectives is trying to cut through to mainstream media. . .they didn’t want to know about a positive story, because we don’t fit their pigeonhole categories of what an Indigenous person looks like.

This stance from Susan is reflected within other public relations literature that has noted the role of the media in its negative reporting of Indigenous Australian peoples and communities (Clark, 2012; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019). Whiteness is also evident within the public and government sectors. When working within Eurocentric government systems, Debra commented on bureaucratic constraints, timelines and budgets, and the pressures to balance Indigenous protocols and values with wider public relations strategies:

It’s sometimes hard being at the table, because the government has its own demands, timeframes and budgets, so we’re not always able to do exactly what we would like to do or what we think is best practice. But we do the best we can to stay true to our principles in whatever it is that we’re asked to deliver.

Debra also provided insights into the discrepancies and roles of non-Indigenous consultants from other agencies in pitching their business services:

I watch advertising guys pitch, or other PR professionals pitch, and it’s like, “we’ve got the answer for you” and we’re always walking into pitch rooms going, “we don’t know how to solve this. But here’s the way that we’re going to make sure that you get the answers you need. This is the process we’re going to take to get the right comms solution for you.” So, it’s just totally different. I’ve been in pitches with other agencies where people have sort of looked at us cross-eyed and just gone, “no, you’ve got to sell, sell, sell.”

Debra’s words express the systemic privileging of non-Indigenous standpoints and practices within public relations that, in the end, offer little prospect of meaningful engagement with Indigenous communities and peoples. The top-down pressures from government agencies with their own visions, timeframes and budgets provides minimal space for respecting Indigenous protocols and practices. Non-Indigenous public relations practitioners’ and advertising agents’ policies have little foundation in practices considered more culturally appropriate to Indigenous Australians. These examples of public, government, and advertising/public relations processes are confirmed in other research that has found superficial cultural engagement and dialog with Indigenous peoples (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021; Dutta and Elers, 2019; Fitch, 2020a).

White male privilege in Australian public relations literature is a topical and continual theme, and predominately discussed by non-Indigenous women scholars (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Keating, 2016a, 2016b; Rea, 2002; Sison, 2016; Wolf, 2016). As a woman in a space that is overrepresented with white, privileged males, Stacey described her workplace experience:

I think it’s interesting being a woman in business, because I’m constantly at tables of, all white men, who are older than me, and wealthier than me, and have had different opportunities. . .you know, we don’t talk about class in Australia. . .And, you can’t help but be a feminist in those spaces.

Stacey’s insight provides further knowledge on intersectional considerations within public relations; namely, it highlights the dominance of white privileged men, and the ensuing need to identify as a feminist to rally against this very white, patriarchal, class-based presence. It is critical to note that this oppressive presence is far from rare, as Susan also discussed the invisibility and lack of voice that is forced upon her as an Indigenous woman:

You feel like you’re an invisible person when it’s in the boardroom. You can say things to people, and it doesn’t land, and then someone else says exactly what you’ve said – a middle-aged white man – and it’s suddenly such a revelation.

This ties back into Debra’s experiences with other advertising agencies and public relations professionals. Examples from Susan and Debra both demonstrate and provide insight into the assumed privilege of the white patriarchy. Although Susan’s experiences position her as the “other” (e.g. the cloak of invisibility that she wears), she uses her position as an Indigenous woman as motivation to succeed against the forces of the white patriarchy within public relations:

We’re not treated equally as Indigenous people or as women. Somebody said a term to me the other day and I loved it. I have been thinking about it a lot lately. “Oh, to be a mediocre middle-aged white man, you could go so far. But, to be an Indigenous person or to be a woman, you have to be exceptional to go far”. That really motivates me to do things and to do them well. Like rebutting the stereotypes as well. They are the things that motivate me.

Susan’s recognition of having “to be exceptional to go far” and repeated experiences of suppression within decision-making bodies have been reflected in other Australian public relations women’s and feminist discussions (e.g. Fitch, 2016; Keating, 2016a, 2016b; Rea, 2002; Sison, 2016). In Australian public relations, the reality for women is relegation to non-senior positions or the potential suppression and ignorance of their voice when they do reach senior levels (Fitch, 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Keating, 2016a, 2016b) Therefore, women must continue identifying and dismantling these inequalities and unequal power dynamics within the patriarchal norms of society and organizations.

Susan’s quote is additionally thought-provoking in her use of terms of “Indigenous person” or “woman” without specific reference to “Indigenous woman” and the particular struggles that Indigenous women encounter in the workplace (Fredericks and White, 2018; Moreton-Robinson, 2007; O’Sullivan, 2019; Thunig and Jones, 2020; White, 2010). Both women and Indigenous people experience oppressions, yet Indigenous women embody both intersecting factors (culture and gender) that are liable to be magnified under white patriarchal oppressions (Behrendt, 1993; Moreton-Robinson, 2000). Consequently, Indigenous feminism is increasingly recognized as a point of defiance and decolonization against the multilayered oppressions of racism, sexism, and classism (Behrendt, 1993; Fredericks, 2004; Huggins, 1994; Langton, 1989; Moreton-Robinson, 2000, 2013; Sullivan, 2018).

Conceivably, Susan’s lack of the term “Indigenous woman” may be due to the shared stance or confliction from some Indigenous women who want to privilege their culture over mainstream feminism (Behrendt, 1993; Huggins, 1987; McQuire, 2015; White, 2010). For instance, influential Aboriginal Bidjara and Birri Gubba Juru scholar Huggins (1987: para. 16) said that “Black liberation for men and women seems a more important goal to many Black women than women’s liberation.” More recently, White (2010: 13) acknowledged that white women’s role historically “has made it difficult for Indigenous women today to have a sisterhood with white women, who are seen as contributing to their historical oppression.” Ultimately, in experiencing both Indigenous and women worldviews and positions, Indigenous women are likelier to encounter greater oppressions and are undervalued, underrepresented and discriminated against in their careers (Fredericks and White, 2018; Moreton-Robinson, 2007; O’Sullivan, 2019; Thunig and Jones, 2020; White, 2010).

Indigenous women’s mental stress and distress within Australian public relations

Two of the women relayed a mixture of stresses and experiences that impact on their mental distress within their career, including burnout and imposter syndrome, censorship and exploitation of bodies, and implications of dress code within the workplace. Stacey reflected on her experience of being an Indigenous woman and Indigenous feminist in public relations workplace contexts:

I really believe that we carry intergenerational trauma in our bodies, and our bodies are hypersensitive to people’s intentions. And I think that that can be a very powerful thing that we hold as Aboriginal people being able to read a room. . .and I think you have to be a feminist in those spaces . . .you can’t help but be a feminist in those spaces. You know, you’re the only woman there, and you feel the fact that you’re an Aboriginal woman in so many ways, in your body you feel it.

Stacey’s description of our bodies as sites of intergenerational and historical trauma has been echoed by many powerful Indigenous women scholars, who have critiqued colonization and its white male gaze (Huggins, 1994; Moreton-Robinson, 2000, 2013; Ryan, 2019; Sullivan, 2018). Specifically, Aboriginal Koenpul, Quandamooka scholar Moreton-Robinson (2013: 339) stated that “Indigenous bodies have been the focus of western surveillance, punishment, containment, discipline and theorizing,” and thus Indigenous women must be continually vigilant against the patriarchal forces that objectify and abuse their bodies and minds. This unfortunate, but necessary, observance is expanded upon by Stacey, who highlighted the impact of the white male gaze on Indigenous women in the workforce:

I think that we have to consider that we are sexualized as women, working in male spaces, as Aboriginal women, and there’s been such a history of abuse and a particular lens put to viewing Aboriginal women’s sexuality . . . I think that affects all of us in different ways, and how we walk and hold ourselves and dress. I want to be at home in my own sexuality as an Aboriginal woman, but I also am conscious of my safety in Australia.

In relation to Stacey’s views, Moreton-Robinson (2000: 170) elaborated that Indigenous women’s historical “positioning in white society as sexual deviants means that they are represented as being sexually available and easily accessed.” Historically, white women constructed stereotypes and positioned narratives of Indigenous women as being promiscuous and lacking in self-respect due to miscegenation (read: coercion) with white men (Moreton-Robinson, 2000; Sullivan, 2018). Moreton-Robinson (2000: 168) argued that these constructed narratives “meant that middle-class white women positioned her as competition.” This residual effect, therefore, continues to impact on Indigenous women’s sexual safety and consciousness of bodies, which has filtered down into clothing and dress choices. Stacey expanded upon this notion through an example of the public relations industry standard of fashion and the ramifications of Indigenous women’s mental distress in conforming to it:

Marketing teams everywhere I’ve worked are predominantly women and really stylish, kind of well put together, and well thought out looking women. So, I think there’s a bit of an industry standard around PR and comms with that. And, I think as Aboriginal women we have different considerations that there’s lots of us [who] suffer imposter syndrome when we’re in certain places, and feel like we have to be more intentional with our dressing, or more put together so that we kind of don’t feel out of place.

Within public relations research, British and Australian scholars have highlighted the stereotypical embodiment of the public relations practitioner as a white middle-class woman (Edwards, 2018; Fitch, 2020b). Demetrious (2014) and Fitch (2020b) also highlight the identified forms of professional and occupational dress of Australian public relations practitioners. Evidently, in comparison to Stacey’s comment on Indigenous women having different considerations, Indigenous women do indeed bear an imposition of a different dress and fashion standard within public relations and the imposter syndrome that comes into play with conforming to Western notions of fashion. This sexualization and abuse from the white male gaze, and the enforced racialized and sexualized pressures leading to imposter syndrome, can negatively impact upon Indigenous women within the public relations profession.

Imposter syndrome within Indigenous contexts is well documented anecdotally (Liddle, 2015) and in scholarship (Schwartz, 2018). Imposter syndrome is classified as feeling inadequate and/or less intelligent than others, mostly in the context of study and work (Schwartz, 2018). Aboriginal Arrernte woman Liddle (2015: para. 6), in referring to imposter syndrome for Indigenous women, stated that:

[. . .] black women are socially not as entitled to take up space as white women. Our experiences are special, are marginal and therefore, no matter how much we may have achieved, reside on the periphery. This is part self-perpetuating and part socially-reinforced.

Working across both Indigenous contexts and mainstream public relations, Lily and Stacey revealed their experiences of workplace burnout. Workplace burnout is not only the result of long hours and weekend work, but also comes from cultural pressures that are upsetting and triggering: community obligations, the effects of colonization manifested within the workplace, racism from white colleagues and stakeholders, and not being able to fully “clock off” the job when you live and breathe Indigeneity. Lily spoke about the health toll on Indigenous peoples who work within Indigenous affairs:

A lot of [Indigenous] people get burnt out and kind of have to step away eventually. It’s not a long-term option to stay in the one place for a really long time.

Stacey also emphasized the mental toll of working within Indigenous affairs:

I’m a real advocate for self-care. I think that, no matter what job you have in Aboriginal Affairs, it takes a huge toll on your emotional and physical well-being.

Lily further explained why working within Indigenous contexts can be so draining on your health and cause mental distress:

It’s because you are so personally invested in it - and, a lot of the time you’re not working in, ultra-positive stuff. It’s always issues based, or, you know, trying to fix a problem or something like that . . . It’s, 24/7, it’s not a hat that you can just take off. You’re constantly embedded into it.

Racism and Indigenous work stress/burnout for other Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in varying professions are evident (Bargallie, 2020; Petray and Collin, 2017; Thunig and Jones, 2020; White, 2010) and demonstrate almost identical themes, aligning with the pressures and experiences that Indigenous women are all subject to. The perpetuation of public relations theory and practice committing to Eurocentric patriarchal foundations marginalizes all women and can create negative emotional responses and stress. The emerging research on the emotional labor (emotional response and work stress), work labor, and work burnout within public relations suggests the potential impact on women’s mental health (Keating, 2016a, 2016b; Yeomans, 2019). For example, Yeomans (2019) conveyed insights into the emotional demand and labor of women practitioners working within public relations, often under gendered conditions. Yet, although these are important texts, they lack the added burden of “race” and its intersectional relationship with Indigenous women.

Discussion: whiteness, gender, and Indigenous women

This paper has provided insight into some of the issues that Indigenous women in public relations experience, especially revealing their encounters in resisting Eurocentric, hierarchical ways of managing public relations, with the resultant effects of hyper-sexualization and work burnout. The following section summarizes the findings and provides suggestions and solutions for decolonizing whiteness and the patriarchy and addressing Indigenous women’s mental stress and distress that often leads to burnout.

Decolonizing whiteness and the patriarchy

Decolonizing Australian public relations involves building a framework to examine systemic whiteness, gender imbalances, and patriarchal control in all areas of the profession. This could reveal how specific experiences of the Indigenous women reflect whiteness. For instance, the Indigenous women participants described their difficulties of obtaining news placements for Indigenous stories or encounters of culturally inappropriate engagement with non-Indigenous clients. Numerous scholars have described examples of racism and whiteness in Australian public relations practices (Clark and Bodkin-Andrews, 2021; Clark et al., 2019; Fitch, 2020a; Johnston et al., 2018; Petersen, 2016; Sakinofsky et al., 2019) and similarly confirm the perpetuation of systemic whiteness and the need to decolonize the industry. This paper urges all Australian public relations practitioners to review the existing literature on Indigenous reporting and presenting (Janke and Guivarra, 2006; Media Diversity Australia, 2018) and Indigenous Australian (Clark et al., 2019) and Māori-led New Zealand engagement within public relations (Dutta and Elers, 2019; Love and Tilley, 2014; Motion et al., 2012).

This literature reveals that Indigenous women’s lived experiences in public relations have been continually framed as a fight against colonization and white patriarchal systems of class, whiteness, and gender. For example, the women shared their difficult experiences dealing with white men in boardroom meetings, and the class-based, gendered, and cultural issues that emerged from such encounters. Recent scholarship continues to demonstrate that male privilege and the white patriarchy is highly evident within non-Indigenous women’s contexts (Demetrious, 2014; Fitch, 2016; Fitch and Third, 2010; Keating, 2013, 2016a, 2016b; Rea, 2002; Sison, 2016; Wolf, 2016). Within the findings, Indigenous feminism has been noted by scholars as an ideology that aims to confront white patriarchal issues. Therefore, in order to decolonize and dismantle the power of whiteness and the patriarchy within public relations, the perspectives of Indigenous women need to be heard, and their right to self-determine their own narratives needs to be asserted. This includes further research and privileging of multiple intersectional factors of class, disabilities, and Indigenous Australian, Queer and Gender Diverse peoples (O’Sullivan, 2015; Sullivan and Day, 2019). From this, public relations intersectional considerations can assist in providing context and research to the varying intersecting factors of Indigenous women in the discipline (see Tindall and Waters, 2013 and Vardeman-Winter and Tindall, 2010).

Addressing Indigenous women’s mental distress

The personal health toll due to systemic whiteness and gender discrimination within Australian public relations is clearly evident from some of the narratives told by the women in this study. These examples highlight shared positionings related to the white male gaze, sexualization, and burnout in work, and correlate to the layered, oppressive hierarchies, sexism, and racism that Indigenous women continue to experience (Behrendt, 1993; Huggins, 1987). One of the women (Stacey) discussed her experience of imposter syndrome when conforming to white (and patriarchal) standards of dress. This illustrated the conflicting and taxing nature of public relations for Indigenous women, who too often are forced to meet some sexualized-white-female prototype, while simultaneously being rejected of this prototype itself (Fitch, 2020b; Edwards, 2018; Moreton-Robinson, 2000). The work of Demetrious (2014) and Fitch (2020b, 2020c) similarly highlights sexualization embodied by industry standards of gendered dress within Australian public relations. However, this limited body of scholarship fails to make an intersectional analysis of Indigeneity with gender and does not consider the impact of historical narratives that have been imposed upon Indigenous women by white men and white women. Further research is needed on the connections between the Australian public relations standard of dress, Indigeneity, gendered representations, and layered contexts of colonization.

Present findings reveal that two of the women experienced mental stress and distress over work burnout—a common theme within broader public relations studies (see Keating 2016a, 2016b; Yeomans, 2019) and Indigenous contexts (see Bargallie, 2020; Petray and Collin, 2017). For these two women, work burnout involved more than working long and hectic hours; it encompassed racism, the effects of residual colonization and the 24/7 pressures of fulfilling Indigenous communal responsibilities. Further analysis of the toll of public relations on Indigenous women is needed: for example, on issues such as media racism and social media trolling. Specifically, this paper argues for more research on Indigenous women’s mental distress caused by constantly working with social media as part of their jobs in the public relations arena. Highlighting and diagnosing Indigenous women’s negative experiences within the profession could lead to changes within public relations theory and practice. These could include implementing structures to relieve the cultural and mental distress of Indigenous women practitioners and signal a movement toward the decolonization of whiteness, racism, and sexism within Australian public relations.

Conclusion

A focus on Indigenous Australian public relations research has been slowly increasing within academia; however, the voices of Indigenous women heard in this paper suggest that recognition of Indigeneity still needs to be fought for within public relations and included in feminist discourse. This paper has contributed contextual understanding of the complexities surrounding Indigeneity and gender and the need to challenge the white patriarchal system. Only when we dismantle its power will we reach a proper understanding of the reality and omnipresence of whiteness and racism within Australian public relations. Although this paper provides a forum for Indigenous women’s voices on whiteness, sexism, feminism, intersectionality and Indigeneity within Australian public relations, more empirical (yet culturally safe) research is required. Critical theoretical discussions surrounding race, gender, and other diverse intersectional contexts must also occur.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Acknowledgment of gratitude and thanks goes out to the various scholars who have provided feedback and direction on this paper.

Authors’ note

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the International Communication Association Conference, held virtually from May 20 to 25.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Treena Clark

Author biographies

Treena Clark is an Aboriginal woman and doctoral candidate at the University of Technology Sydney. Her thesis aims to assist in the decolonising of Australian public relations and to assert Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander practices and stories of public relations.

Shannan Dodson is an Aboriginal woman who has worked in multiple communications and public relations roles in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. She is involved in numerous boards and volunteer positions, including Indigenous Affairs Officer for Media Diversity Australia.

Nancia Guivarra is an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander woman who has worked within Indigenous public relations and journalism spaces and currently runs her own freelance communications consultancy, Amneris.

Yatu Widders Hunt is an Aboriginal woman and Director at Cox Inall Ridgeway, an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communications agency. She is also the founder of the social media platform Australian Indigenous Fashion, which showcases Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander fashion design and style.

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