“You See the Very Sharp Edge of the Problems of Prejudice in Town”: Youth Service Providers’ Perceptions of a Regional Community Facebook Group

Study Design

This research project used Collaborative Research (CR) as the guiding methodology, which has previously been used successfully with both community-based organizations and youth (Harper & Carver, 1999; Sanstad et al., 1999). CR by definition involves collaboration between the researcher and the researched (Jean-Louise & Lomas, 2003) and recognizes the underutilized but important lived experience of the individuals affected by an issue (Byrne, 2017). This methodology is synonymous with contemporary discourse about co-design, which is the preferred method of engagement in strategy and policy development in the social services (Blomkamp, 2018).

The CR approach requires sustained engagement with local stakeholders to identify and co-design strategies. This engagement has been ongoing since March 2018. It has involved attendance of the researcher team at monthly KYJRWG meetings, a relevant community forum, as well as liaising with individual local service providers. Concerns about the frequent discussions of negative and potentially harmful stereotyping of youth on a local community Facebook group “Town and Territory Matters” were noted by researchers at a monthly working group meeting (April 2018) and recorded as a priority issue to address at the KYJR strategic planning session held on 18 May 2018. The data collection process was supported by a number of KYJRWG members who facilitated access to participants and provided a local lens to interpretation of the data.

Sampling and Recruitment of Participants

Individuals were invited to participate because of their involvement in the previous community consultations about JR (Allison, 2016), involvement with the current KYJRWG, or based on recommendations from the KYJRWG. We used a combination of purposeful sampling to identify individuals with rich knowledge or experience of youth and youth justice (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011), and snowball sampling for additional participants (Marshall, 1996). We chose to interview only service providers who work with disengaged youth rather than youth themselves, as providers can provide useful insights about their client groups in ways that may be difficult to explore directly with youth without existing relationships. Given (2016) suggests that saturation is reached when there are no new emergent themes, though new codes may contribute to existing themes. Concurrent collection and analysis ensured researchers were satisfied that the themes were well developed prior to completion of data collection, and subsequently refined by the final seven interviews, taking into account the limited participant pool available.

Data Collection

Data Analysis

Both the interviews and focus group were recorded and subsequently transcribed by an external professional transcription service, with the social media portions of the interview transcripts then thematically analyzed by S.C. Thematic analysis is a method for “identifying, organising and offering insight into patterns of meaning (themes) across a data set” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 57). It allows researchers to draw out participant’s perspectives and identify similarities and differences, as well as highlight unanticipated insights (Braun & Clarke, 2006; King 2004 in Nowell et al., 2017). Thematic analysis is only a method, rather than an entire approach to conducting qualitative research (Braun & Clarke, 2012), which was preferred for this sub-study, as it was already underpinned by a CR approach. This method is particularly accessible for wider audiences, which in a collaborative approach, is essential (Braun & Clarke, 2012). The research team had to be able to feed back appropriately to those who are not trained researchers but whose engagement with the data is crucial.

In line with our underpinning methodology of CR, Inductive Thematic Analysis was used to preference the “experienced and meaning of [the participants] world, as reported in the data” (Braun & Clarke, 2012, p. 59), rather than orientating toward the researcher or theory-based meaning (Braun & Clarke, 2012). Due to the nature of the CR process, and tight timeframes, simultaneous data collection and analysis occurred. This is a standard practise in many qualitative studies with the emerging findings used to refine the subsequent data collection processes (Suter, 2011). Braun and Clarke’s (2012) six-phase approach to Thematic Analysis was undertaken:

To protect the identities of individuals they have been assigned numbers. Participant numbers are consistent with their identification in the overall study, so despite there being 18 participants in this sub-study relating to social media, the participant numbering extends up to 22. Importantly not all participants are explicitly quoted in the analysis, as quotes were selected for their richness and rigor.

Theme 1: Staying Informed in a Regional Context

This theme does not directly relate to either research question but is integral to conceptualization of the context of social media in Katherine. Facebook was the most frequently discussed social media platform, noted in 14 interviews. It was also the platform that older participants talked about the most, consistent with international evidence that younger people use Instagram and Snapchat more often (Alhabash & Ma, 2017). Participants’ level of personal involvement and experience with the platform became apparent throughout interviews, as those participants who chose to abstain from a Facebook profile discussed the topic negatively:

I see the trouble that it causes my grandkids and other youth that I know, and I hear what other adults are saying. (Participant 5)

The mention of social media frequently brought up the Facebook group “Town and Territory Matters,” explicitly named almost immediately by nine individual interview participants. Although a “closed group” and only viewable by members, “it’s very public, because there’s not many people that aren’t on it” (Participant 9). This was not the only community Facebook group discussed, but certainly is of notable importance; 12 participants either stated or implied they were members of this group. Those who were part of this group did so predominantly to stay connected to the community; whether that be about receiving community news updates, or more nuanced observations of community behavior and portrayed worldviews:

I don’t read the newspaper and [Local News] doesn’t get put up on TV or anything like that. Facebook is pretty much my only way of finding out what’s going on . . . For a lot of young people I think it’s very much a chain of communication between organisations and young people and pretty much every organisation has a Facebook page that they use to update what’s going on and different events and stuff like that. (Participate 7)

I choose to be part of the “Town and Territory Matters” page . . . just to sort of hear—at [workplace] and in our town social bubbles, we’re associating with very like-minded people, and so I like to have a reminder, sometimes, that not everybody thinks that way. (Participant 8)

I think being in a slightly more left-wing circle of friends and colleagues in town, I’m often a bit shocked. So I think it’s a part of town that I don’t really understand. (Participant 16)

Individuals who were Facebook users but chose not to join the “Town and Territory Matters,” tended to point to the drama and stress of community politics as reasons to avoid the group; “I’m not even on it because it was so toxic” (Participant 22). Many interviewees, including those who were members of the group, were quite blunt about their distaste for the group, though as the conversation continued some did conclude there were some positive aspects.

Theme 2: Vilifying Youth and Combating This

A major issue identified within the interviews was the way in which community crime was dealt with on this forum. As noted by an Aboriginal Service Provider, a significant issue with “Town and Territory Matters” was the common practise of uploading photos of individuals committing crimes, in an effort to “name and shame”:

I’ve seen victims posting video footage or photos of youth who have committed the crime . . . it’s essentially creating a witch hunt or man hunt. (Participant 4)

Identifying young people, some under 18, as criminals, with images, CCTV footage, some by name, some just with images. (Participant 6)

The youth demographic received the greatest negative attention on the group, with most crimes attributed to them:

Any time young people are mentioned, it’s really been really negative and people who have the same view as the [person posting] hopping on and furthering this hatred. (Participant 8)

However, the ones that were actually doing a lot of the offending weren’t actually youth, they were young adults that were over the age of 18 or adults . . . I think it’s easy for us to assume that it’s kids. (Participant 9)

While many participants were horrified by this behavior, others expressed sympathy for the dissatisfied community members who were posting these photos:

I fully understand where they’re coming from because there’s nothing worse than living in fear of repeated break-ins and not feeling safe in your own home and many people feel like that in Katherine . . . when they see a lack of action they vent and use social media to do that. (Participant 11)

There’s no one that’s out to kill kids . . . I think people are frustrated. I think people are sick of their houses being broken into. (Participant 20)

This perceived lack of action was attributed to the tenuous reputation of diversion and other justice measures in the town; “diversion is nothing in Katherine” (Participant 11). It appears that posts regarding crime often descend into an aggressive and abusive commentary by community members. One participant detailed an incident where online violence moved from cyber threats to physical violence:

It ended up with something like 200 and something comments within the first 12 hours, everybody, of course, had an opinion. It ended up with the parents being assaulted. (Participant 9)

No other participants gave examples of physical violence but many were concerned about the extremity of the threats and the subsequent impact on a population, who are vulnerable and still maturing. It was noted that the majority of youth who were identified in this Facebook group may already be lacking more social supports than some of their peers:

When someone says “my house was broken into” and this and that, the response to that is “break their legs, take a whip to their back, just flog the piss out of them” and that’s a horrible response for anyone, but for that to go towards a young person who may not have had the upbringing we had. (Participant 4)

The accuracy of this information was discussed with a number of participants noting that the reliability of posts, names, and photos were rarely called into question. Stereotyping, assumptions, and fear mongering were common:

. . . news travels very, very quickly . . . whether something is true or not is irrelevant. (Participant 14)

. . . because there was obviously a lot of break-ins at about that time and, of course, that one kid now got blamed for the whole communities offending. (Participant 9)

This stereotyping of youth people was often perceived as racially motivated.

Theme 3: Racism

Some participants discussed the stereotyping as being largely based on the young person’s ethnicity, specifically whether or not they were Aboriginal. The quote below is from an Aboriginal Service Provider:

Adults just stereotyping everybody. And unfortunately it’s jump people of colour, so young Indigenous people. The majority of that I’ve seen either are racist or they’re borderline . . . most of it is targeting young Indigenous people. (Participant 4)

The exclusionary attitude by non-Aboriginal members of the community, “definitely comments about, us and them” (Participant 6), was highlighted in a number of interviews, and appeared to be of greater concern than any overtly racist comments on the page. Statements such as “we, the people of Katherine” (Participant 6) portray a group of non-Indigenous, “law-abiding” citizens as the true residents of the town, isolating and excluding the Indigenous youth who are being named and shamed online:

All you do is make people feel like they belong to a different group of people. History is littered with examples of how that can be very positive or be very negative. So it’s hard to say which direction it will go on, but it definitely unites people, whether or not you unite them in feeling well fine, we’ll continue to be these terrible people, or you unite them in feeling yes, we are difficult and welcome to Katherine Black Panthers 2.0, I don’t know. But it creates a clear division. (Participant 15)

This very public exclusion of an already marginalized group was concerning for service providers.

Theme 4: Impact on Youth

Several interviewees were oblivious to the number of young people who were members of “Town and Territory Matters,” and therefore bearing witness to the antisocial behavior of a number of adults on that group. However, an interviewee who was a young person themselves (Participant 7) indicated they were a part of these groups:

From what I see young people that would be most impacted . . . aren’t a member of that site and aren’t active. [If a young person were to see this content] it would be shocking. There is some really vile stuff that is said in that space . . . swearing or being racist or being derogatory. (Participant 3)

I know personally that a lot of the Facebook pages, especially the closed groups that I’m in are very free with talking about how bad young people are and how bad they can be. (Participant 7)

A few adults were unbothered by the concern that it may be negatively impacting youth; “I don’t think it does very much damage to the youth” (Participant 16), with some service providers stating that, not only were the youth aware, but that some thrived on the attention:

Some of them . . . will boast and gloat and say, “Hey they got my photo on” . . . because they got off with it so it’s, “Hey, I’m one up . . . I’m king of the gang.” They get a bit of respect from their peers. (Participant 11)

The majority of service providers, however, were very concerned about both the short and long-term impact of this negative attention for these young people. Short-term concerns included impacts of the threat of violence, the possibility of actual violence, and isolation of vulnerable youth. If the above suggestion is validated, that is, certain young people are being encouraged to commit crimes because notoriety on these groups receive peer endorsement, then this also poses a concern for young people. Common long-term concerns related to long-lasting negative labels attached to “badly behaved” individuals; and the perpetuation of an unhealthy culture of, and tolerance for, stereotyping and damaging assumptions:

If we’re forever treating them like, “you’re that kid,” they don’t get past that. (Participant 9)

A nuanced observation from a local youth noted that this issue is not new; but that social media has intensified it:

All you will hear about . . . young people is how horrible they are . . . it’s been the same for decades . . . but now it’s a more prominent platform. (Participant 14)

Theme 5: Tensions in Positioning Youth: Right versus Left

A clear division within the community, based on worldviews, was evident. The people who were posting photos in an effort to “name and shame” or venting their frustrations regarding crime in the town were summarized by some participants as “the ‘lock them up’ brigade” (Participant 21), while those who took issue with this online activity were similarly grouped: “my mum calls them the Hairy Armpit Brigade” (Participant 20). Facebook groups appeared to be spotlighting this difference, in a way that had been impossible prior to social media, making differing opinions constantly very visible to all community members. This is consistent with current evidence which suggests social media compounds a polarized political landscape (Bail et al., 2018):

What I think it does is further kind of unifies the right-wing voice, the harsh voice, the condemnation, in what I think is probably a minority of people in town. You see the very sharp edge of the problems of prejudice in town. (Participant 16)

The participants spoke about the demographic who were engaging in this negative behavior as being “very well-known adults in town.” (Participant 16)

Unfortunately in Katherine, the people over here saying lock them all up are all the people who control our political parties . . . who own the businesses in town . . . the people with money . . . the people who people listen [to] (Participant 20)

The adult participants in this study were overwhelmingly resistant to neoliberal ideology and favored social solidary in their commentary on the issue (Baum, 2005), unsurprising given the majority held roles in youth or community services, where principles such as equity and social justice are commonplace (Bennett et al., 2011).

Theme 6: Adopting a Strengths-Based Approach to Youth

The focus of many of these conversations revolved around the highly negative skew of Facebook posts. Interviewees suggested a need to contribute to change in the conversation about youth, to provide a positive element to balance the overtly negative portrayal:

Somebody needs to drive that [positive role models] in a coordinated way. We’ve got an amazing female AFL Indigenous team down there. (Participant 22)

The role of community education was also suggested a number of times. Service providers were very self-aware of their unique understanding of the factors contributing to a young person’s decision to engage in criminal activity. Many suggested community education was required to combat this issue:

We need to do more community education. Put your hand up instead of banging them and bashing them. It’s about having more and more people talking in a positive slant. If we can be strategic and collaborative about using social media to do that we can influence public perception. (Participant 11)

People just don’t understand that kids are out on the street because it’s a safer place for them to be than their homes. (Participant 22)

A participant whose workplace did engage with social media discussed the vitality of this engagement for both promotion of programs and justification to funders, aspects which are both essential to the JR project:

For businesses and for organisations like ours, there is a need for us to have a social media presence, a) for the consumer and the kids to see this is what [organisation] does, b) for the government and us to justify what you’re investing in. (Participant 20)

It was also felt the strong community ownership of youth focused work should be promoted, given the frequency with which outsiders come and go from Katherine, leaving legacies of ambitious and unsustainable projects: ²

They’re looking to come to the Northern Territory, get their skin name for their resume and go back down south, once they’ve had their ‘I’ve had Indigenous experience’ written on their resume. (Participant 20)

[JR should be promoted to the community] not [with] American accents overdoing it and things like that, with actual Katherine local people who are involved and are seeing the overarching benefit. (Participant 15)

Overall Facebook and social media was viewed as a positive tool for the KYJRWG, if resources were invested in ensuring the use was appropriate and going to be impactful.