Abstract
Investigative journalism in non-Western parts of the world has recently been going through significant developments. The Transformation of Investigative Journalism in China: From Journalists to Activists by Haiyan Wang (2016) is one of the few books addressing investigative journalism in non-Western contexts as an emerging form of journalism, discussing the opportunities and challenges of investigative journalism potentially leading to social change. This book mainly argues that as part of journalists’ promise to fulfil social responsibility in China, there is a ‘need to mix journalism with activism’ (Wang, 2016: 10), a call that is frowned upon by many journalists in the Western world. Yet, at a time when the movement against activist journalism is expanding in Western countries, there is a move towards more activist blended forms of journalism in other parts of the world.
Wang (2016) states that investigative journalism in China was predominantly modelled to Western practices (p. 2), an approach that was adopted by many non-Western journalists as part of their emerging practice of investigative reporting. However, Wang (2016) explains that this approach was not sustainable on the long run due to the political economy in China married with the limitations imposed by the ‘enterprise nature of journalistic professionalism’ (p. 9). The main aim of the book, therefore, is to highlight that investigative journalism practice in China in its pure form is no longer viable and, in turn, argues that in order for it to achieve its aims and full potential it needs to be integrated with the practice of activist journalism. Wang (2016), therefore, argues that ‘[t]o continue to fulfil the promise of social responsibility, Chinese journalists need to mix journalism with activism’ (p. 10).
Based on this, the book is constructed in two parts: the first conducts a thorough examination of the state of investigative journalism in China looking into the nature of its practice, the limitations of such journalism and the achievements of Chinese investigative reporters. In turn, this first part mainly outlines the limitations and challenges facing investigative journalism in China. Based on this, the second part discusses the possibilities available to Chinese investigative reporters by exploring the practice of activist journalism in China. It does so by following the rise of activism in Chinese journalism through four cases in the book as outlined in later chapters.
In Chapter 2, after an introductory account of the rationale behind the arguments made, we find that the author provides a detailed historic account of Chinese media reform as a background to the book. In it she describes the political-economic factors that affected Chinese media over the years, arguing that the media in China has been ‘commercially successful but politically tame’ (Wang, 2016: 29) prior to its media reform. An argument, she states, is one that is not supported by many Chinese experts or academics as they believe that the emergence of investigative journalism was seen as an indicator of the media’s political involvement. However, Wang argues that although the emergence of investigative journalism in China should be acknowledged as playing a role, she argues in Chapter 3 that investigative reporting in China has its limitations and therefore has not reached its full potential.
Accordingly, in Chapter 4, Wang takes a deeper look into the nature of the reporting spaces in China, thus identifying three ‘reporting zones’ available to investigative journalists: the forbidden zone, the permitted and encouraged zone, and the negotiated zone. Notably, these three reporting zones Wang identifies can be applied to many parts of the media environment in the non-Western world in areas such as the Arab world, Africa and South America. This further enhances the argument that it is not possible to model investigative journalism in these parts of the world to that of Western models of practice, as the media environment – and the restrictions imposed as a result – cannot be the same.
Chapter 5 goes on to discuss the advocacy tradition that has been historically entrenched in Chinese journalism, making the case that it is not a foreign concept in China. This chapter traces the historic, cultural, and philosophical roots in activist reporting in the country, where it is ‘embedded in the Confucian Chinese tradition’ (Wang, 2016: 67). It is, therefore, futile for investigative reporters from non-Western traditions to mimic the practices of Western journalism. What needs to be done instead is to conceptualise such practices within cultural, political, economic, historic, social, and ideological frameworks specific to the country of practice.
However, at the heart of activist journalism in today’s discourses worldwide is the question of professionalism. Chapter 6 addresses this in relation to discourses among Chinese journalists and scholars, where reporters in China have attempted to take on an objective spirit of journalism modelled specifically to Western forms of ‘professionalism’. Yet Wang argues, in relation to this, that the way in which Chinese journalists perform their trade in the conditions obtaining today is complex: above all, that trade has many influences flowing into it; and the example of Western professionalism has not been so great as to constitute an absolutely dominant influence. (Wang, 2016: 90)
This seems consistent with the evolution of investigative journalism practices in other non-Western countries. To assume that journalistic practice is absolute across the world is unrealistic – a point that this book is making throughout – thus offering an important insight into the variations of journalistic cultures.
Chapter 7 provides fours cases examining how activist journalism in China emerged and was practiced with notable examples. Exploring the Xiamen PX event, the Nansha petrochemical plant dispute, the Panyu GIP project, and the death of Qian Yunhui, all four of these cases were purposely selected from each year from 2007 to 2010, which are the years the emergence of waves of civic movement were noted in China (Wang, 2016: 102). However, interestingly, Wang uses these case studies to show how investigative reporters in China also transformed their role to civic action. These cases provide accurate illustrations of how civic engagement could be merged with journalism as a form of social change. In turn, Chapter 8 provides a detailed account of the various approaches to activism in journalism and the institutional structure of activist journalism in China. Not only does this offer an insight into such practice in China specifically, but also exemplifies how activism can be practiced in journalism institutions in general.
Although objectivity is taught as a fundamental pillar in many journalism schools across the world, it is necessary to note that the formation and practice of any form of reporting is dependent on varying contextual cultures of journalism. What works in one culture of journalism does not necessarily work in another. This is a fundamental argument of this book which sees the incorporation of activism in investigative journalism in China as a core element for its way to achieving social change in the new media environment.
