Abstract
This article examines factors that predict parole decisions in Lithuanian courts. The study state has a two-stage discretionary parole system where applicants are first evaluated through a parole board hearing, and the board’s decision is then reviewed in court. The study sample included 360 court verdicts from various court institutions. Intergroup comparisons suggest that parole boards tend to grant parole more often than courts. The results of regression analysis suggest that courts weigh heavily on the decision made by the parole board as well as the number of misconduct reports, time left to serve and previous parole or probation violations.
Introduction
The legal context of parole applications
In Lithuania, parole is a form of conditional release from custody that may be applied in the case of a determinate sentence after some proportion of the sentence has been served. The study state currently has a two-stage parole application system where the applicant may be granted parole on discretionary conditions. The option of automatic parole has been established recently; however, discretionary parole remains the most prevalent framework. The current parole application system was developed in 2012 after the initiation of the Probation reform. The reform involved significant updates to the Code for the Execution of Criminal Penalties (CECP) and the adoption of the Probation Act. The main purpose of the reform was to address prison overcrowding problems and ensure smoother social integration of probationers and parolees. 1
Until 2012, the main parole condition was a duty to serve a certain part of the sentence based on the length of the original sentence (CECP, 2002). The decision-makers were given no specific guidelines or criteria to rely on while dealing with parole cases. Hence, courts exercised a great deal of discretion in terms of parole decisions.
After 1 July 2012, the legal terms of parole application were redefined to be more specific. Following this, inmates continued to be required to serve a certain part of the sentence depending on the original length. 2 Additional criteria included (1) the completion of measures listed in the correctional plan, (2) level of criminal risk 3 and (3) the inmate’s institutional conduct (Law on changes of the CECP, 2012). The correctional plan had to be based on the results of the criminal risk assessment and address the specific criminogenic needs of each inmate. This instrument was developed to ensure the routinisation of correctional measures and facilitate the monitoring of the rehabilitation process. Thus, from then on, the parole decision has depended on the level of criminal risk, institutional conduct and the inmate’s efforts to adhere to the correctional plan.
However, the list of criteria was not finite as ‘other significant circumstances’ could also be considered (Law on changes of the CECP, 2012). Although the new framework was more specific, the legal terms of parole still lacked clarity. It was not clear what level of criminal risk and which aspects of institutional conduct indicated eligibility for conditional release.
Another significant change made in 2012 was the establishment of parole boards. 4 Before 2012, local courts dealt with all parole cases. Parole boards emerged as an additional parole decision-making authority charged with considering social research reports for each applicant and providing individualised recommendations on parole conditions. Local courts were then given the power to make parole decisions based on parole board recommendations. In addition, the 2012 revisions permit only board members to meet the applicants in person, while written forms are reviewed for parole cases in court. 5 These changes added complexity to the parole application system, as inmates were now required to pass two parole stages instead of one.
In addition, intensive supervision (IS) using electronic monitoring 6 was introduced in 2012, which allows inmate who agree to its terms to apply for parole 6 months prior to the term set in the CECP. Every inmate eligible for parole could apply for this option regardless of the sentence length or crime committed (Law on changes of the CECP, 2012). IS was a novel system in Lithuania and created a new category of parolees. The introduction of IS required decision-makers to consider a new parole option and adjust their decision-making strategies to a new system.
Further changes to the parole system occurred on 1 September 2015, resulting in the liberalisation of parole terms. These revisions required inmates to satisfy three basic requirements in order to obtain parole: (1) the obligation to comply with (rather than complete) the measures included in the correctional plan, (2) being classified as low-risk and (3) the progress of risk reduction, indicating that the inmate shall not reoffend. In addition, inmates who agreed to IS could apply for parole 9 months (instead of 6 months) prior to the term set in the CECP (Law on changes of the CECP, 2015).
Due to these updates, institutional conduct and ‘other significant circumstances’ became irrelevant, while the progress of risk reduction became the key criterion for parole application. Unfortunately, it was not specified how the progress should be measured, as no corresponding guidelines were provided to decision-makers.
Further substantial changes to parole application in the CECP came into force on 1 June 2020. Since then, some parole cases 7 have been assigned to boards and some inmates were granted automatic parole along with IS. Nevertheless, a significant number of inmates have to pass the same two parole stages. Furthermore, the criteria for parole application include only the level of criminal risk and the progress of risk reduction (Law on changes of the CECP, 2019). At this stage, it is difficult to tell whether the latest changes in the parole system will improve parole rates in Lithuania. However, regardless of the complexity of the new system, the criteria for parole application remain rather obscure.
Practical issues of parole application
The establishment of a new parole system in 2012 led to a significant drop in the number of parolees. In 2008, parolees made up approximately 51% of all inmates released from prison. However, in 2012, this number dropped to approximately 37% (Report of the general unit of the Prison Department, 2009, 2013). In 2017 and 2018, the percentage of parolees dropped to 27% and 20% of all inmates released from prison, respectively (Report of the general unit of the Prison Department, 2018a, 2018b, 2018c; Report of the task planning unit of the Prison Department, 2019a, 2019b, 2019c). This meant that a substantial number of inmates stayed in prison rather than being supervised and assisted in re-entry into society.
In 2015, the Prison Department conducted an in-depth analysis of parole practises in the state and found that boards received 8782 parole applications from 1 July 2012 to 1 January 2015. While boards granted parole in 4886 cases (nearly 56%), courts granted parole in only 2769 cases (31%). It was concluded that courts tended to take a more reserved stance on parole application, as they granted parole less often than boards (Report of the supervision unit of the Prison Department, 2016).
It has also been observed that, in Lithuania, parole trends vary depending on the correctional facility. Offenders with extensive criminal history are placed in special correctional facilities such as the Alytus correctional house. This group of inmates usually has a greater number of prior convictions and a higher level of criminal risk, and may, therefore, face more severe integration difficulties. Meanwhile, a proportion of those serving their first prison sentence are placed in remand prisons, where inmates are employed as serving staff. These inmates usually get employed in custody, manifest fewer substance abuse problems and have fewer misconduct reports. The comparison of parole application rates in various correctional facilities revealed substantial differences between institutions. Inmates serving sentences in remand prisons were granted parole more often (45%) than inmates with extensive criminal history (23%; Report of the supervision unit of the Prison Department, 2016).
As the percentage of parolees has been gradually decreasing, local scholars assumed that the decrease may be due to stereotypes escalating in local media. The media tend to portray parolees as dangerous recidivists posing a serious threat to society. Scholars from abroad also recognise that the only time the society hears anything about parolees is when they commit a new crime (Ball, 2011). However, data indicate that, from 1998 through 2013, the percentage of parolees in Lithuania who were returned to prison for parole violations or committing a new offence was between 7% and 13% (Sakalauskas, 2013). Hence, reoffending could be considered quite uncommon.
In addition, local parole trends appear pessimistic in the European context. According to correctional statistics from Nordic countries, from 2009 to 2013, the percentage of parolees among probationers in Denmark was between 17% and 19%, Finland −29% and 36%, Iceland −45% and 50%, Norway −14% and 16%, and Sweden −30% and 31% (Kristoffersen, 2014). During this period, the percentage of parolees among probationers in Lithuania decreased to between 11% and 17%. In 2018, the percentage of parolees among probationers in Lithuania dropped to 8%, which is below the European average (Aebi et al., 2019). These numbers show that despite the legal developments, parole remains an uncommon form of community sanction in Lithuania.
A high rate of parole denial results in most inmates being released at the end of their sentence without any assistance or follow-up. Furthermore, local parole trends may negatively affect inmates’ motivation to rehabilitate and seek parole. To date, research has not sought to examine the inmates’ perspective on parole decision-making in Lithuania. In 2000, a group of foreign authors investigated inmates who had been denied parole and revealed that the factors inmates believed to affect parole decisions differed significantly from those that parole boards considered relevant (West-Smith et al., 2000). Thus, after parole denial, inmates may feel that their attempts to rehabilitate had been pointless and question whether parole is worth the effort. High rates of denial may cause parole to lose its main advantage, that is, the possibility to motivate inmates toward positive behavioural changes.
Factors associated with parole decision-making
Although low parole rates may hinder gradual offender integration, parole decision-making is unquestionably complex. Therefore, some research has focused on factors affecting parole decision-making, with some studies identifying historical risk factors as influential. Parole boards may regard inmates’ criminal history, institutional conduct, program non-compliance, number of previous incarcerations, age of the first offence, previous escape attempts and parole violations (Houser et al., 2019; Nuffield, 1982; Warner, 1923). Other studies show that parole decisions may depend on the severity of the crime committed, crime type, violent behaviour in custody, lack or delay of attending relevant programs in prison, the number of previous convictions, incarceration length and history of mental illness (Caplan, 2007; Caplan and Kinnevy, 2010; Feder, 1994; Lindsey and Miller, 2011; Morgan and Smith, 2005; Proctor, 1999). In other words, historical information may be of great importance when it comes to parole decision-making.
Other studies have shown that other characteristics are also important when it comes to parole decisions, including inmate’s age, intellectual abilities, officer’s recommendation, participation in educational programs, prospects of employment after release, marital status and the number of dependents (Heinz et al., 1976; Houser et al., 2019). Another study has shown that, while parole boards emphasise factors such as the nature of the current offence, institutional conduct and education, their decisions may also depend on the level of criminal risk as well as the race and ethnicity of the inmate (Huebner and Bynum, 2008). A study on parole of men incarcerated for sexual offences showed that decision-makers heavily weigh the seriousness of the offence, institutional conduct, and parole readiness scores; however, victim and offender age are also significant factors (Huebner and Bynum, 2006). Therefore, it seems that parole decision-making may be affected by various legal and extralegal factors, while decision-makers may sometimes unconsciously rely on particular stereotypes about certain applicant groups.
Due to undeniable parole application difficulties, Lithuanian scholars have attempted to discover their possible underlying causes. One study published in 2017 suggests that the main motives for parole denial in court were inadequate time served, the severity of the crime committed, the presence of some criminogenic factors and personality traits. In addition, it was concluded that judges often disagreed regarding the progress of risk reduction due to various interpretations of this factor (Vosyliute, 2017).
Further, a qualitative study regarding parole decision-making in Lithuania found that board members tend to focus on the CECP criteria, while some additional factors, such as institutional conduct, the nature of the crime committed and other characteristics, are also influential. Similarly, judges indicated that institutional conduct, criminal history, personality traits and time spent in custody are also important. In addition, judges believed that parolees should be classified as low-risk, while compliance with the plan was not given high importance, as it was considered a formal requirement rather than the indicator of successful rehabilitation (Michailovic and Jarutiene, 2017).
Although there have been several attempts to uncover the factors that could be associated with parole decisions, no proper quantitative study has ever been conducted in Lithuania. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to identify particular variables that predict parole decisions in Lithuanian courts.
Materials and methods
Research data
The data for this study were collected from the LITEKO open-access database, which contains all court verdict records enunciated in the state. 8 The search period covered 4 years (from 1 September 2015 to 1 November 2019), which correspond to the period of validity of the latest parole application system. The study state contains six district courts, 9 which have recently been dealing with parole applications from eight correctional facilities. Since applicants may appeal unsatisfactory district court verdicts, there are also three regional courts dealing with parole cases. 10 Accordingly, parole verdicts from all nine court institutions were selected for this study. The sample size was determined by the number of independent variables (at least 20 cases per independent variable) and included 360 verdict records.
After data selection, all applicants’ characteristics relevant to the study were encoded using IBM SPSS Statistics 21.
Variables used in the study
Dependent variable. The dependent variable in this study was court decision (parole granted or denied) for each applicant. As the measure of the dependent variable was dichotomous, logistic regression analysis was chosen as the most suitable statistical method.
Independent variables used in the study.
Statutory variables were based on the parole conditions determined in the CECP, while procedural variables were based on the current parole application system in the state. Legal/extralegal variables were drawn from previous studies that revealed possible predictors of parole decision-making. Some extralegal variables such as ethnicity, race, age of the first offence, marital status and education, were not included, as they were not available in the records drawn for the study.
During the study, two independent variables (i.e. Plea in court and Compliance with restitution order) were excluded from the analysis, as the number of missing values exceeded 60%.
Data analysis
IBM SPSS Statistics 21 was used for statistical data analysis. A multiple imputation procedure was used to deal with missing values. The chi-square test was used for intergroup comparisons. Before applying logistic regression, a correlational analysis of independent variables was performed to avoid multicollinearity issues. As some of the variables used a scale and some were categorical, Spearman correlation was utilised. Finally, logistic regression models were developed to identify the variables that predict parole decisions.
Results
General findings
Sample characteristics.
Intergroup comparisons
Intergroup comparisons showed that the differences between court and parole board practise were statistically significant (χ2 = 31.1; p < 0.001). This indicates that board members tend to trust parole applicants more than judges.
A comparison of criminal risk level groups showed that the majority of those who were granted parole were classified as low-risk. Furthermore, the percentage of moderate-risk inmates granted parole was smaller compared to those who were not. Finally, there were no high-risk inmates among those who were granted parole. The chi-square test showed that these differences were statistically significant (χ2 = 17.2; p < 0.001).
The analyses also revealed some differences between district and regional court practise. Regional courts granted parole less often (13% of applicants) than district courts (33% of applicants; χ2 = 14.3; p < 0.001). Thus, in Lithuania, appeal courts seem to demonstrate less confidence in parole-seeking inmates compared to trial courts.
There were no statistically significant differences between those who applied for IS and those who did not. In addition, inmates granted parole did not significantly differ from those who were denied parole in terms of crime severity. The distribution of those who committed minor, moderate severity, severe or extremely severe crime was similar between the two groups.
Intergroup comparisons showed that the majority of those who were denied parole (72%) had a previous history of parole or probation violation. Furthermore, the group of unsuccessful applicants included a higher percentage of those who had a previous violation history, compared to the group of successful applicants (χ2 = 21.3; p < 0.001).
No statistically significant differences were found between male and female applicants. In addition, applicants who had been sentenced for violent, property, economic, sexual or other types of crime had a success rate similar to those who had not been sentenced for these types of crime.
Furthermore, the results showed that there were fewer successful applicants among inmates sentenced for drug-related crime (χ2 = 3.8; p = 0.05). In other words, the results have shown that those who had been sentenced for drug-related crime were less likely to be paroled.
Correlational analysis
The results of correlational analysis 13 .
The results did not reveal any serious multicollinearity issues. Only two independent variables (number of months left to serve and crime severity) appeared to be strongly correlated (r = 0.582; p = 0.01). A strong association between these two variables is reasonable, as inmates sentenced for more severe crimes were likely to receive longer sentences and, as a result, have longer unserved sentence portions. As these two variables could provide redundant information, the Crime severity variable was excluded from further analysis.
Logistic regression model
The results of logistic regression analysis.
Further, Model 2 included statutory 12 as well as legal and extralegal variables and revealed some additional significant predictors (Table 4). Inmate’s level of criminal risk as well as the number of misconduct reports, number of months left to serve, and the history of previous parole or probation violations were found to be significant. The results suggest that higher OASys score, greater number of misconduct reports, a longer unserved sentence, and previous parole or probation violation history predicted a lower chance of being paroled. The Omnibus and Hosmer–Lemeshow test confirmed that Model 2 was appropriate, while Cox–Snell and Nagelkerke R-squared test showed that the fit of the model improved substantially, explaining 21–33% of the variance.
Finally, Model 3 was developed, including statutory, legal, extralegal and procedural variables. Both procedural variables contributed substantially to the model and were found to be the most significant predictors of parole decisions in court. In Model 3, the OASys score was not a significant predictor. The parole board’s decision was the most significant variable for parole decision in court. These findings indicate that judges rely heavily on the board’s opinion. In addition, the court instance type was significant for parole decision-making. This indicates that parole cases considered in appeal courts are less likely to be resolved favourably. Other predictors, including the number of misconduct reports, time left to serve, and previous history of parole or probation violations, were also significant. The Omnibus and Hosmer–Lemeshow test confirmed that Model 3 was appropriate, while Cox–Snell and Nagelkerke R-squared showed that it explained 29–46% of the variance. Thus, Model 3 was the most beneficial of all three models.
Discussion
This study aimed to identify predictors of parole decision-making in court. The results showed that parole boards tend to recommend parole more often than courts. This corresponds to the findings of the local Prison Department (2016). The current two-stage parole model does not seem to be beneficial to inmates, as a large percentage of applicants do not succeed in getting through the second parole stage. The latest changes in the CECP may partially solve this problem, as some parole cases are being assigned solely to parole boards. However, some applicants still have to receive approval from both decision-making authorities and will presumably face the same difficulties.
This study revealed other interesting insights. Overall, half of the inmates granted parole were classified as low-risk, while those denied parole were mostly classified as moderate-risk. These findings are consistent previous research indicating judges’ beliefs that parolees should mostly be classified as low-risk (Michailovic and Jarutiene, 2017). Although this criterion is included in the CECP, the inmate’s progress with risk reduction should also be considered. Finally, most inmates in this study sample cannot be classified as low-risk due to multiple previous convictions, parole or probation violations, or having been convicted of severe or extremely severe crime. As such, the requirement of a low-risk score may be unreasonable, and it is probably worth reconsidering this particular criterion.
Finally, intergroup comparisons showed that those convicted for drug-related crimes were less likely to be granted parole in court. It should be noted that some previous studies abroad have revealed the opposite tendencies (Feder, 1994; Houser et al., 2019; Huebner and Bynum, 2008). This tendency may be due to a rather strict criminal policy regarding drug-related crime in Lithuania. Since 2017, all types of drug-related crimes, except drug use, have been criminalised in the state. An analysis of punitive practise for drug-related crime showed that from 2009 through 2012, in most cases, the perpetrators were given custodial sentences (Venckeviciene, 2013). Furthermore, in Lithuania, drug distribution is considered a severe crime regardless of the amount distributed, so these custodial sentences range from 2 to 8 years for the distribution of small amounts (Lankauskas, 2013). Thus, the legislation, as well as punitive practise regarding drug-related crime, is rather strict. It may be assumed that the general attitude toward drug-related crime in this state affects parole decisions.
The logistic regression model included statutory, legal, extralegal and procedural variables and showed that procedural variables were the strongest predictors of court decisions. The results of this study suggest that judges tend to weigh heavily on decisions made by parole boards. A favourable decision by the board predicted a greater chance of being paroled in court. Furthermore, the results showed that parole cases that were considered in trial courts had a greater chance of being successful. It was assumed that the decision-making process in appeal courts might be informed by the so-called “framing effect”, a cognitive heuristic where the decision is influenced by the way information is presented. In most cases, applicants were denied parole either during board hearings or in the trial court. The former decisions may serve as a reference point and shift appeal courts’ decisions toward parole denial. Generally, the significance of the procedural variables implied that the structure of the parole application system contributes to the decrease in the parole rate in the state.
Some legal variables were also found to be significant in terms of parole decision in court. The number of misconduct reports as well as time left to serve were significant predictors of the court decision. A greater number of misconduct reports and longer part of the sentence unserved decreased the chances of earlier release. In addition, inmates with previous history of parole or probation violation were less likely to be paroled. The results suggest that parole decision-making in court is mostly affected by negative historical information about applicants. These findings are consistent with the results of previous studies regarding parole decision-making (Caplan, 2007; Houser et al., 2019; Huebner and Bynum, 2008; Lindsey and Miller, 2011; Morgan and Smith, 2005; Nuffield, 1982; Proctor, 1999; Warner, 1923). Unlike some previous studies (Heinz et al., 1976; Huebner and Bynum, 2008; Michailovic and Jarutiene, 2017), this study showed that the level of criminal risk appears to be insignificant in terms of parole decision-making. This may indicate that judges tend to focus on the risk factors they believe to be significant in terms of recidivism and public safety. The criminal risk assessment framework might still seem novel and complicated and, therefore, is often disregarded during the decision-making process.
It should be noted that all variables that were significant predictors of the court decision are taken into account during the criminal risk assessment. OASys covers such characteristics as previous parole or probation violations and misconduct reports. Therefore, the results suggest that some historical risk factors are repeatedly evaluated in court, potentially unreasonably amplifying perceived criminal risk. This issue has been discussed in previous research, which argued that frequent application of criminal risk assessment for legal decision-making may lead to the accumulation of bias; thus, such practise, in fact, becomes exclusionary to some individuals (Van Eijk, 2020). Instead of providing an informative basis for parole decision-making, the results of risk assessment may become an obstacle to conditional release. It has also been argued that parole decisions should not be informed by risk assessment, as it is difficult to measure dynamic risk factors in custody and predict the course of integration after release. Another issue may be due to the way risk assessment results are communicated to decision-makers. Although the results provide information on the probability of recidivism, decision-makers receive no comments regarding the confidence interval of risk estimates (McGarraugh, 2012). To avoid these issues, judges should receive proper training regarding risk assessment instruments, their exact structure, and the possible level of error inherent in the presented results. Furthermore, the focus on risk should be reconsidered, and additional evidence-based criteria could be relied upon to avoid exclusionary practises.
The apparent insignificance of the statutory criteria set in the CECP might be due to the absence of clear parole application guidelines in the state. As such, decision-makers should be provided with an advisory decision recommendation matrix or framework, which would help categorise inmates in terms of their eligibility for parole. Such tools are widely used in the US (Ford, 2012; Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles Annual Report, 2019; Gutierrez, 2019; Serin and Gobeil, 2014; Wardrop and Serin, 2019) and may include components such as the level of criminal risk, institutional/community behaviour, release plan, and other relevant information. In addition, as the progress of risk reduction remains a significant criterion after the latest changes in CECP, it should be specified how the progress should be measured.
This study had some obvious limitations concerning the content of verdict records uploaded to the LITEKO database. In most cases, no definite information regarding the sociodemographic characteristics of applicants was available; therefore, variables such as age, education, marital status, race and ethnicity were not included in the model. As such, it was not possible to explore the role of race and ethnicity, which has been addressed in previous studies (Huebner and Bynum, 2008). In addition, data did not include any information regarding the rehabilitation process in custody (employment, educational and correctional program completion) and particular criminogenic needs of the applicants. Finally, this study did not include any information regarding applicants’ mental health status, which is also considered a significant factor in parole application (Feder, 1994; Houser et al., 2019). The inclusion of such data would have allowed the development of a more detailed model and identification of additional predictors of parole decisions. Access to applicants’ case files would help solve these problems; therefore, such an option should be considered in future studies.
Conclusions
Parole decision-making in Lithuanian courts highly depends on procedural and historical risk variables, while statutory criteria provided in the CECP do not seem to be significant. The decision made by the parole board and court institution type appears to be strong predictors of parole decision-making in court. These results suggest that the structure of the parole application system has a great impact on the possibility of conditional release. Previous parole or probation violation history, number of misconduct reports and the number of months left to serve also predict the final court decision. This may lead to an excessive evaluation of particular risk factors and inaccurate perception of the actual risk.
Such tendencies may be a result of a rather obscure definition of the legal terms set in the CECP and the absence of clear parole decision-making guidelines in the study state. To facilitate the decision-making process and reduce the level of disparity between similar parole cases, decision-makers should be provided with an advisory matrix or framework. In addition, receiving proper training regarding criminal risk assessment tools and their structure and confidence intervals could help judges improve their decision-making strategies. Finally, it is worth reconsidering the legal demand to classify inmates as low-risk, as most applicants cannot meet this requirement.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
