Abstract
This article centers on the institutional barriers Latinas face in their professional development. An autoethnographic approach is employed to explore common themes faced by Latinas that hinder their success via the lens of culture conflict theory. This study specifically focus on issues related to interactions with students, marginalization, and institutional racism. A set of individual and institutional-level recommendations that may serve to alleviate the challenges facing Latinas, and faculty of color in general, are discussed.
Despite the growing prominence of Latinos in the population, they remain underrepresented in the country’s higher education system. The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2015) reports that Latinos comprise only 4% of the nation’s full-time faculty in degree granting universities and colleges. When disaggregated by gender, Latinas represented a mere 2% of the total faculty nationwide (NCES, 2015). The representation of Latinas in criminal justice and criminology programs is even lower, given that Latinos (both male and female) comprise only approximately 2.7% of full-time faculty (Association of Doctoral Programs in Criminology and Criminal Justice, 2016). While there are several potential reasons for their underrepresentation in academia (e.g., lack of access to adequate educational opportunities, language and cultural barriers, issues related to family responsibilities, and cultural/gendered identities), some scholars suggest that institutional racism and marginalization are also contributors (Gutiérrez y Muhs, Flores Niemann, González, & Harris, 2012; Machado-Casas, Cantú Ruiz, & Cantú, 2013; Padilla & Chávez, 1995).
This article centers on the institutional barriers Latinas face in their professional development. An autoethnographic approach is employed to explore common themes faced by Latinas that hinder their success via the lens of culture conflict theory. This study specifically focus on issues related to interactions with students, marginalization, and institutional racism. A set of individual and institutional-level recommendations that may serve to alleviate the challenges facing Latinas, and faculty of color in general, are discussed.
Current State of Knowledge
While there is a growing body of literature and research examining the lives and experiences of faculty of color in academia, work specifically on Latinas is relative sparse, and the examination of Latinas in criminal justice and criminology is nonexistent. Studies that have explored the lives of faculty of color in general suggest that they often have to navigate hegemonic institutions where they feel stress and pressure to conform (Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012; Padilla & Chaávez, 1995). Three themes emerge in the narratives of Latinas—interactions with students, academic marginalization, and institutional racism (i.e., unfair and bias treatment by administrator).
Interactions With Students
Studies that have examined the interactions between students and faculty who are part of gender, racial, and ethnic minorities suggest that gendered racism (i.e., biased treatment that is based on the faculty’s gender and race/ethnicity) on the part of students is common in predominantly Caucasian universities (Pittman, 2010; Stanley, 2006; Vargas, 1999). Latinas, and overall faculty of color, are more likely to report experiencing inappropriate challenges from students. Lazos (2012) suggest that students are more likely to challenge their teaching methods and expertise due to stereotypes they may have based on gender, race, and ethnicity. Consequently, Latinas may feel the need to prove themselves in the classroom or adopt strict authoritative teaching styles (Harlow, 2003; Lazos, 2012; Smith & Anderson, 2005). This could serve as a double-edge sword, since signs of aggravation or defensiveness can be perceived negatively by students and reflect in their course evaluations. As a result, Latinas and other faculty of color need to practice intensive emotional management and ensure that they always appear collected, in control, and happy even in the face of overt gendered racism (Harlow, 2003). Vargas (1999) found in her qualitative study that even small gestures related to a Latina’s accent and how she carries herself in the classroom are enough to elicit negative evaluations and resistance from students.
Course evaluations are important since they are often used as the dominant metric to measure teaching effectiveness in merit and promotion reviews (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Lazos, 2012). A plethora of research has assessed the validity of this measure, and overall there is conflicting evidence. Some studies suggest that this is a valid measure, while others question their accuracy (see Uttl, White, & Wong Gonzalez, 2016, for review). Unequivocally, however, this body of research suggests that relative to Caucasians, Latina professors are often rated more harshly (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Anderson, 2010; Anderson & Smith, 2005; Glascock & Ruggiero, 2006; McGowan, 2000; Smith & Anderson, 2005). When compared to Caucasian female professors, students are also more likely to write negative comments claiming they are “tough” and “rude” (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Vargas, 1999).
Given the strong institutional reliance on student evaluations, Latinas may be put at odds with colleagues. Indeed, narratives of Latinas and other ethnic minority female faculty suggest that they are sometimes reprimanded by senior colleagues who are not able, or are unwilling, to recognize the unique dynamics and pressures they face in the classroom or the biased nature of the evaluations (see Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Garza, 1993). Qualitative narratives also suggest that colleagues sometimes take the content of the evaluations to justify and validate their own stereotypes. In doing this, negative comments gain disproportionate attention while positive reviews are negated.
Marginalization
The narratives of Latinas are also replete with stories of exclusion by colleagues. The root of the marginalization experience can be traced back to the academic upbringing of some of the affected Latinas. Studies in the area suggest that many Latinas in academia are often the first in their family to enter the academy and, in some cases, are the first to earn a college degree. Latina faculty are also more likely to come from working-class families, which lack contact with other academics (Harris-Schenz, 1990). Given Latinas are underrepresented in institutions of higher learning as faculty, incoming Latina students may also lack sufficient role models. As a result, Latinas entering the ranks of higher learning may not feel at ease or as comfortable around the ivory tower when compared to their Anglo peers. This is exacerbated by having to learn how to excel in academia and navigate the political system on their own without adequate mentoring.
Studies that have examined the early trajectories of Latinas often report a perception of lack of mentorship and guidance (García, 2005; Medina & Luna, 2000). Lack of mentorship can prevent Latina faculty from developing bonds with senior colleagues but may also have a more distal effect. It can result in newly minted Latina faculty never “learning the ropes” or how to effectively navigate the political halls of academia. As a result, some Latinas may not learn how to react in institutionally “appropriate” manners when conflicts arise, which in turn, may result in even further marginalization. García (2005) recounts the stories of various Latinas who were troubled by the lack of mentorship they received both as graduate students and as new faculty. The women interviewed in her study all shared similar narratives about feeling socially isolated due to lack of adequate mentoring and how that left them unprepared for life in academia because they were never properly socialized.
Other qualitative analyses suggest Latinas often feel the pressure to conform to the institution’s narrative or play the role of “grateful outsider” (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002). Agathangelou and Ling (2002) defined the grateful outsider as a faculty of color (usually a female) who feels indebted to senior colleagues for their hiring and accomplishments. As a result, they avoid engaging in actions that would displease them. Agathangelou and Ling (2002) contend that faculty of color are allowed in only if “good”…. For this reason, the academy gatekeepers feel an extra sense of indignation, if not outrage, when faculty of color refuse to play the Grateful Outsider. Those who are willing to take on this role are rewarded amply in contrast to those who are not. (p. 382)
The narratives of Latinas are also replete with stories of the perception that their role in the academy is a symbolic gesture of tokenism where the cultural diversity they bring to institutions is not of value or even wanted. As a result, Latinas may feel more pressure to act according to Anglo norms and must learn how to perform their gendered race/ethnicity in order to avoid marginalization and rejection (Harris & Gonzalez, 2012). They must embrace their diversity role, but at the same time ensure that their attitude is palatable. Moffitt, Harris, and Forbes Berthoud (2012) assert that their identities are restricted, so they must learn how to “code switch,” which can be a very arduous and stressful task, given the importance of culture and ethnic pride within the Latino community. Latinas also report the need to be perceived as “collegial.” They need to make sure to keep believes and/or cultural adaptations that may conflict with the department/institutional norms under wraps in order to ensure that everyone gets along with them. Failure to do so results in being labeled by colleagues as not collegial (García, 2005; Riva-Holly, 2012). As García (2005) describes, they need to learn to smile and appear at ease even in the face of overt gendered racism. Latinas who embrace and accept their designated roles in the academy, become the grateful outsiders, and are perceived as collegial by their colleagues are protected, while those who do not are kept in the fringes and their person is vilified (Riva-Holly, 2012).
Institutional Racism
Reyes and Halcón (1988) suggest that institutional racism is manifested in the evaluation of research. Research agendas that focus on gender, race, and ethnic issues are often devalued in the academy (García, 2005). These topics are less likely to appear in mainstream journals and instead appear in more specialized and less prestigious outlets (Medina & Luna, 2000). Related, Latinas, and faculty of color, are often represented in specialized departments, such as Ethnic studies, which are often considered less prestigious than discipline in the mainstream (Reyes & Halcón, 1988). Reyes and Halcón (1988) posit that the overrepresentation of Latinas/Latinos in ethnic studies and similar department is a type of typecasting that segregate Latinas from mainstream academia. This can be used against them during merit, tenure, and promotion decisions (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Segura, 2003; Vargas, 1999). Medina and Luna (2000) and García (2005) support this notion in their accounts.
Research also suggest that the implementation of unequal evaluation standards is a common theme. Research in this area has found that women of color often face situations wherein fault is found in their records despite their accomplishments. Agathangelou and Ling’s (2002) review suggests that in the evaluation for tenure, when they excel on one metric, fault is found in another. For example, when faculty of color meet expectations for research, fault is found with teaching, and when they meet expectations for both research and teaching, then fault is found with service. Concerns about teaching often focus on student evaluations and the perception that they “abuse” their students. Concerns about service are rooted in either not performing enough of it or performing too much “minority” centered service. Reyes and Halcón (1988) refer to this as “hairsplitting,” in which faculty who clearly meet objective standards are scrutinized until fault is found. Often that fault is based on trivial technicalities or subjective arbitrary judgment calls on the part of administrators.
Institutional racism also appears to be palpable within the processes set in place to address conflict (García, 2005). Qualitative works in the area suggest that when conflicts arise, Latinas and faculty of color are not given the benefit of the doubt relative to their Anglo colleagues. Some narrative accounts even suggest that their grievances are usually dismissed by the institution as not serious or believable enough (García, 2005). For example, one of García’s (2005) study subjects recounts being harassed by an Anglo senior colleague who would undermined her work in public settings, recruited her graduate students to work for him, and interfered with her teaching and service assignments. The subject indicates that university administrators refused to help her after she reported his behavior and suggested she sought external help instead. García (2005) suggests that this occurs because the hierarchical power structure of the institutions would be undermined if administrators admit to wrongdoing.
Explaining the Challenges—Culture Conflict in Academia
The experiences of Latinas in academia can be understood through the lens of culture conflict theory. Although this theory emerged as an explanation of crime and deviance, the central assumptions can be extrapolated to examine different types of conflict within societal institutions. Culture conflict theory emerged in the late 1930s with the work of Thorsten Sellin. According to Sellin (1938), society is made up of various groups, each group with its own sets of conduct norms. He defined conduct norms as rules and beliefs about what behavior is appropriate and the manner in which a person should behave in specific situations. Conflict emerges when the conduct norms of two groups clash with one another. Vold (1958) expanded on Sellin’s (1938) work by positing that groups come into conflict when the interests and purposes they serve overlap or encroach on one another. Dominant groups capitalize on their power by labeling the outsiders as deviant, which in turn helps maintain their power.
Academic institutions also have their own set of conduct norms and culture (Kilduff & Mehra, 1997). Members of academic institutions form communities, identify with each other due to common interests, and share similar experiences. Members learn what is appropriate and what is not within institutions and are taught a common set of values and pride via social events which exude collectivism (e.g., sporting events). In essence, one can argue that they are social entities in themselves, just like the neighborhood and geographic spaces Sellin (1938) and Vold (1958) described.
Studies that have examined the culture and power structure in academia suggest that universities are hegemonic institutions with set power structures. These power structures have been kept in place for centuries, and Anglo upper-class men have been the gatekeepers throughout history (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002). In the past century, the power structure has been challenged with the entrance of working-class men, women, and non-Anglos. As posited by Sellin (1938) and Vold (1958), the entrance of non-Anglo groups (i.e., faculty of color) into the academy can spark conflict. Their entrance can result in conflict by either their introduction of conduct norms that may conflict with that of the dominant group or by forcing the institution to evolve in order to service the changing demographics of the country. Thus, challenging the established status quo. As a result, the gatekeepers of the academy attempt to retain their power by imposing their conduct norms. More specifically, they do this by dictating the type of research that is appropriate, the proper manner in which the research should be carried out, what is proper decorum, and behavior in the classroom. This enables them to outcast those who do not conform to their conduct norms, thus, retain the hierarchical structure that favors them.
Method
This study employs an autoethnographic method to recount the experience of a criminology and criminal justice Latina faculty member of Puerto Rican heritage (the author). Autoethnographies focus on systematically analyzing one’s experiences in order to understand a broader context. This approach centers on the lived experiences of a person and is based on the assumption that experiences become a way of “knowing” (see Ellis, 2004; Holman Jones, 2005)
The following autoethnography centers on the author’s experience while employed in a major research university’s criminal justice school. The events described span a 30-month period (pre- to posttenure) at said university. The author is the first in her family to enter the halls of academia. Her family is working class and she was raised in an inner-city community located in Newark, NJ. Growing up in an inner city shaped her identity and also her interest in criminology. She learned the importance of hard work and never to back down when faced with a challenge. She entered academia with the hopes of not only helping her city (Newark, NJ) combat the problems of violence it has historically faced but also wanting to be a role model to the women of her community and family. The following section recounts her experience. Since it involves writing of the “self,” the section is written in first person.
The Narrative
My life in academia started out being very uneventful. I knew what the expectations for tenure were and worked hard to not only meet but exceed them. I knew the stereotypes that Latinas in academia faced so I made it a point to become a mainstream criminologist. I did not want to be typecast as the Latina who does “Latina research.” When I went up for tenure, I was very confident. I was successfully reappointed during my third-year review with very positive feedback. I had exceeded the publication requirements, established research independence, had funded grants, and my teaching evaluation scores were above the school’s average. I did not think anything could go wrong.
During the fall of my tenure review year, everything changed. After I submitted all of my tenure materials for review to the school’s personnel committee (PC), I was contacted via e-mail by the chair of the committee, whom I refer to throughout the remainder of the document as the Benevolent Patriarch. 1 He requested that I meet with the PC in order to clarify some negative student feedback in the Student Instructional Rating Survey (SIRS), so that they could respond in the event that the college’s tenure and promotion committee inquired about those comments. 2 I found the request troubling, given that this was the first time in 5 years that questions about my teaching arose. In fact, during my third-year review, the Benevolent Patriarch wrote in his recommendation to the Director: “She receives positive ratings, even in the large required courses which pose special challenges for sustaining student’s interest and enthusiasm.” In addition, I had expressed concerns to him over the few negative student comments I received during my first 2 years in that university, and he explicitly stated to me that in that university “all you have to do is show up to class.” He had also publicly acknowledged during faculty meetings that the “the typical disgruntled student fill[s] out an online form while others don’t,” and another full professor who had served in the College Tenure and Promotion Committee stated in other faculty meeting that “SIRS data are not helpful and that having been a member of the College Tenure and Promotion Committee she did not think teaching ever came up during their meetings.”
Despite my hesitations and concerns, I accepted the meeting request. In preparation for the meeting, I asked for a copy of the student comments that were troubling. He provided me with a list of 23 negative comments written by students. He acknowledged that he counted some students more than once because he attempted to present themes and that this method “artificially emphasize the negatives and distort the overall record.” He also acknowledged that many of the student reviews were “glowing.” Upon examining the comments, I noticed that they represented 15 student evaluations and that 11 of these occurred prior to my third-year review. One comment stated that I used swear words in the classroom, which admittedly I did to illustrate pedagogical concepts to students. I taught courses on violence and homicide, so I used examples to illustrate the transactions of violence. As a result, I thought the PC would understand my vernacular choice. I also noticed that many of the hand-selected comments chosen by the Benevolent Patriarch were personal attacks that had nothing to do with my teaching pedagogy or effectiveness as an instructor but instead focused on my personality (e.g., she is the rudest person I have ever met, she has no sense of decency, etc.). I was able to trace the majority of the comments to incidents that occurred early in my career with Anglo male students. Given my findings, I prepared a teaching brief, outlining positive comments and achievements in order to present a more balanced report of my teaching, and I circulated the document to the PC members in preparation for the meeting.
A month later, I met with the PC. I did not anticipate any problems, so I did not seek guidance and mentoring on how to handle that meeting. The meeting started with one of the members, stating, “I was taken aback by the aggressive tone of your teaching memo.” His comment set the tone of the meeting, and I perceived I was being ambushed and attacked. The negative comments proceeded with another professor attempting to convince me that my teaching was subpar and that the data presented in the teaching brief I prepared were flawed because not all the students I had taught submitted an evaluation, so I was missing students who would have written negative comments. Another professor, whom I refer to as the Feminist, directly stated, “I have never seen evaluations like this. If these were my evaluations I would be mortified, appalled, and ashamed.” I found her comment offensive, but also hypocritical since I had discussed my concerns about course evaluations with her, and she explicitly advised me not to worry because students were sexually objectifying me because I was a young female and that in her evaluations students had accused her of being “mentally ill.”
Admittedly, I got angry and defensive. While trying to hide the anger and repress the tears that wanted to roll down my checks, I attempted to have an open dialogue with them and provide the context that gave rise to the 15 negative comments (over the span of 5 years and approximately 600 students), but everything I attempted to say in my defense did not come out right. I lost all ability to adequately respond and defend myself in a calm and collected manner. Although I tried to justify and explain myself, I did not accept their assertions, acquiesced, said I was sorry, or backed down and that resulted in their verbal abuse to escalate. The verbal abuse continued for approximately 40 minutes until one of them, who had remained silent during the entire ordeal, pointed out that the committee was spending too much time focusing on the negatives and not the many positives of my dossier. After this statement, the Benevolent Patriarch immediately ended the meeting and stated that the committee “wanted me to acknowledge and self-reflect on the inappropriateness of my behavior.” 3
I left that meeting and the PC immediately took a vote on whether to recommend tenure or not tenure. Despite what had transpired minutes earlier, all of the PC members voted in favor for tenure with the exception of one who abstained. My hard work paid off. I met or exceeded every objective metric for tenure so they had no choice but to vote in my favor. Although they voted for my tenure, the experience left me feeling angry and resentful because I believed that they voted for me because they had no other choice and not because they valued my contributions. I felt that my hard work was undermined, and that I was robbed of the opportunity to rejoice in my accomplishment and feel proud of attaining what I worked and put my life on hold for.
In the spring semester, I arrived on campus ready to forget about the meeting, but I learned via my research assistant (RA), an African American female, that someone had filed a complaint against me, alleging I engaged in improper behavior while proctoring an exam during a previous semester. My RA learned about the complaint after being interrogated by one of the associate deans of the college and the Interim Director 4 of my school. She was asked by the Interim Director not to discuss their conversation with anyone, including myself. Nonetheless, she informed me immediately, because according to her, she “thought I was being set up.” As soon as I learned of this, I attempted to discuss this complaint with the Interim Director, but he informed me that he could not talk to me about it and that he never mentioned my name.
The event prompted me to talk to faculty within my school and the college and I learned that there was a “secret” investigation in an attempt to verify the accuracy of an accusation that I had abused a student in my class. 5 The complaint was ultimately dismissed because the accusation was unequivocally false. The student I allegedly mistreated was never identified nor located, and I was at an academic conference presenting my research on the morning the alleged incident occurred. I was never formally notified of the complaint’s dismissal and only found out after I followed up with the Interim Director via e-mail. I then made a formal request for a copy of the complaint for my records, and he informed me that the memo was no longer available because he shredded it. 6 I later learned that the Feminist was the faculty who logged the false complaint based on a rumor started by the students who worked in her research center.
Two weeks later, I received an e-mail from the Benevolent Patriarch informing me that a memo was placed in my mailbox and personnel file. 7 The memo was in response to the meeting we had the previous month and it outlined the concerns they continued to have because “In the aftermath of our meeting…we [they] feared that [I] you had neither heard nor understood our [their] concerns about the teaching evaluations.” The memo was four pages. The language was curt, insulting, disparaging, and in many instances exuded the PC’s superiority over me—a Latina. I realized that the statements I made in an effort to provide context in the meetings were misconstrued and taken as an admission of my wrongdoing. The memo ended with “We have demonstrable evidence of improper conduct in the classroom and violations of the University Policy on Tolerance and Civility.” That mere statement, casted and labeled me as UNCIVIL, AN UNCIVIL LATINA.
The months that followed were difficult. I desperately sought help within the university structure in order to have the infamous memo removed from my file, since proper university procedure was not followed by the PC, and neither the Benevolent Patriarch nor the PC had any authority to place documentation in my file, but nobody did anything. 8 The administrators I met with would empathize with me, particularly the women of color, but after I left their office nothing occurred. The Faculty Grievance Officer’s (FGO) response was: “they really don’t like you in your department” and “why are you so alarmed, you got tenure.” I was also not able to file a grievance, given the university’s policy which stated that I can only file a grievance against an administrator, and no one on the PC including the Benevolent Patriarch was an administrator, and the director was interim. I also had to identify a specific policy that was violated, and there was nothing I could find to fit my situation. Eventually, my calls and e-mails stopped being answered. My pleas to multiple administrators fell on deaf ears. I felt like a leper in the university. The friends I thought I had distanced themselves. I stopped being asked out for lunch and invited to faculty gatherings. Every time I attempted to talk to my “friends” in public, I could sense their unease. That made me become angry, bitter, and paranoid. I internalized the uncivil label and became what they said I was—an Uncivil Latina.
The next semester, the Director came back from sabbatical. I hired an attorney and with his help I requested that the Director remove the memo from my file. My anger and paranoia also led me to make a Freedom of Information request to obtain the e-mails from the Interim Director, Benevolent Patriarch, and Feminist regarding the events that transpired. I wanted to know how the events unfolded, I wanted documentation of the false complaint written about me, and most importantly, I wanted to know if they were still attempting to disparage my name. I also pointed out to the Director that the school did not have a formal tenure and promotion written policy and that it was in violation of university policy for not having one. After months of going back and forth, I achieved three victories. First, the Director removed the memo from my file. Second, the Director started a formal process to write and put in place a formal written tenure and promotion policy. Third, I got the e-mails of the three main actors in my situation.
The e-mails came back mostly redacted. I was able to see that the subject of conversation was me, but 90% of the content was blacked out. The little pieces of text I was able to read showed how some of the PC members ridiculed and mocked me. In an e-mail exchange between the Benevolent Patriarch and another full professor (another Anglo male), they wrote: ha-no need to even joke-we can definitely stand behind everything that we’ve said and done. I don’t see any basis for a legal claim-except if she gets an attorney who wants to steal her money by pushing forward with meritless claims. If she show our memo to the FGO or any entity on campus, she’s only going to make herself look bad-so I hope she does not do that to herself.
Most importantly, I learned that the Benevolent Patriarch was continuing to shop the removed memo around the university. He had even contacted the university’s Associate Provost for Academic Human Resources to discuss my case and inquire about what could be done to keep a record of it. It appeared that he could not accept the fact that his ruling, and that of the PC, was overturned as a result of their abuse of power.
The Benevolent Patriarch also started meeting some professors, particularly junior nontenured female faculty, to discuss my situation. According to some of my colleagues, he requested meetings with them to discuss personnel matters. Obviously, given he was the chair of the PC, they thought they were going to discuss their own promotion. During the meetings, however, he proceeded to talk about me, showed them or discussed my student evaluations (i.e., the “problematic” comments), and then alluded that they should talk to me because my discussing of what occurred was “making me look bad.” On one occasion, when the junior faculty he was meeting with told him “she is my friend,” he allegedly responded with “I am glad you are her friend because she is not making any.”
The events prompted me to have my attorney draft and send a cease and desist letter to him, which was copied to the university’s administration. I thought it was finally over, but it was not. Months later, I was notified by the Director that the college had ordered him to conduct an investigation of the events, more specifically, the contents of my cease and desist letter. Apparently, the college was alarmed about the events that transpired after the Benevolent Patriarch met with the dean and threatened to leave the university (needless to say, I was never granted a meeting with the dean). I was 9 months pregnant at the time so when the Director notified me of this, I asked him to wait until after my maternity leave.
My request was not respected, apparently, due to pressures from the college dean. Three weeks into my maternity leave, I was notified of the investigation with an e-mail that went out to the entire faculty asking for individual meetings to discuss the allegations that had been made about the Benevolent Patriarch. I remember being at home alone with my 3-week-old son and sobbing uncontrollably while trying to nurse him after reading that e-mail. The fact that the place I had given 8 years of my life to could not respect what I considered a precious time in my life was crushing. The fact that my pleas, a productive Latina faculty, 9 were completely ignored by the university, but the complaints of an Anglo upper-class male who had little to no grant awards, who had few publications in peer-reviewed prestigious outlets in criminology/criminal justice, and who did little to no mentoring of graduate students, were not, was even more crushing. Naturally, given the birth of my son, I decided to forego the investigation. I decided to focus on my child because I feared that further involvement was going to hinder my ability to care for him. 10
The results of the investigation came out months later in a memo. Not surprisingly, the Director’s memo stated that no evidence of inappropriate action on the part of the Benevolent Patriarch was found and that it appeared that instead of being malicious he was actually trying to help me. The memo stated that although he did meet with faculty to discuss my situation and that said faculty expressed unease and discomfort stemming from those meetings, he did not do anything wrong so there was nothing to move forward on. The Director’s memo finally marked the end of my painful ordeal. I remained the Uncivil Latina, while the patriarch was wrapped in the cloak of benevolence due to his “attempt to help me.”
After a lot of reflection on the events that transpired, I realized one day that I was not a victim. “The academy is littered with the bodies of those who could not adapt” (Segura, 2003, p. 48), but my body was not one of them. I successfully earned tenure without playing the role of the grateful outsider. My “incivility” was also the catalyst for changes in the school. The antiquated PC was disbanded removing the Benevolent Patriarch’s leadership position. The school now has a written formal tenure and promotion policy, which will help new assistant professor employed in that school. I was also able to use my experiences in university-level committees, like the Woman’s Advisory Board to the Provost and a special committee that developed recommendations to the university on ways to retain faculty of color. 11 I was also successfully recruited by what’s arguably a more prestigious school, which not only employs various top scholars in the criminal justice and criminology fields, but it is also more accepting of cultural diversity.
Take as a whole, what I considered to be a painful ordeal served to empower me. These experiences taught me that faculty of color do not need to conform to the role of grateful outsider and that we can use our experiences to make a difference. Most importantly, I learned that incivility does not necessarily have to be a bad thing. In fact, it might be just what faculty of color need to do in order to undo the status quo of a system that has oppressed so many.
Making Sense of It
The narrative presented embodies themes that are prevalent in the literature documenting the experiences of Latinas in academia. The author experienced challenges in the classroom that translated into a few negative evaluations, which lead to marginalization, and institutional racism. The author recounts how a few negative experiences with some students were more than enough to negate her accomplishments and her standing within the school. At the root of those interactions were conflicts that occurred in the classroom during the first years of the author(s) academic career, with students she believed were attempting to challenge her authority as a professor due to their own gender and ethnic biases. Similar challenges in the classroom are not uncommon in the lives of faculty of color (Harlow, 2003; Lazos, 2012). Faculty of color, particularly females, are more likely than their Anglo peers to receive negative student evaluations (Harlow, 2003; Lazos, 2012). Scholars posit that the challenges stem from the faculty not conforming to the images students have learned to respect and expect in the classroom—Anglo males (Harlow, 2003; Vargas, 1999).
The PC’s response to the few negative evaluations also exemplifies the challenges posed by colleagues. Similar to what the literature suggests, the author’s colleagues either did not understand the nature of the evaluations and the resulting behavior of the author, or where themselves bias. Instead of attempting gain a better understanding of what could have been the reasons for the evaluations, they accepted the stereotypes. As a result of the poor treatment received, the author reacted defensively, which in turn reinforced her colleagues stereotypes. This pattern is often portrayed in the literature. Agathangelou and Ling (2002) present various accounts of female faculty of color who were reprimanded and treated unfairly by their colleagues due to a few negative student evaluations.
The narrative presented here also illustrates the marginalization expressed by Latinas in the literature when they fail to comply with the power structure. The author was marginalized by the power structure in her school when she refused to adhere to the request of the faculty with “power.” As posited by Sellin (1938) and Vold (1958), the dominant group in her school (the gatekeepers) used their power to contain the threat to their dominance over of the school’s conduct norms. In doing that, she was painted as a deviant.
In hindsight, the author traces the reactions of the PC members to events that date back before to the described meeting. More specifically, the author traces the entire situation to the fact she did not accept or play the role of grateful outsider. From the moment the author set foot in the university, she established her research independence. She did things on her own, and in doing that she did not take on the role of subordinate by the power structure in the school, particularly the Feminist (which appears to be an unwritten rule for women in the school). The author also mistakenly thought she was equal and did not adhere to the nonwritten rules of being a quiet assistant professor. She mistakenly thought she had the right to opinions about school issues. Her apprehension of becoming the subordinate and thinking she was equal were her sins.
Riva-Holly (2012) discusses the concept of “igualada” in academia. An igualada is a “subaltern who wishes to possess the same riches and privileges as her upper class employer” (Riva-Holly, 2012, p. 287). As per Riva-Holly (2012), igualadas are punished and put in their place by their superiors. In essence, the author was an igualada. She did not stay in her place. She commented about school issues and even attempted to make changes to the curriculum. She erroneously thought she was one of them. In fact, her close friends would often joke and say that she thought she was a “White male.” She challenged the status quo, broke the unwritten rules of silence and obedience, and for that it appears they attempted to punish her (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Riva-Holly, 2012). Indeed, it appears that the “inappropriate behavior” the Benevolent Patriarch really wanted her to reflect on was not her behavior in the classroom, but more the inappropriateness of thinking she was one of them, not adhering to the unwritten rules in the school about the need to become the Feminist’s subordinate, and not playing the grateful outsider role. Given that the information used by the Benevolent Patriarch to require her attendance to the infamous meeting was inaccurate, it appears that the purpose of the meeting was simply to put in her place, just like an employer does with igualadas.
The author cannot purport to know the motives of the Benevolent Patriarch, the Feminist, PC members, or administrators who did not follow-up on her complaints, but it is not far-fetched to surmise that the author was not treated in the same manner as other faculty in her school had been treated. While the author does not have evidence of what occurred during the tenure and promotion meetings of others, to her knowledge, she was the first in her school to be treated in such a manner. In addition, to her knowledge, more serious complaints against Anglo male faculty had been made, such as allegations of psychological abuse lodged by RAs and instances of improper derogatory behavior in the classroom, and those males appeared to breeze through the promotion process with little issue. Additionally, the fact that she was also the first Latina to go up for tenure in the school begs the question of whether the unfortunate events were simply a coincidence.
Institutional bias was also evident in the response by the university. A secret investigation took place in order to confirm her inappropriate actions, where she was not given due process rights or the ability to defend herself. Coincidently, another female of color, the author’s RA was brought into the investigation in what is arguably an inappropriate manner. In addition, the author sought the help of the institution for over a year, and all her pleas were either dismissed or ignored. The institution also protected itself by redacting information from the Benevolent Patriarch, Feminist, and Interim Director’s e-mails that might have served as evidence of bias and improper behavior on the part of the administration and the PC. 12 The institution acted differently when the Benevolent Patriarch, an Anglo male, was offended. Not only did an investigation take place, but it was done with immediacy without even respecting that one of the parties was out on maternity leave. Although it all might have occurred due to timing issues, it certainly raises legitimate questions about whether the difference in treatment was based on gender and ethnicity. Overall, her experiences mirror those presented in the various narratives of Latinas in other institutions—she was marginalized by colleagues, treated unfairly, and the institution did nothing to assist her. The literature suggests that these patterns are due to biases rooted on gender, race, and ethnicity on the part of administrators (Gutiérrez y Muhs et al., 2012; Vargas, 1999).
Taken as a whole, this study illustrates the culture conflict that exists in some academic institutions. The entrance of faculty of color into the academy, with their distinct cultures and perspectives (i.e., the diversity the academy purports to want), may have sparked the conflict evidenced throughout the literature and in the account presented here. As Sellin (1938) posited, the dominant group dictates what is normal and accepted; hence, the outsiders who have distinct norms automatically become deviants within that social space. Indeed, in the specific case presented in this article, the behavior of the Benevolent Patriarch and PC members suggested a belief on their part that they were the final arbiters in the determination of proper behavior. The PC’s implicit pejoratives throughout the entire situation, and language like “you had neither heard nor understood,” manifested the parochialism of its members and a desire to impose their conduct norms on a colleague who had a different perspective. It also manifested a belief of superiority over Latina, who was not like them (i.e., Anglo and/or male).
Group conflict over the maintenance of power and the status quo as defined by Vold (1958) is also evident. The literature and narrative presented here exemplify how the university can use its power to marginalize, censor, and put in their place individuals who challenge it. As evident in the narratives, senior faculty, particular those from the dominant group, often has a strong belief that their way of doing things is the correct way (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002), so they attempt to impose their values on other faculty and use their status to outcast those who do not adhere to their set standards.
Implications
How can academics and faculty move forward? Many institutions respond to the lack of diversity by attempting to add more Latinas and faculty of color. Based on the literature and narrative presented here, the author argues that simply increasing efforts to hire Latinas and faculty of color will not solve the problem. Yes, there is a need for more diversity, but there is also a need to address the root causes of the lack of diversity. Indeed, it would be counterproductive to hire Latinas and faculty of color if the systems of oppression are left in place.
At the institutional level, administrators can do various things. First, they need to strive to retain the faculty of color who announce they are planning to leave or who are being courted by other institutions. If attempts for retention are not successful, they should conduct exit interviews and should seriously address any issues related lack of support, marginalization, or institutional racism. They should then use the information gained to address any potential problems. Second, administrators who are looking to hire more diverse faculty should conduct “culture audits” in order to learn about the experiences of faculty of color who are already there and address any issues that may be occurring (Harris & Gonzalez, 2012). Administrators must also accept responsibility for what occurs in their departments and institutions and be active participants in efforts that will bolster inclusivity. They should assess their knowledge on the challenges faculty of color face, and if they do not know much about the topic, they should educate themselves. Finally, they should appropriately address grievances fairly and efficiently.
Administrators also need to ensure that they have proper, clear, transparent, and explicit policies in place for tenure/promotion and addressing grievances. Related, they also need to ensure that those policies do not place too much power on the hands of few. A system of checks and balances must be in place, and the power structure should rotate after specific time periods. Absent proper policy, checks and balances, and balance of power personal biases can interfere in the evaluation of faculty (see Reskin, 2000). According to social cognition theory, personal cognitive biases are more likely to exhibit themselves absent organizational controls (Reskin, 2000). As a result, it is imperative to have a written policy dictating the rules and procedures.
At the individual level, Latinas should continue to “speak about the unpleasant” (Padilla & Chaávez, 1995). It is very easy to internalize the labels given by the dominant group. If more voices are heard, if faculty learn that they are not alone, it would be easier to reject the labels. It would also make it easier to come together as a group to address the prejudices and systematic institutional processes that give rise to real and perceived marginalization and rejection in the academy. This could also help Latinas find adequate mentoring before situations arise or when they are experiencing one.
Most importantly, Latinas should be cognizant about their scholarship. As Riva-Holly (2012) suggests, it is important to take the bull by its horns and immediately assume that you will attempt to do at least 50 percent more work than you are asked…productivity speaks for itself in higher education, and nothing can be left to chance in an institution where you are expected to fail.” (p. 295)
In conclusion, it is important to acknowledge that the findings presented here do not purport to imply that all Latinas and faculty of color are faced with these challenges. There are certainly instances where Latinas and other faculty of color are treated fairly and live their academic lives free of conflict. These stories also need to be heard. As a result, future research should explore the lives of academics, in general, in order to gain an understanding of the factors that lead to success and the challenges they face. Doing this can serve to facilitate life in academia not only for Latinas, and faculty of color, but for all faculty.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
