The Impact of Racial Trauma on Black Students’ College and Career Outcomes: An Antiracist Approach

Abstract

Black students experience a unique form of pervasive trauma based on their racial identity. Discrimination—a social determinant of health (Social determinants of health)—results in racial trauma that negatively affects students’ college and career outcomes, such as career adaptability, career thoughts, career decision making, and postsecondary attainment. We share recommendations for school counselors to adopt an antiracist and trauma-informed approach to implementing career development interventions that address SDOH-related challenges for Black students.

Keywords

trauma-informed care antiracist school counseling career development postsecondary attainment

In the United States, approximately 46 million children experience trauma in a given year (Listenbee et al., 2012). Black adolescents experience child maltreatment at higher rates than White youth (Henderson et al., 2019) and trauma experiences such as sexual assault, physical assault, and murder are more likely to be directed at Black people (Henderson et al., 2019; Alim et al., 2006). In 2019, the National Survey of Adolescents reported that Black youth had more experiences of grief and loss of either a close friend or family member than other racial groups and were also more likely to experience multiple traumas at once compared to White adolescents (Henderson et al., 2019). Generally, trauma is an experience that results in painful responses such as higher stress levels, emotional agony, and physical discomfort (Daniels & Bryan, 2021; Gerrity & Flynn, 1997; Halpern & Tramontin, 2007; Norris et al., 2002). Social determinants of health (SDOH) are conditions in the environments where people are born, live, work, learn, play, worship, and age that affect a wide range of health and quality of life outcomes (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2021, World Health Organization (World Health Organization, 2020). HHS (2021) groups SDOH into five domains: economic stability, education access and quality, health care access and quality, neighborhood and built environment, and social and community context. Students’ trauma is often a result of experiences in their social and community contexts that negatively impact their health and functioning.

Felitti et al. (1998) aimed to better understand the correlation between physical health conditions and family dysfunction, abuse, and other traumatic experiences in childhood through the adverse childhood experiences (ACE) study. They found that 52% of the sample experienced at least one ACE during childhood and that higher ACE scores were correlated to more health issues later in life. However, a significant problem with the original ACE study is that the sample consisted of White, middle-class people and, as such, was not generalizable to the entire U.S. population. To address this problem with generalizability, the Philadelphia ACE Task Force conducted research focused on more culturally and ethnically diverse populations, expanding the original ACE questionnaire (Pachter et al., 2017). The task force captured a more varied range of traumatic experiences including witnessing or experiencing violence such as stabbings, shootings, or seeing another person being beaten; experiencing racial or ethnic discrimination; bullying; and experiences in foster care—all of which are SDOH-related challenges. They found long-term adverse outcomes for Black children who had experienced racial trauma.

Racial Trauma

According to HHS (2021), racism, discrimination, and violence are all examples of SDOH, and racial trauma refers to the mental and emotional injury caused by experiences with racism and racial discrimination (Rich et al., 2018). Specific to Black youth, racial trauma such as discrimination and negative attitudes perpetuated to them has been linked to being overweight, having high blood pressure, and more stress hormones in the body by age 20 as compared to non-Black youth (Brody et al., 2014). Racial trauma for Black individuals in the United States is intergenerational because all generations have continually experienced SDOH-related challenges such as racism, discrimination, higher rates of incarceration, and susceptibility to poverty, leading to a continuous stress reaction throughout the generations (Rich et al., 2018). Racial trauma is chronic, ongoing, and even more problematic than other traumatic experiences. It directly attacks one’s racial identity, making it impossible for Black students to truly escape racial trauma experiences (Nadal et al., 2019). Racial trauma has been found to cause posttraumatic stress, which may harm the physical and mental health of those who experience the trauma (Polanco-Roman et al., 2016). Black students are often prompted to move on from the racial trauma and discrimination they experience rather than processing the feelings associated with it (Nadal et al., 2019). However, the act of repressing feelings associated with racial trauma can increase the prominence of posttraumatic stress, leading to more severe trauma symptoms such as dissociation (Dalenberg & Carlson, 2012). In a sample of Black and Asian students, those who reported racial trauma were more likely to experience posttraumatic stress symptoms such as higher rates of using substances, emotional avoidance, and fewer coping strategies (Flores et al., 2010). Moreover, racial trauma can increase anxiety, feelings of guilt and shame, emotional avoidance, and hypervigilance (Polanco-Roman et al., 2016).

Global issues including the COVID-19 pandemic beginning in 2020 resulted in additional increased SDOH-related inequities and racially traumatic experiences that can negatively impact Black students. American data collected during the beginning of the pandemic uncovered significant health disparities for Black individuals. Although Black people represent 13% of the US population, they comprised 20% of all COVID-19 cases in the United States by April 2020 (Artiga et al., 2020; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), 2020). Black individuals in the United States are also underinsured at higher rates than White Americans. This insurance disparity led to higher COVID-19-related casualties due to unequal access to treatment for the virus and any underlying health conditions such as heart disease, obesity, diabetes, and asthma (Artiga et al., 2020; SAMHSA, 2020). Further, high-profile police shootings of Black people, such as George Floyd in Minneapolis and Breonna Taylor in Louisville, led to justified protests and civil unrest that often resulted in even more violence against the Black community—the neighborhood and built environment domain of the HHS (2021) SDOH framework. The racial trauma that Black students experience during and after police killings impedes students' emotional regulation, academic achievement, attendance, and rates of high school graduation and college enrollment (Ang, 2020; Gershenson & Hayes, 2018; Kuhfeld et al., 2020).

Racial Trauma and College and Career Outcomes

A growing body of research has considered the impact of trauma experiences, racial trauma, and trauma symptomatology on individuals’ career development across their lifespan (Ballou et al., 2015; Coursol et al., 2001; Powers & Duys, 2020; Strauser et al., 2006; Zeligman et al., 2020). For Black students, racial trauma can have a long-term impact on adulthood. Trauma negatively impacts a student’s ability to execute career-related tasks, self-efficacy, and self-concept (Morris et al., 2009), and racial trauma is especially problematic for Black students whose ethnic identity affects their levels of career decidedness (Duffy & Klingaman, 2009). According to Shonk and Cicchetti (2001), Black students who have experienced childhood trauma are more likely to have a history of behavioral issues, grade repetition, and chronic absenteeism, all of which can negatively impact Black students’ college and career outcomes. Trauma experiences have physiological effects that can cause students to struggle to engage in emotional and self-regulation and impede Black students’ career adaptability, career thoughts, career decision making, and postsecondary transitions and attainment.

Career Adaptability

Career adaptability refers to students’ readiness to cope with developmental career-related tasks, traumas, and transitions (Savickas, 1997, 2005). Career adaptability is a crucial resource for students coping with career-related stressors (Buyken et al., 2015; Öncel, 2014). Adolescents with higher career adaptability are more persistent in their academic endeavors and have improved academic satisfaction and performance (Akkermans et al., 2018; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2018), lower chances of prolonged unemployment in adulthood (Fouad, 2007; Monteiro et al., 2019), higher employment quality (Koen et al., 2012), better career decision-making abilities (Hirschi et al., 2011), improved career identity (Negru-Subtirica et al., 2015), and more successful postsecondary transitions (Creed at al. 2003; Germeijs & Verschueren, 2007; Patton et al., 2002). According to Savickas (1997), students leverage four psychosocial resources to deal with career-related transitions and traumas: concern, control, curiosity, and confidence.

Career concern refers to students’ orientation toward the future and feeling optimistic about their future. Hartung et al. (2008) held that students must develop a dependence on the adults in their lives for support to establish an orientation toward preparing for the future effectively. However, racial trauma causes physiological changes to students’ brains that interfere with their social relationships (van der Kolk, 2003). The distrust of others can make it difficult for students to form the necessary relationships to establish career concern, the lack of which can result in Black students’ being pessimistic about their career future.

Career control refers to students’ ability to take control of their future through intentional and responsible career decision making (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Hartung et al. (2008) maintained that career control helps students become more decisive in making career decisions, and students’ self-regulation influences career control. However, racial trauma impacts Black students’ ability to self-regulate and disrupts their career control development.

Career curiosity refers to an inquisitive attitude that leads to exploring one’s career opportunities (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). A strong sense of self and a sense of safety in engaging in risk-taking and inquiring behaviors without consequence foster students’ career curiosity (Hartung et al., 2008; Koen et al., 2012). However, for Black students who have experienced racial trauma, the sense of self may not be fully established due to negative experiences around their racial identity. Moreover, taking risks, however minor, may not be seen as a viable option for Black students who have experienced trauma. Lack of career curiosity limits students’ exploration of their career options and can lead to unrealistic career aspirations (Hartung et al., 2008).

Finally, career confidence refers to students’ self-efficacy beliefs around career problem solving (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Students with career confidence are less likely to shy away from career-related barriers, instead engaging in active problem solving (Koen et al., 2012). According to Morris et al. (2009), trauma negatively impacts a student’s ability to execute career-related tasks, self-concept, and self-efficacy. The impact of racial trauma on Black students’ emotional regulation and cognitive processes related to decision-making abilities (Bullock-Yowell et al., 2011) can interfere with Black students’ ability to engage in the career problem solving necessary for the development of career confidence.

Career Thoughts and Decision Making

Trauma experiences and trauma-related symptoms are linked to the development of negative career thoughts and career decision-making skills (Chronister et al., 2012; Morris et al., 2009; Saunders et al., 2000). Cognitive processing such as coding of information, memory, and information retrieval may be impaired by exposure to trauma experiences. This cognitive impairment can interfere with Black students’ abilities including processing their career values and interests, becoming aware of their basic needs, and assessing career alternatives (DePrince & Freyd, 2004; Strauser et al., 2006). Mitchell et al. (2016) found that students who have survived traumatic events may ruminate over their trauma experience, leading to intrusive thoughts and images of previous trauma. These intrusive thoughts can result in negative career thoughts, which have been associated with higher levels of career uncertainty (Chartrand et al., 1993; Kleiman et al., 2004; Saunders et al., 2000). As individuals think through career-related problems, their emotions influence their ability to make appropriate career decisions (Sampson et al., 2004). Negative career thoughts combined with emotional dysregulation that Black students may experience after racially traumatic events can stifle their career decision-making abilities. Per Bullock-Yowell et al. (2011), the disabling emotions and negative career thoughts that occur because of trauma experiences can interfere with, distort, or inhibit students’ perceptions of themselves, processing of occupational knowledge, curiosity around career alternatives, and their career certainty. Negative career thoughts such as career anxiety, external conflict, and decision-making confusion can impede students’ career decision making (Andrews et al., 2014; Bullock-Yowell et al., 2011; Reardon et al., 2000; Sampson et al., 1996; Walker & Peterson, 2012).

Postsecondary Success and Attainment

Experiences of racial trauma, especially violence, affect Black students’ cognition; school connectedness; and ability to process new information, access previous learning, and effectively regulate their emotions (Basch, 2011; Espelage et al., 2013; Fry et al., 2018; Morton, 2018; Perry, 2006). These disruptions to the way students think, process, and interact present barriers that negatively impact Black students’ postsecondary access, success, and attainment; education access and quality is an SDOH domain identified by HHS (2021). According to Souers and Hall (2016), trauma affects students’ academic achievement and learning in multiple ways. Emotional dysregulation and trauma experiences result in decreased reading ability, higher school absences, higher rates of suspensions and expulsions, lower grade point averages, and higher rates of leaving school (Souers & Hall, 2016). These trauma outcomes can negatively impede Black students’ access to postsecondary opportunities, especially college. Previous trauma can trigger a threat response that results in students behaving in unpredictable, impulsive, or inappropriate ways (Carrion & Wong, 2012; Morton, 2018; Perry, 2006; Souers & Hall, 2016). For example, trauma triggers might lead students to skip class, become disengaged, demonstrate aggressive behavior, argue, or refuse to interact with their peers and adults, all of which are markers of the fight, flight, or freeze response when students are hypersensitive to danger (Souers & Hall, 2016). Moreover, these response behaviors often cause Black students to be labeled as “problem students.”

According to Fry et al. (2018), the impacts of trauma experiences, especially violence, on students’ academic outcomes have been linked to the need for remedial classes; and higher proportions of Black students participate in remedial education compared to their peers (Chen, 2016). Chen (2016) reported that at public 4-year institutions, 66% of Black students took remedial courses compared to 36% of White students. However, many students who enroll in remedial courses do not complete them and do not earn a postsecondary degree (Chen, 2016). Moreover, for Black students with a history of trauma, navigating the responsibilities and new environments of postsecondary education can be particularly stressful (Read et al., 2011). Experiences of racial trauma negatively impact Black students’ ability to persist toward attaining a postsecondary degree. Furthermore, college students who have experienced trauma are more likely to be disengaged and are at higher risk for dropping out of college (Banyard & Cantor, 2004; Duncan, 2000; Fry et al., 2018; Salazar, 2012). Boyraz et al. (2013) found that Black female students who had been exposed to trauma, especially those at predominantly White institutions or those with lower GPAs, were more likely to drop out of college before the end of their second year.

Antiracist Response and Recommendations: School Counselors’ Role in Responding to Racial Trauma

School counselors must be aware of the social injustice students experience, specifically as they relate to SDOH and trauma, which are typically interconnected. For example, SDOH-related challenges such as community violence and financial instability are also considered trauma experiences. Furthermore, SDOH-related challenges that school counselors may need to address often co-occur with or follow trauma experiences. For instance, experiences such as caregiver unemployment, lack of access to health services, transportation challenges, and not having the means to get their child academic tutoring as needed are SDOH-related challenges that can result in trauma experiences for students (Gantt et al., 2021). Hence, school counselors must be actively aware of these interconnections, embody antiracist practices, and aim to become educated about how people of color have been unjustly treated in terms of federal, state, and local policies (North, 2020). Antiracist school counselors acknowledge systems and structures that have led to the racism crisis and continue to perpetuate it today. School counselors committed to antiracism continually interrogate their counseling program and school practices, policies, and procedures to identify those that allow a racist society to flourish (North, 2020) and are committed to dismantling societal inequities found in the school. Taking a reflective approach to their work, antiracist school counselors aim to view students in a holistic manner as resilient. They affirm Black students to achieve their goals despite structural barriers, rather than adopting a deficit narrative that dehumanizes Black students (Forward Promise, 2019).

Share Learn Connect (2021) proposed that school counselors effectively advocate for Black students with an antiracist lens in four ways: (a) become aware of how they may perpetuate or believe deficit narratives about Black students and their families; (b) be proactive in providing services to Black students and their families; (c) actively leverage strengths-based language to advocate for Black students; and (d) focus on becoming educated about racism, improving awareness of racism and racist practices as a means to inform others and dismantle such practices in schools. Antiracist school counselors are aware of the SDOH-related disparities that Black students and families face in accessing behavioral and medical services, disrupting their ability to heal from trauma experiences. Furthermore, antiracist school counselors are aware of the shame and stigma Black students may experience when seeking help due to a lack of trust in the various systems in the United States (Hines-Martin et al., 2003; Kugelmass, 2016). Therefore, antiracist school counselor programming and services should be an active process of seeking and identifying the needs of Black students. School counselors who ignore the behavior responses to trauma while claiming to be trauma-informed will continue to harm Black students and lead to continued unjust discipline of Black students in schools (Joseph et al., 2020).

Making Trauma-Informed Schools Antiracist

School counselors leverage trauma-informed care practices to understand how students are impacted by past and current trauma, and respond accordingly (Arnold & Fisch, 2013; Walsh & Benjamin, 2020). Trauma-informed schools fully acknowledge trauma as an SDOH and recognize its impact on students. Such schools aim to create a school system and culture where students who have experienced trauma are supported and affirmed, rather than punished, viewing behaviors as an expression of trauma response rather than as deviant (Heramis, 2020). Trauma-informed schools seek to assist students in developing skills to cope with psychological and emotional symptoms caused by the trauma (Henfield et al., 2019). Per Henfield et al. (2019) focusing solely on coping skills and ignoring the impact of students’ race and other sociological factors pertaining to trauma may assist with only a portion of the trauma recovery. Ignoring Black students’ experiences of racial trauma can invalidate their lived experiences as Black individuals in the United States and lead to retraumatization. To infuse antiracist practices in any trauma-informed approach, race must be at the center of intervention and planning.

Unfortunately, policies such as zero-tolerance policies in schools create school cultures that can retraumatize Black students with their color-evasive approaches. Color-evasive policies have especially been equated to equity when, in fact, the silence around race reinforces racism, erases the lived experiences of Black students, and continues to center whiteness (Chapman, 2013; Kohli et al., 2017; Love, 2014). Zero-tolerance policies result in further trauma experiences, such as students being arrested on school premises, suspension, or expulsion for any violation of school policy (Heitzeg, 2009; Heramis, 2020). Originally, zero-tolerance policies were in place to prohibit weapons from being brought into schools; however, this evolved into unjust punishment for Black students for minimal offenses and nonviolent behavior (Heramis, 2020). Trauma responses that show up as behavioral challenges or unintentional lashing out often lead to students being suspended, expelled, or arrested at school (Advancement Project, 2005; Heramis, 2020). Cases of harsh and traumatic consequences for behavior have occurred with Black students at highly disproportionate rates compared to White students (Advancement Project, 2005; American Bar Association, 2001; Heramis, 2020). Furthermore, experiencing this form of discipline can continue to dehumanize and criminalize Black students (Chandler, 2017; Joseph et al., 2020). Schools often increase the number of school resource officers to discipline students (Joseph et al., 2020), but for Black students who regularly experience racial trauma, interactions with such officers can cause further trauma. Considering the findings that Black students are more likely to be harshly disciplined (Anyon et al., 2016; Heramis, 2020; Joseph et al., 2020; Skiba et al., 2014), there is a need for more robust, antiracist responses to implementing trauma-informed care by school counselors.

First, to integrate an antiracist lens into trauma-informed approaches, school counselors must adopt strengths-based language and thought processes in schools. Adopting a strengths-based lens begins as school counselors dismantle negative stereotypes and beliefs school staff may have towards Black youth. Furthermore, school counselors must highlight the strengths of Black students and families to promote student resilience and achievement. School counselors can avoid deficit terminology such as “needy,” “problem,” or “difficult” to describe Black students (Bryan et al., 2016, 2019). Second, school counselors must consider intersectionality when integrating antiracist approaches with trauma-informed care because intersectional identities affect students’ experiences of trauma. For example, the experiences of Black girls and the challenges they face are often not fully acknowledged, studied, or cared for (Bryant-Davis, 2019). However, a Black female student may be experiencing both racial trauma and gender oppression. To assist the student in healing from past trauma, school counselors must address both forms of oppression. They must acknowledge racial trauma when implementing trauma-informed practices to avoid invalidating how Black students’ identities contribute to their experiences of trauma

Finally, self-reflection is necessary for integrating an antiracist lens into trauma-informed care. Self-reflection fosters comfort with discussing race and racial inequity issues when working with Black students and school staff (Dressel et al., 2007; Pieterse, 2018). Increased comfort and enhanced empathy can improve school counselors’ ability to build stronger relationships with Black students, especially for students with a history of trauma. To do so, school counselors must address their own biases (Heramis, 2020), because their awareness of areas where they hold biases can assist them in pursuing improved cultural awareness. Although cultural awareness will not break the barriers of oppression Black students face, the inability of a school counselor to self-reflect will add to the retraumatization that Black students can experience within a school system (Chang et al., 2012).

Providing Antiracist Training and Consultation for Staff

According to the American School Counselor Association (ASCA, 2020), one of the school counselor’s roles relating to eliminating racism and bias in schools involves educating school staff about the impact of biased and racist behaviors on attainment and achievement gaps and lower participation of Black students in higher education. Furthermore, school counselors have an ethical responsibility to engage teachers in ways that improve their cultural understanding, knowledge, and skills to create school environments that promote a healthy school racial climate (ASCA, 2016; Cholewa & West-Olatunji, 2008; Holcomb-McCoy, 2007). Using Kohli et al.’s (2017) New Racism theory as a guide, school counselors can engage staff in critical dialog around systemic barriers that center whiteness, claim color evasiveness, ignore the impact of trauma, and negatively impact Black students’ college and career outcomes. Kohli et al. (2017) identified three types of racism in schools: evaded racism, antiracist racism, and everyday racism.

Evaded racism refers to ignoring school responsibility and structural racism when examining disparities in Black students’ college and career outcomes. In adopting an antiracist, trauma-informed lens, school counselors can implement training to educate school staff on examining postsecondary outcome data. Counselors can help staff shift their driving question from “What is wrong with our Black students? Why is their postsecondary attainment so low?” to “What have our Black students experienced and how do our policies and procedures as a school keep them from realizing their postsecondary goals?” During consultations, school counselors can listen for language that focuses on promoting a shift in the behaviors of Black students and their families (e.g., reminding parents to have career conversations with their children) and advocate for changes to policies and systems that create barriers for Black students’ postsecondary attainment.

Antiracist racism refers to racist and color-evasive policies presented as the solution to racism but that promote individual rather than systemic change (Kohli et al., 2017). School counselors can implement training that teaches school staff how to have conversations around race and help staff understand how race and racial trauma disproportionately impact Black students’ college access and postsecondary success. During consultations, school counselors can listen for and challenge messages that claim color evasiveness as a form of equity. The goal in addressing antiracist racism should be to support school staff members’ ability to engage in critical dialog around the impact of race and racial trauma on Black students’ outcomes, question school policies and practices purported to be equitable, and advocate for changes in school policies that directly or indirectly present barriers to Black students' college and career outcomes.

Finally, everyday racism refers to the daily interactions that perpetuate racism, especially by White educators (Kohli et al., 2017). Everyday racism shows up when White staff racialize Black students, uphold color evasive or racism-neutral approaches when working with students, and resist awareness of racism (Buehler, 2013; Kohli et al., 2017; Stoll, 2014). These behaviors present as barriers to improving the racial climate in a school and can retraumatize Black students. Although Kohli et al. (2017) focus on White educators in their definition of everyday racism, we maintain that school counselors must be vigilant about these behaviors from all school staff. Occasionally, school staff of color can resist discussions about racism and center whiteness due to internalized racism (for more research on internalized racism, see Bivens, 2005; David et al., 2019; Huber et al., 2006; Kohli, 2014; Speight, 2007). To address everyday racism, school counselors can implement training that guides school staff in examining their own racial identities and understanding of racism. Counselors can help staff interrogate how their daily interactions with and conceptualizing of Black students may be steeped in white supremacy and whiteness. If school counselors do not feel competent to deliver training, they can advocate for knowledgeable professionals who can train school staff.

Leveraging Antiracist Action Plans to Support Black Students

Researchers have maintained that school counselors must act as change agents to address systemic and structural injustices that occur due to SDOH-related challenges (Gantt et al., 2021; Johnson & Brookover, 2021). School counselors use data to identify gaps in student attainment, opportunity, and achievement and promote equity in their schools (ASCA, 2021). School counselors can use performance and outcome data such as graduation rates and college enrollment rates to identify equity gaps and systemic policies and practices that invalidate Black students’ trauma experiences and present barriers to students’ college and career outcomes (Castro, 2013; Stone & Dahir, 2016). To approach data with an antiracist lens, school counselors must shift from a perspective that upholds individual action and blames Black students and their families for equity gaps (Lee & Goodnough, 2019). Instead, school counselors should critically examine which systemic policies and practices serve to retraumatize Black students, perpetuate racist stereotypes, and keep Black students from successfully achieving their college and career goals.

Once equity gaps have been identified, school counselors can leverage closing-the-gap action plans to address college and career outcome gaps for Black students (ASCA, 2019). However, school counselors cannot focus solely on student mindsets and behaviors as identified in the closing-the-gap action plan template. To develop antiracist action plans that do not focus only on individual student actions, school counselors must also integrate the School Counselor Professional Standards and Competencies (e.g., B-PF 2, B-PF 6; ASCA, 2019) that require counselors to be aware of racist systems and policies and advocate for systemic change to support their Black students. Furthermore, school counselors must avoid a deficit narrative when examining the data to identify equity gaps in students’ postsecondary outcomes. Indeed, Castro (2013) held that deficit narratives blame Black students and their families for lacking the necessary skills, attitudes, or behaviors for successful college and career outcomes while ignoring institutional norms that present as barriers, such as poverty, inadequate education facilities, and institutional racism. Castro further maintained that deficit narratives absolve school staff from investigating how their shortcomings and biases may be contributing to factors that influence Black students’ college and career outcomes. With the adoption of an antideficit lens, school counselors can develop antiracist and trauma-informed closing-the-gap action plans to document and report interventions that will be used to close equity gaps and improve college and career outcomes for Black students (ASCA, 2019). We present three intervention recommendations: antiracist social/emotional learning (SEL), mentorship programs, and narrative group counseling.

Antiracist Social/Emotional Learning

Social/emotional learning is the process through which students acquire and apply the necessary attitudes, knowledge, and skills to manage emotions, set and achieve positive goals, develop healthy identities, establish and maintain positive relationships, make responsible decisions, and feel and show empathy for others (Weissberg et al., 2015). Black students’ ability to heal from trauma improves in school settings where elements of SEL, such as a sense of belonging and self-regulation, are established (Davidson, 2017; Tough, 2016). Trauma-informed SEL programs account for the likelihood that students may be experiencing strong emotions related to trauma experiences that can limit their social/emotional functioning (Cook et al., 2005; Pawlo et al., 2019). Per Atkins and Oglesby (2018), to make SEL antibiased, students must be explicitly taught about racism, why it is unfair, and how to confront it. For school counselors to adopt an antiracist lens in their SEL curriculum, they should be intentional in teaching students about systems and policies that perpetuate racism and present barriers to their college and career outcomes. School counselors can use SEL to teach students language to challenge racist behaviors and prepare students to oppose systems that deny their experiences of racial trauma and gatekeep them from their postsecondary goals.

Narrative Group Counseling

Participation in group work is vital for the career development of Black students; the approach has been linked to improved peer interactions, academic achievement, career adaptability, and decision making (Dari et al., 2021; Kuijpers et al., 2011; Maree, 2019; White, 2011). Furthermore, for Black students who have experienced racial trauma, the instillation of hope that results from group work can improve resilience and subjective well-being, mediating the impact of psychological vulnerability from trauma on subjective well-being (Felitti et al., 1998; Powers & Duys, 2020; Satici, 2016; Wu, 2011; Yalom & Leszcz, 2005). Powers and Duys (2020) maintained that the combination of trauma-informed care with the instillation of hope from group work could help foster resilience in individuals who have experienced trauma. Narrative group counseling based on social constructionism creates a space for Black students to share their stories of racial trauma and make meaning from their experiences while allowing the school counselor to deeply listen to and validate students’ life experiences (Harless & Stoltz, 2018; Kang et al., 2017; Savickas, 2015, 2016).

Maree (2019) found that Black students who participated in a career construction group intervention had increased career adaptability, motivation about their future, and improved ability to manage their career-related transitions. A narrative approach to group counseling allows school counselors to help Black students reframe their struggles through the lens of the racial trauma they have experienced and allows students to reconstruct their life narratives as they establish college and career goals (Powers & Duys, 2020; Savickas, 2016). While helping Black students reconstruct their narratives, school counselors can also help foster hope for the potential of posttraumatic growth, which has been shown to increase career adaptability and improve functioning for students who have experienced trauma (Prescod & Zeligman, 2018). Bhat and Stevens (2021) provided suggestions for how school counselors can evaluate the efficacy of group work aimed at improving students’ college and career outcomes.

College and Career Mentorship Programs

Mentor and familial support are essential for the career development of Black students (Alliman-Brissett & Turner, 2010; Falconer & Hays, 2006). Brown and Bimrose (2015) maintained that healthy and trusted role models could help address attachment problems that result from trauma experiences and interfere with Black students’ career identity development. Access to social networks and capital from mentors and family members can often provide Black students with protective factors against the negative impact of racial trauma on their career development (Alliman-Brissett & Turner, 2010; Davidson, 2017). For example, Boyraz et al. (2013) found that among Black female students who had experienced trauma, involvement in on-campus activities and higher levels of connectedness was linked to improved academic outcomes and increased likelihood to persist in college.

School counselors can partner with local colleges to develop mentorship programs that connect Black students with college mentors who can serve as protective factors and aid in improving students’ college and career outcomes. Mentorship programs that create opportunities for Black students to develop community interactions are essential for increasing a climate of safety and fostering collectivist values (Sue et al., 2019), which can be especially significant for Black students who have experienced racial trauma. Such programs are also vital for Black students who may live in neighborhoods where SDOH in the neighborhood and built environment domain present as barriers to access to mentors who could expose students to multiple occupations and industries (Dari et al., 2021; Griffin & Steen, 2011; Storlie & Toomey, 2020). Finally, school counselors must ensure that they educate partners on antiracist practices and teach students relationship-building skills to leverage in their mentor relationship.

Developing Antiracist Partnerships

School counselors can deploy antiracist partnerships to implement trauma-informed interventions that support students’ college and career outcomes. According to (Bryan et al., 2021), school–family–community partnerships are essential for supporting the career development and postsecondary transitions of Black students. Furthermore, Johnson and Brookover (2021) proposed collaboration and coordinated services as methods by which school counselors can address SDOH. Bryan et al. (2021) maintained that to develop antiracist partnerships, school counselors must interrogate how they and their partners inadvertently perpetuate racism in (a) their beliefs and narratives about Black students and their college and career options, (b) interactions and relationships they and their partners have with Black students and their families, (c) college and career goals focus for Black students, and (d) the policies and practices that guide college and career readiness programs. School counselors can follow the seven steps of Bryan et al.’s (2021) model to build antiracist partnerships that support Black students’ college and career outcomes. For each step of the model, school counselors can reflect on a guiding question to ensure they are adopting an antiracist lens in building their partnerships: (a) Preparation for partnerships: Where should I start forming antiracist partnerships? (b) Assessment of strengths and needs: How will I establish antiracist goals for the partnership? (c) Joining with partners: How will I bring antiracist partners together? (d) Forming a plan and vision: How can I get all partners on board with implementing antiracist college and career programs? (e) Taking action: What can we do now to build antiracist college and career programs? (f) Assessing and commemorating progress: How can I best assess the success of antiracist partnership programs? and (g) Sustaining the progress: How will I continue this antiracist partnership? According to (Bryan et al., 2021), antiracist partnerships must decenter White norms and beliefs when identifying goals, address structural and systemic barriers, and focus on dismantling racist policies and practices that present barriers for Black students to experience successful college and career outcomes.

Conclusion and Future Directions

Considering that the COVID-19 pandemic and racial uprising of summer 2020 have amplified SDOH-related challenges such as racial trauma and disparities experienced by Black students and their families, school counselors must be intentional about adopting antiracist, trauma-informed practices to support Black students. Racial trauma negatively impacts Black students’ college and career outcomes through career self-efficacy, career adaptability, career thoughts, career decision making, and postsecondary transitions and attainment. More research is needed to identify best practices for training school counselors to deliver antiracist and trauma-informed interventions that target Blacks students’ career development. Empirical studies that establish the impact of racial trauma on various student college and career outcomes would provide valuable data that could inform school counseling practice and policy. Studies exploring school counselors' self-efficacy related to implementing antiracist and trauma-informed interventions would provide beneficial information for school counselor education programs. Providing antiracist, trauma-informed services to students supports the career development of all students in addition to Black students. The response recommendations outlined in this article are a starting point for school counselors to modify their practices in support of Black students. Finally, these recommendations can inform school counselor training programs to ensure that school counselors in training can deliver antiracist, trauma-informed interventions that support Black students’ college and career outcomes.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Mary Edwin is an is an award-winning career development researcher and educator. She currently works as an Assistant Professor at the University of Missouri-St Louis in addition to her role as a career counselor and coach. Prior to becoming a faculty member, Dr. Edwin served as a career counselor and an elementary and middle school counselor. Dr. Edwin’s research interests include career development across the lifespans, specifically career development in K-12 schools and women’s career development.

Aubrey D. Daniels is an Assistant Professor of Counseling at Rider University. Dr. Daniels is a licensed professional counselor in the states of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Dr. Daniels has extensive training in trauma-informed care and family systems approaches to counseling. Dr. Daniels has provided counseling services across settings and lifespans such as, K-12 schools, community mental health, private practice, university settings, racial trauma groups, and crisis assessment and intervention. Dr. Daniels’ research is focused on trauma, racial trauma, anti-racist counselor education, resilience, family systems, and advocacy.

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