Rural School Counselors Broaching Conversations on Race with Students

Abstract

The study explored the experiences of rural school counselors broaching conversations on race with students. We used a critical research framework with a phenomenological approach to understand the experiences of nine rural school counselors. Our findings relate to the factors that impacted school counselors’ broaching behaviors with students. We discuss strategies for how rural school counselors might effectively broach conversations on race within their schools and address implications for school counseling practice and counselor education practice and research.

Keywords

rural school counselors broaching antiracist practices mini-focus groups

Introduction

School counselors are in an integral position to address the needs of students from traditionally marginalized communities using a social justice perspective. Social justice advocacy in schools centers on “reducing the effects of oppression on students and improving equity and access to educational services” (Holcomb-McCoy, 2007, p. 18). Social justice advocacy is a pertinent component to addressing inequities in rural education (Cuervo, 2012; Grimes et al., 2013). Rural school counselors face issues such as community pressures, isolation, minimal resources, boundary-spanning activities, and little investigation into their everyday experiences (Grimes et al., 2013; Ratts et al., 2007; Trusty & Brown, 2005). Within rural communities, the student population is racially and ethnically diverse and many families are economically disadvantaged (Davis, 2009; Grimes et al., 2013; O’Connell et al., 2010). School counselors in rural schools are well placed to engage in social justice advocacy to address educational inequity and support students from all backgrounds (Cuervo, 2012; Grimes et al., 2013).

According to the American School Counselor Association (ASCA, 2018) position statement The School Counselor and Equity for All Students, school counselors can serve as advocates for the equitable treatment of all students within their schools through: “(a) maintaining professional knowledge of the ever-changing and complex world of students’ culture; (b) maintaining knowledge and skills for working in a diverse and multicultural work setting; and (c) creating an environment that encourages any student or group to feel comfortable to come forward with problems” (p. 34). Edirmanasinghe et al. (2022) argued that school counselors can serve as change agents, highlighting and dismantling white supremacist systems that oppress students of color. However, when it comes to addressing race equity concerns in schools, research has revealed gaps in the capacity of school counselors to implement such efforts. According to ASCA, 45% of school counselor respondents to a recent survey said that they lack resources or curriculum for diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) efforts (American School Counselor, 2022). Results from the same ASCA survey indicated that schools that implement antiracism and DEI programming achieve positive results (American School Counselor, 2022). This finding highlights the need for more information about what is hindering schools and school personnel from enhancing students’ understanding of issues related to race and biases.

Rural Communities

The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES, 2006) delineates “rural” into three categories: (a) fringe rural areas are less than or equal to 5 miles from an urbanized area, (b) distant rural areas are more than 5 miles but less than or equal to 25 miles from an urbanized area, and (c) remote rural areas are more than 25 miles from an urbanized area. Roughly half of school districts and one fifth of public school students in the United States attend schools within rural areas (Drescher & Torrance, 2022; Lavalley, 2018; Rural School and Community Trust, 2019). Despite this, the needs of rural communities are an under-researched topic (Boulden et al., 2021; Schafft, 2016).

The term ruralism has been used to describe typical prejudices about individuals from rural communities and perceptions of them as being uneducated and backward (Bassett, 2003; Grimes et al., 2013). A common misconception is that rural communities are mostly populated by White Americans. On the contrary, throughout U.S. history, rural communities have encompassed large numbers of individuals identifying as racial and ethnic minorities (Lichter, 2012). Furthermore, many rural communities are currently experiencing a major demographic shift toward greater racial and ethnic diversity driven by Latinx immigration to the United States and/or resettlement within the country (Grimes et al., 2013; Johnson & Lichter, 2016). As the cultural composition of communities changes, social relationships are in flux (Lichter, 2012). Shifting demographics and educational disparities, and the fact that 20% of American public school students are educated in rural areas, point to the need for rural school counseling programs to embed social justice advocacy within their agendas (Rural School and Community Trust, 2019).

With regard to the demographics of rural areas in the southern United States in particular, the population is increasingly diverse. Nearly 90% of rural Black or African American residents nationwide live in the South (HousingCouncil Assistance, 2012). Historical inequalities between Black and White Americans and disparities relative to Black Americans in metropolitan areas persist across the rural South (Green, 2014). According to Chi et al. (2019), while the Black (non-Hispanic) rural population in the South has remained consistent at approximately 20% of the population across 11 states of the South, the White non-Hispanic population has decreased from 80% to less than 60% since 1970 and the Hispanic population has grown from 5% to 20%. Grundy and Prusaczyk (2022) argue that the “erasure of non-White Americans from the rural narrative means they have seen fewer improvements in their communities and the advancement of rural communities as a whole has been stymied” (p. 336).

Rural School Counselors and Social Justice Advocacy

In many rural areas, social justice advocacy can entail standing up to accepted community practices and customs. Mitcham-Smith (2007) highlighted the challenges inherent for school counselors, socialized in the dominant culture, to challenge the status quo and advocate for social justice within schools. Despite the challenges of such work, only limited research has investigated how school counselors practically implement social justice in their counseling practices (DeCino et al., 2018; Singh et al., 2010). Specifically, there is a need for data exploring the experiences of rural school counselors around advocacy issues (Grimes et al., 2013).

Many schools also lack programming and curricula that focus on topics related to diversity, equity, and inclusion (American School Counselor Association, 2022). When schools do have such programs/curricula, they often do not address students’ understanding of racism and bias or existing disproportionalities (American School Counselor Association, 2022). Thus, there is a need for research into social justice advocacy interventions that rural school counselors can utilize.

Conversations on Race in Schools and the Skill of Broaching

According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, “disparities in educational access and attainment, along with racism experienced in the educational setting, affect the trajectory of academic achievement for children and adolescents and ultimately impact health” (Trent et al., 2019, p. 4). Therefore, social justice efforts within school counseling seek to acknowledge and eliminate oppressive systems and disparities (Crethar et al., 2008; Ratts et al., 2016). As such, social justice advocacy has been deemed an essential focus of contemporary school counselors (Ratts et al., 2007). In particular, researchers have noted that a positive and racially inclusive school environment can help alleviate systemic negative racial interactions, which in turn would lead to improved student behavioral and academic outcomes (Dollarhide et al., 2013; Mattison & Aber, 2007). In this regard, school counselors, with their training in creating a collaborative and nurturing environment for students to raise issues, are in a unique position to facilitate communication among racial identity groups (ASCA, 2018).

In a grounded theory study on school counselor social justice advocacy, Singh et al. (2010) found that broaching difficult dialogues that may cause discomfort in some listeners was effective in bringing about school change. In counseling, the term broaching refers to intentional initiation of a discussion about racial, ethnic, and cultural concerns (Day-Vines et al., 2020). Research has indicated that engaging in the practice of broaching enhances a counselor’s credibility, improves how much a client or student self-discloses, and increases the likelihood for clients to return to their counselor for a follow-up session (Day-Vines, Bryan, et al., 2022; Thompson & Jenal, 1994; Zhang & Burkard, 2008). Although much research has been dedicated to exploring and examining the broaching behaviors of counselors from various clinical focus areas, few studies have investigated school counselor broaching behaviors, particularly with regard to broaching race, ethnicity, and culture concerns with students (Day-Vines et al., 2020, 2022a).

With regard to research around the impact of discussions about race with children, data show that when children were taught to discuss race effectively, they developed empathy for other individuals (Aboud et al., 2012), gained an understanding of their own identity (Quintana, 1998), displayed less racial bias (Aboud & Doyle, 1996), and acquired new perspectives (Bigler & Wright, 2014; Sullivan et al., 2021). Due to their training in cultivating both the knowledge and skills needed for work in a multicultural school environment and creating a space where students can feel comfortable sharing personal problems, school counselors may be well placed to facilitate these difficult dialogues with students (ASCA, 2018). However, no studies have explored how school counselors broach conversations on race with rural students.

Purpose

The intent of the present study was to explore rural school counselors’ experiences of broaching conversations on race with students in the U.S. South. Our desire was to learn what barriers to broaching, if any, exist and what support rural school counselors in the South might need to engage in broaching. The research question for this study was: What are the experiences of rural school counselors broaching conversations on race with students?

Method

Reflexivity Statement

Identifying the individual positionality of each researcher in a study serves to enhance the trustworthiness of the data (Merriam, 2009). The first researcher is a counselor educator at a historically Black college or university (HBCU). She completed a doctoral degree in counseling and counselor education and a master of education in school counseling. She is a National Certified Counselor and licensed clinical mental health counselor, and she holds a professional certification in school counseling. She identifies as a Black, cisgender female of African descent and as a mother of two children. Her practical school counseling and master’s degree experiences occurred in a rural setting. The proximity of the researcher’s parents, living in a rural community that neighbors this institution, allowed the researcher to gain a limited context of rurality. One of the researcher’s work experiences was as an academic coordinator for a federally funded, early intervention, precollege program that served students from rural high schools.

The second researcher is a counselor educator at an HBCU and a clinical mental health counselor. She identifies as a White, cisgender female of European descent and as a mother of two young children. She completed her doctoral degree in counselor education and a master of education in psychological counseling; before and after her degrees, she has worked primarily in urban and suburban settings. Most of her professional counseling experiences have taken place in clinical settings with children and adolescents; she has not worked as a school counselor.

The third researcher is a counselor educator at an HBCU and has served as a counselor in agency, school, and college settings. She completed her doctoral degree in counselor education and a masters of education in human development counseling. She is a licensed clinical mental health counselor associate. The third researcher identifies as a White, cisgender female of European descent and grew up in a small southern city. Much of her counseling experience has been with adolescents, and her school counseling experience has been primarily in urban schools.

Research Design

A critical research framework may be used to understand the phenomenon under study and to also critique the status quo in pursuit of social justice (Merriam, 2009). For the current study, we combined a critical research framework with a phenomenological approach, which explores individuals’ lived experiences of a particular phenomenon or concept (Creswell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). In a critical research approach to phenomenology, context is key to understanding the lived experiences of participants (Merriam, 2009).

Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework that guided this study was informed by the school counseling literature, the literature on broaching in counseling (Day-Vines et al., 2020), the ASCA Student Standards: Mindsets & Behaviors for Student Success (American School Counselor, 2021a), and the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies (American School Counselor, 2019b).

Participants

The participants (N = 9) for this study were rural school counselors. See Table 1 for more information about the participants and the schools in which they are employed.

Table 1.

Demographic Information about Participants and their Schools.

Participant	Racial identity	Age range	Years of experience as a school counselor	School level	School rural area type	Student demographic makeup	School enrollment
Maya	Black or African American	35–44	8–10	High	Distant	9% Black or African American; 73% White; 8% Hispanic; 8% identifying as two or more races; 0.45% Asian	337
Beatrice	White	25–34	0–2	Elementary	Distant	7.1% Black or African American; 67.6% White; 16.2% Hispanic; 7.6% identifying as two or more races; 1.3% Asian; 0.25% Pacific Islander	395
Callie	White	25–34	0–2	K-8 charter	Distant	1.27 % Black or African American; 82.74% White; 10.15% Hispanic; 4.82% multiracial; 1% Asian/Asian American	400
Kristina	White	35–44	11+	Elementary	Remote	39% Black or African American; 40% White; 10% Hispanic; 2% Asian; 9% other	380
Linda	Black or African American	45–54	11+	Middle	Fringe	29.4% Black or African American; 42.1% White; 19.9% Asian American; 3.5% Hispanic; 0.19% American Indian; 0.09% Native Hawaiian/ Pacific Islander; 4.7% other	1070
Ava	Black or African American	45–54	11+	High	Remote	30% Black or African American; 50% White; 11% Hispanic; 7% two or more races, 1% American Indian/Alaskan Native	1101
Denise	Black or African American	45–54	3–5	High	Remote	37% Black or African American; 55% White; 6% Hispanic; 1% two or more races; 0.2% Asian	588
Stephanie	White	25–34	0–2	Middle	Fringe	30% Black or African American; 45% White; 18% Hispanic; 5% two or more races.	550
Tiana	Mixed race	35–44	0–2	High	Distant	17% Black or African American; 59% White; 18% Hispanic; 5% multiracial; 1% Asian; 1% American Indian; 1% Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander	1350

Note. Fringe: ≤5 miles from an urban area; Distant: >5 miles but ≤25 miles from an urban area; Remote: >25 miles from an urban area.

Data Collection

Upon receiving university-level institutional review board (IRB) approval, we utilized stratified purposeful sampling (Creswell, 2013; Patton, 1990) to recruit licensed school counselors working in elementary, middle, and high schools, who represented diversity with regard to their racial identity. Recruitment emails were sent via state counselor email lists and promoted among school counselor alumni of our counselor education program and neighboring programs. Inclusion criteria for study participation specified that participants must be currently working as a school counselor in a rural community as defined by NCES (2006) and fully licensed as a school counselor in the state in which they are employed. Potential participants were asked to complete a screening form to ensure that they met the inclusion criteria. After we confirmed that the individual met the criteria, we asked them to complete a demographic survey and provided an informed consent that had been approved by the IRB. Nine participants met the inclusion criteria and completed the necessary documents to participate.

We conducted mini-focus groups to collect data for this study (Krueger & Casey, 2015). A mini-focus group consists of four to six individuals and can be a useful format when participants have specialized experiences or expertise to share, the topic is complex, the discussion is likely to generate passion, or the interview protocol includes many questions (Krueger & Casey, 2015). Given that participants were located in various rural communities across two states, we held the mini-focus groups virtually via Zoom, a web conferencing software approved by the university. Our study comprised two mini-focus groups using a moderator team in which the first author served as the moderator and the second author as the assistant moderator (Krueger & Casey, 2015). We utilized a semistructured interview guide to encourage participants to engage in open discussion and to feel free replying to one another (Merriam, 2009). The interview questions were developed from a review of the literature focused on rural school counselor experiences, race and diversity issues in rural schools, counselor broaching behaviors, and challenges to broaching conversations on race with students. The development of interview questions was also informed by the ASCA Student Standards and ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies. Among the six mindsets listed under the ASCA Student Standards, Category 1: Mindset Standards, which school counselors are supposed to encourage in all students, is a “sense of acceptance, respect, support and inclusion for self and others in the school environment” (American School Counselor Association, 2021a, p. 2). Within Category 2: Behavior Standards, school counselors are expected to educate and support students to demonstrate 10 social skills, which include “positive, respectful and supportive relationships with students who are similar to and different from them” and empathy, advocacy skills, and cultural responsiveness, among others (American School Counselor Association, 2021a, p. 2).

With regard to the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies B-PF 6, school counselors must “demonstrate understanding of the impact of cultural, social, and environmental influences on student success and opportunities . . . and demonstrate the ability to communicate with persons of other cultures effectively” (American School Counselor Association, 2019b, pp. 3–4). According to Day-Vines et al. (2020), broaching behaviors are those in which a school counselor demonstrates their ability to explore and consider the relationship of race, culture, and ethnicity to the client’s presenting concern. As such, the skill of broaching may be a helpful tool as school counselors strive to meet the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies and help students achieve the ASCA Student Standards. We explored whether this is the case for rural school counselor participants.

Our study’s interview questions included the following:

• What do discussions about race and ethnicity look like at your school?

• What do you believe is the role of school counselors in addressing issues related to race with students? How does your current work align with that?

• In counseling, we define broaching as the “counselor’s deliberate and intentional efforts to discuss those racial, ethnic, and cultural concerns that might impact the client’s presenting concerns” (Day-Vines et al., 2020). Given this definition, what makes it difficult to broach conversations related to race and ethnicity with your students?

• In what ways do you feel supported by your colleagues and administrators in broaching conversations on race and ethnicity with students? If you do not feel supported, what do you believe contributes to this lack of support?

• How does your relationship with the community (e.g., stakeholders, parents/guardians, families, and local organizations) in which your school resides impact your ability to broach conversations on race and ethnicity with students?

• What advice would you have for future rural school counselors in being able to successfully broach conversations on race and ethnicity with students?

One focus group consisted of four participants and the other group consisted of five participants; each focus group was approximately 80–90 minutes in length. The focus groups were recorded and transcribed through the Zoom web conferencing platform. We then cleaned up the transcripts and ensured that participants’ words were accurately captured in the transcription. Each participant received a de-identified transcript with pseudonyms via email that elicited their feedback, as part of the member checking process (Merriam, 2009). No corrections were offered by the participants.

Data Analysis

We utilized a collaborative approach to data analysis and identified the second author to take leadership of the analysis process (Krueger & Casey, 2015; Saldaña, 2016). Once we perceived that a saturation point had been reached in data collection, the second author reviewed the transcripts and used Dedoose, a web application for data analysis, to begin the coding process, employing first-cycle and second-cycle codes (Dedoose, 2021; Krueger & Casey, 2015; Saldaña, 2016). The research team met to audit the coding process, discuss the emergent patterns, and synthesize the findings (Saldaña, 2016). In the discussions of theme construction, we sought investigator triangulation (Merriam, 2009; Patton, 2002).

Strategies to Increase Trustworthiness

We used various strategies to enhance the trustworthiness of this study’s findings, including the use of multiple investigators or two or more researchers who designed the study, collected data, and engaged in data analysis as a form of triangulation (Merriam, 2009; Patton, 2002). We employed member checking by sending first the transcripts and later the findings to each participant to explore whether they found both the raw data and our interpretation of the data plausible and accurate (Creswell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). With regard to reporting our findings, we engaged in rich, thick description by describing the participants and the study’s findings with verbatim quotes shared by participants (Merriam, 2009). Further, each of us engaged in reflexivity to identify and bring into awareness our individual worldviews, biases, and relationship to the study, and our theoretical orientation and assumptions related to the study (Creswell, 2013; Merriam, 2009).

Findings

Five major themes emerged from the data: (a) Proactive conversations on race are rarely happening, (b) school factors impacting conversations on race with students, (c) parental factors impacting conversations on race with students, (d) support for broaching conversations on race with students, and (e) strategies for broaching conversations on race with students. Four of the themes contain subthemes (see Figure 1). Themes and subthemes were evident across both focus groups, representing elementary, middle, and high school counselor experiences. For example, participants from both groups reported that conversations on race were not being initiated at their schools. A participant from Group 1 referred to these conversations on race with students as “reactive, not preventative,” whereas a counselor from Group 2 similarly stated that these conversations occurred to “put out a crisis.” Other common themes around the impact of the surrounding school communities repeatedly arose among both focus groups. A different counselor from Focus Group 1 described the surrounding community as “entrenched,” whereas two counselors in Group 2 shared that their community’s “roots run deep” and subsequently “roots are deep.” The most variation across the two groups and levels related to how the elementary counselors spoke developmentally to their students in dialogue related to more basic and general conversations on getting along, or teaching skills around social engagement: “You don’t have to like everybody, but you have to respect everybody.”

Figure 1.

Themes and Subthemes.

In the next sections, we describe in detail the five themes and subthemes.

Theme 1: Proactive Conversations on Race Are Rarely Happening

The majority of participants discussed the ways in which proactive conversations with students on race are simply not happening in their schools. When conversations do occur, they are typically more reactive or remedial in response to a problem. One participant noted:

We're not proactive in terms of discussing race in our community. We address things when they become issues, and then we are reactive and how things are being dealt with so, that's probably the best way to explain it. We do a lot, we try to do a lot in terms of like being with messaging about making sure that everybody is included and being inclusive and being kind to everybody, so we do have that type of messaging that we put out there and that we're there for everyone, but we don't have the specific conversations, to address the different races or cultural identities that are within the school.

Another counselor had a similar reaction:

So, it's not just, you know, White people not talking about it, it’s Black people not talking about it. . . . I think, in the time that I've been here, we've probably had two or three kids who have, you know, spoken out about the injustices or them feeling some kind of way being in the building.

Theme 2: School Factors Impacting Conversations on Race

Participants discussed factors related to the school environment that impacted conversations on race. The two subthemes that emerged from these school-related factors included the following: (a) School counselors are stretched thin and (b) color-blind attitudes within the school.

Subtheme 1: School Counselors Are Stretched Thin

Most participants reported that no two days are the same with regard to their workload and many experienced the need for more time and resources. They discussed working in a crisis mode and basically handling what was in front of them. One participant expressed:

I feel like I'm kind of the only student support person. You know, we don't have, like in [large county], we don't have a counselor per grade level or a guidance tech. I have a social worker like 2 days a week, which is awesome. But just being me, I don't feel like I can really spearhead anything because of all the crises and individual counseling and, like all the other things on my plate.

Another participant shared a similar sentiment:

I find myself sometimes saying, “I can do this or I can do that.” Like, you know because being stretched thin and while I would love to do that, I think that . . . I do as much as I can.

Subtheme 2: Color-Blind Attitudes Within the School

Participants spoke about teachers or staff who lack the awareness to understand the importance of openly having conversations on race. The school counselors referred to examples of others at school who felt that things were okay and that all students’ experiences were similar. One participant stated: “Yeah even when the world is imploding, no, ‘It’s all good here, it’s all good. Nothing’s happening here. It’s fine, it’s all fine.’” Another participant described the situation at her school:

It's almost like people want you to believe that there are no differences between the races, and so we [at school] are probably . . . maybe 45% African American, 55% White, 5% Latinx, so it's a pretty diverse environment. But yeah, race is not something that we're talking about around here. And that bothers me personally, because my eyes are wide open and . . . it's almost like people are living in this la-la land and . . . I'm the only African American woman in the building. . . . That it is a struggle to have to bite my tongue a lot.

Theme 3: Parental Factors Impacting Conversations on Race with Students

Most participants highlighted the significant influence of parents on how and whether conversations on race happen in schools. Within this theme of parental factors, two subthemes emerged: (a) Schools located in entrenched communities and (b) parents hold the power.

Subtheme 1: Schools Located in Entrenched Communities

Several participants addressed how, often, generations of families have lived for years in the area where their school was located and may have had limited exposure to individuals outside their immediate community. One participant spoke about this:

Especially in my community, I feel like a lack of exposure to anything that is different, really, like different than what the community is used to, lack of representation in the schools years past, you know, such as African American teachers or African American principals, and I think that just overall, there's just like a severe resistance to change. And there's a lot of pushback because of those beliefs that are so deep, deeply rooted.

Another participant referred to the impact of dual relationships in a rural community:

It’s not just people saying “this we don't like this,” no, it extends much further than that, it’s the reach of the voice and then, how all of a sudden, decisions that we've made within the school get changed because this person goes to church with this person and this person is cousins [with] that person.

Subtheme 2: Parents Hold the Power

A majority of participants addressed the power that parents and parental reaction can have within the school. Despite most participants feeling support from their school’s administration, many spoke of how challenging it is to have conversations related to race due to actions and pressure from parents. A participant who identifies as Black shared the following:

Our parents are very verbal about what they feel like their child should and should not be discussing or learning and which, you know, I admire to some degree, but it creates a lot of barriers to have conversations about things we need to be talking about. . . . If there's three students in that class that quote feel uncomfortable or don't want to talk about it, then they'll just text or call their parents and the parents make a huge fuss. And it becomes, it gets shut down really quickly just because people don't want the drama.

Another participant stated:

Sometimes those parents kind of run the school and by that you know, a certain type of parent who has, you know, say and input, so I think the biggest barrier for me is like [the] lack of support I would have.

Theme 4: Support for Broaching Conversations on Race with Students

The fourth theme relates to the support provided for having conversations on race in schools. The theme consists of the following two subthemes: (a) The importance of support from colleagues, school administration, and districts and (b) support for school-wide diversity programming.

Subtheme 1: The Importance of Support from Colleagues, School Administration, and Districts

Participants cited the importance of support from colleagues, administrators, and beyond in broaching conversations on race or related interventions at their schools. One participant spoke about feeling less alone in this work because of their administrator’s support:

So, it becomes a whole, it’s not just like one parent pushback, but it's a whole ripple effect. And the time and the energy [that] goes behind trying to just prove why you need to be doing what you're doing and being one person, feeling like you're one person in that fight, you know, it's a lot. But again, it makes a huge difference if you have administrative support, which I do have . . . for any of these kinds of things.

Another school counselor shared an example of how her team with three others was supportive and helped her grow:

I feel very supported in my building. I am the only African American female on [the] student services team. But they're all very in tune to the things that are happening in the world and at least two of them are not of the same mindset of their families, which causes conflict for them, but they’re very empathetic to issues that are happening around the world and the school. We support each other in the things that are happening. . . . My team has evolved over the last few years. Last year, we used to say that we were the most diverse counseling team that ever existed because we had a White female, a Black female, and a homosexual male and we worked really well together [and] a Native American. We worked really well, enlightening each other and being reflective of ourselves.

Subtheme 2: Support for School-Wide Diversity Programming

Participants spoke about certain types of programming, which included celebrating holidays, hosting events, and utilizing inclusive curriculum; the programming that was discussed ranged from passive to more active approaches. Some participants highlighted how programming related to holidays or heritage months receives less resistance from parents:

I do a lot around the different heritage months . . . [and] I have a lot of the hardback books that I've gotten the book jackets, I'll cut off the cover and laminate it and just have it on the wall and so, just as kind of artwork and making sure that that's kind of diverse. And then, for Native American Heritage Month, there's another show on PBS that is good, with just you know, integrating that. And then, also making sure to do it when it's not that month. But that's kind of an easier way to explain why we're talking about it in case there would be pushback from parents or something like that to be like “Well, you know . . . ” It's a way to kind of introduce why we would talk about race.

Another participant spoke about her school’s involvement in an antidiscrimination program:

Our school has been participating in this No Place for Hate initiative. It's a program from the Anti-Defamation League out of Washington D. C. . . . It’s a larger umbrella of antidiscrimination and antibias education, which can include race and all sorts of other things, of course. So, we have a pretty large staff committee and we get together once a month, and then we have all these subcommittees. And the whole point of it is written, for it to be student-led so there's a students’ subcommittee, who also meets once a month and they plan these activities that inspire discussion around the whole school.

Theme 5: Strategies for Broaching Conversations on Race with Students

Recommendations on how school counselors can have success in broaching race with students emerged as a theme. The four subthemes are as follows: (a) Using a justification for having conversations (e.g., ASCA National Model), (b) necessity of data, (c) more school counselor time and resources, and (d) school counselor self-awareness and leadership.

Subtheme 1: Using a Justification for Having Conversations

Participants discussed the strategy and importance of having a justification or rationale ready to explain why conversations on race are happening at school. The justification is meant to indicate that the purpose for discussing race with students was not of a personal or political nature but rather a response to what is considered best practices and standards for schools and school counseling work. One participant referred to the ASCA National Model (American School Counselor Association, 2019a) as a support for their work:

I literally wrote down what the ASCA National Model, the job description, like all those different parts, so that if I ever was called into the principal's office like I can have it right there because I’m going to be emotional if that happens, you know, so I can say “look, here it is.”

Another participant offered a similar recommendation:

I would say, do the research, read the books . . . listen to the podcasts, watch the movies . . . talk to other specialists in that area. So that, when you go to present it as a discussion point to your admin or to like your central office or whatever, you can have all this backing and be like “Look, this is what we need to have a conversation about this, and this is all this evidence that says it's beneficial and it's helpful long-term in these kids’ lives” because we're there for the kids. We should be impacting or changing the way that we do things at the school for the best impact for the child and if all this evidence is showing us that this is what is best for these kids, then we need to be doing that.

Subtheme 2: Necessity of Data

Participants spoke about the importance of using data about students in the form of a student needs assessment to inform efforts to broach conversations on race in schools. A participant spoke about why it is helpful to hear from students what is important to them:

The advice I would give to new counselors is to do research on your communities that you're seeking to work in. Know the population that you're dealing with and understand that you will have to address needs based off of the population. . . . Show your data, because administrators, they move off data. Show the data and then show how you can move school from Point A to Point B by doing what you're trying to do, and you won't go wrong.

Another participant gave more support for using data in the form of a needs assessment:

Don't forget about the needs assessments. . . . Don't underestimate the power in a needs assessment and asking the right questions to get down to where we really are as it relates to race and things of that nature. Being able to ask the right questions. The students will say what they want, or what they feel like you need and then just use your resources around you to try to address them as best as you can, one step at a time.

In response to this remark about the benefits of asking students their concerns as they relate to race, another participant commented, “For our needs assessment, now that you mention that, it does not address race in any aspect. . . . We have not put race on there, so it will be there next time.”

Subtheme 3: More School Counselor Time and Resources

Several participants addressed needing more time or more resources to be able to broach conversations on race with students. One participant remarked:

It always seems like there's something to keep us from having that conversation at a staff level, so that they can trickle down to how we're teaching our kids. And, when we have district-wide meetings with the other counselors in the county, there are other conversations that need to be had. . . . The conversations that they feel like needs to be had that are more pressing than this one, because we are a majority White county.

Another participant described her feelings about what is needed for her to fulfill her role:

I'm kind of nervous to do [a needs assessment] often, because I know it's just gonna, you know reveal a lot of needs [laughter] and now that it's on paper, it’s like “Now what?” Clearly there's needs so that means more work to do, which for me, I don't really want anything extra without an extra [school counselor].

Subtheme 4: School Counselor Self-Awareness and Leadership

Many participants discussed the benefits of self-reflection to increase self-awareness and to become more conscious of their worldviews. One participant highlighted self-awareness as follows: “It's important that you understand your own personal biases and put those in check, because you know we all have those internal biases that sometimes we don't recognize but, you know, constantly reflect.” Another participant offered advice for school counselors on how to broach conversations on race more often: “Continue to self-reflect and be honest with yourself and where you're at.”

Many participants also spoke about the leadership skills that are necessary to broach race as a school counselor and to actively change the status quo in a school. The following participant statement reflects the importance of school counselor leadership and resolve:

Stay the course, because it's not an easy conversation to have, there will be pushback, but remain firm in what we're called to do, which is advocate for change for the students. . . . Just remaining consistent, staying the course, and just doing it.

Another participant stated a similar sentiment:

Understand you're going to get pushback. . . . Everybody's not gonna like you, everybody's not gonna believe the things that you believe. But be persistent when you know that there's an issue, and when you know that you can move the school from Point A to Point B with what you have to offer. Be persistent with that.

Discussion

The 5 major themes and 10 subthemes that emerged from the study facilitate an understanding of the factors impacting school counselors’ broaching behaviors, and an understanding of strategies for broaching conversations on race with students. The results of the study reflect issues noted within the literature regarding rural school counseling and social justice advocacy within the school counseling profession as a whole. Moreover, taking a critical research approach to phenomenology helped us explore participants’ experiences related to the context and barriers to broaching conversations on race with students. The majority of the nine participants discussed how proactive conversations on race were not occurring with students unless the purpose was remedial or reactive to a concern. Similarly, Day-Vines, Bryan, et al. (2022) reported that school counselors are avoidant when it comes to broaching conversation on race, ethnicity, and culture and tend to redirect race-related conversations to more race-neutral topics. This correlates with previous research findings that many adults believe that children are not old enough or ready to deal with racial issues (Day-Vines, Bryan, et al., 2022; Lewis, 2005; Sullivan et al., 2021). As a result, these practices continue to perpetuate a system of racial oppression that many students of color experience in U.S. schools.

Participants indicated that school factors impacted their conversations on race. One school factor related to participants’ increased workload, feelings of being overwhelmed, and need for more time and resources. The discussion of high-volume school counselor workload and time constraints is consistent with school counseling literature, which highlights that large student caseload and poor school counselor professional well-being (e.g., burnout and stress) can affect the ability to effectively serve students (Mullen et al., 2021). Previous research also indicated that taking a colorblind approach has been the predominant approach in educational settings; thus, school staff tends to downplay or ignore differences between cultural and ethnic groups (Hachfeld et al., 2015). Findings from the present study reflect this point about the colorblind approach in schools, which represents another school factor barrier to broaching. Many participants spoke about teachers and staff expressing colorblind attitudes and a lack of awareness of the importance of having conversations on race. This reflects back to the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies B-PF 6 (American School Counselor Association, 2019b), which outlines the importance of school counselors demonstrating their understanding of how cultural, social, and environmental influences impact student success, and communicating effectively with people from various cultural backgrounds.

Previous research on rural school counselors’ experiences also indicated that pressure from the community, particularly in abiding by community norms, was a common issue (Morrisette, 2000). Likewise, this study’s participants discussed the significant influence of parents on how and whether conversations on race happen in schools, particularly when generations of families may have limited exposure to individuals outside their immediate community. Given the significant pressure of parents, having support from colleagues, school administration, and school districts for broaching conversations on race within schools was important for participants in this study, as was support for school-wide diversity programming. Previous research supports these findings; one study of school counselors’ ability to implement the ASCA National Model found a positive relationship between support from school principals and the appropriate implementation of a comprehensive school counseling program, particularly with regard to support for time spent on appropriate counseling duties versus other noncounseling responsibilities (Fye et al., 2017). This aligns with school counseling literature that expresses the important relationship between the principal and school counselor in building social capital in schools and when addressing the community (Oehrtman & Dollarhide, 2022).

With regard to this study’s participants’ discussion of school-wide diversity programming, like the No Place for Hate initiative or the celebration of heritage months, Day-Vines, Brodar, et al. (2022) also found that school counselors were more apt to implement racial, ethnic, and cultural systemic interventions as opposed to broaching concerns on those topics individually with students. As far as strategies for increasing broaching behaviors, participants indicated that being able to effectively use their time and resources and utilizing the ASCA National Model could help them and other school counselors effectively broach race with students. This once again reflects back to the importance of using the ASCA Student Standards: Mindsets and Behaviors for Student Success and the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies to support their work. Another strategy indicated by participants was utilizing necessary data to successfully broach conversations on race. The importance of using data as an accountability strategy for school counseling programs is well documented in the counseling literature (Young & Kaffenberger, 2011).

Likewise, participants reported self-awareness as a strategy, particularly in understanding their own worldviews and biases. This was also recommended as a key developmental domain in the multicultural and social justice counseling competencies (Ratts et al., 2016) and in the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies (American School Counselor Association, 2019b). Moreover, participants identified cultivating school counselor leadership skills as a strategy to broach race and create school change in spite of expected pushback. ASCA identifies school counselors serving as leaders within schools, districts, states, and the nation was identified as an ASCA mindset (American School Counselor Association, 2019a), and identifies school counselors serving as leaders within school counseling programs as a professional foundation standard of behavior documented in the ASCA School Counselor Professional Standards & Competencies (American School Counselor Association, 2019b).

Limitations of the Study

Mini-focus groups are increasingly utilized in qualitative research, and Krueger and Casey (2015) identified advantages and disadvantages to this approach. Although mini-focus groups may be more comfortable for participants and allow each participant to share insights, the range of experiences captured is limited by the smaller number of participants (Krueger & Casey, 2015). Moreover, mini-focus groups, coupled with using stratified purposeful sampling to recruit licensed school counselors, yield a sample size too small for generalization. However, generalizability is not the aim of qualitative research (Gheondea-Eladi, 2014; Grimes et al., 2013). Transferability, or the likelihood that readers will find meaning in the data and find connections to other settings, is a criterion of effective qualitative research (Grimes et al., 2013).

The transferability of this study’s findings is limited, however, to the geographic location of the participants. Eight of the participants were from the same state with one participant from a different state; both states are located in the southeastern region of the United States. As mentioned previously, the large majority of Black or African American rural residents in the United States live in the South, where a demographic shift has occurred in recent decades as the Hispanic/Latinx population has increased and the White population decreased across the rural South (Chi et al., 2019; Green, 2014). All of these cultures are represented in the schools in which the study’s participants work as school counselors and the communities reflect these demographic considerations. The schools’ demographics and the race, ethnicity, and culture experiences the study’s participants encounter are not presumed to represent the reality of school counselors in other regions of the United States. Herein, participants' viewpoints could be potentially impacted by the unique culture of their specific region and location. Further, all of the participants identified as women; therefore, the perspectives of individuals from other gender identities were absent from the study.

Another limitation is the fact that the skill of broaching is emphasized in counseling practice, yet limited research and attention has been dedicated to exploring or examining the broaching behaviors of school counselors (Day-Vines, Brodar, et al., 2022). In this regard, the interviewers used the term broaching throughout the discussion, and described and mentioned it in several of the interview questions; however, the term broaching was used minimally by the participants themselves throughout the focus group discussions. This could leave the utilization of the skill of broaching in school counseling practice up to the interpretation of the participant. For instance, broaching behaviors could look different for counselors in a school setting and those in a clinical mental health counseling setting. Broaching could also look different based on the specific school counseling level (e.g., elementary, middle, and high school).

Implications for School Counseling Practice

Outcomes of the present study suggest that fewer time constraints and more resources would help provide school counselors with more direct service opportunities to address race-related topics with students via school-wide programming. Herein, school counselors must advocate for their time and express the essential responsibilities of their role to school administrators in an effort to gain support. This might be achieved by educating administrators on the positionality of school counselors as outlined in the ASCA position statements, particularly The School Counselor and Anti-Racist Practices, which addresses school counselors adopting and implementing antiracist practices and promoting and advocating for cultural diversity (ASCA, 2021b). This is especially important given the heightened racial disparities that have been highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic and the increased visibility of police violence against Black, Indigenous, or people of color (BIPOC) communities (Goodman-Scott et al., 2020; Mayes, 2021; Yearby & Mohapatra, 2021).

Advocating for more resources and support is also an important task for rural school counselors to engage in at the district or state level. In this regard, getting involved in state-level professional school counselor organizations is important for rural school counselors in an effort to influence legislative changes. This involvement might also keep rural school counselors abreast of changes that might impact their professional roles.

Researchers have urged rural school counselors to understand the unique culture of their school’s community and accept that they will have high visibility in working with students, many of whom might have family members who are community pillars (Wimberly & Brickman, 2014), a recommendation that was also voiced by participants in this study. In this regard, exploring and learning more about the sociopolitical landscape of a school’s community environment appears to be an important task for rural school counselors. To accomplish this, rural school counselors could increase their social capital via community engagement. Social capital is described as resources gained through relationships and connections (Coleman, 1988). Rural school counselors can increase their social capital on the macro level by actively engaging in their schools’ community (e.g., community organizations, social networks; Bryan et al., 2011). By building social capital, rural school counselors might equip themselves with community support to better galvanize individuals (e.g., parents and guardians) who influence school decision making. This, in turn, might help rural school counselors form coalitions for effective school change. The importance of school counselors engaging in school–family–community collaborations is well noted within the school counseling literature (Bryan & Holcomb-McCoy, 2004, 2007; Griffin & Galassi, 2010; Grimes et al., 2013).

An important step for rural school counselors is connecting school counselor peers in rural areas who have similar professional experiences. This can help validate work issues they might experience, such as the challenges of broaching conversations on race with students. School counselor peer support could be accomplished through membership in state school counseling professional organizations, specifically those that have rural school counselor divisions. Rural school counselors can also participate in regional academies or professional learning teams to connect and learn from peers in other rural areas. Alumni from their school counseling training programs offer another potential resource for mentorship, particularly in gaining support for how to appropriately and effectively integrate conversations regarding race into their school counseling curriculum.

With regard to advocating for a culturally responsive school environment in an effort to garner school-wide support for broaching conversations on race, Lee (2001) described multiple ways to promote cultural responsiveness in a school; given the current racial and sociopolitical climate in the United States and within U.S. schools (Eugene et al., 2022), these recommendations can still be considered applicable to rural school counselor practice:

(a) The school has mechanisms in place to deal with racial/cultural tensions; (b) The school infuses multiculturalism and diversity in a non-stereotypical manner throughout the curriculum and school year; (c) The school provides students with forums outside of the classroom to communicate and learn about their peers from diverse cultural backgrounds. (Lee, 2001, p. 258)

In taking a culturally responsive school environment a step further, rural school counselors can adopt a culturally responsive multitiered system of supports from an antiracist lens (Edirmanasinghe et al., 2022). In this regard, rural school counselors must be aware of their own culture and practices, and those of their students, families, and the surrounding community; they must attempt to hear, prioritize, and incorporate the voices of students, families, and community members; and they must use data to increase opportunities, equity, access, and outcomes (Edirmanasinghe et al., 2022; Leverson et al., 2021). For the latter, rural school counselors might include a question regarding race on their needs assessments to various constituents (e.g., students and teachers), as discussed by this study’s participants. Doing so will provide data to support school counselors’ need to broach conversations on race with students and/or justify providing school-wide programming or classroom instruction on topics centering race. An example of this on a teachers’ needs assessment might be to list “racism/discrimination” as one option teachers or students can select from a list of specific concerns students are experiencing that should be addressed by the school counseling program.

Implications for Counselor Educators and Researchers

An important responsibility for counselor educators is sharing with students the various factors they must consider before working in a rural school. These factors include the importance of actively building community relationships, potential parental influence on school decisions, and the need to be aware of community norms. Likewise, counselor education programs should develop partnerships with rural school communities in order to build social capital. By building a university–school–community partnership, counseling programs could provide school counseling students with training opportunities within rural schools. This can allow students to explore the unique needs of rural schools and examine the sociopolitical landscape of the schools’ community environment. Furthermore, counseling programs can help develop budding rural school counselors who feel equipped to build partnerships and collaborate with stakeholders to create effective diversity programming (Grimes et al., 2013). This is particularly important because rural school districts tend to hire young and more inexperienced school counselors due to low retention in these environments (Wimberly & Brickman, 2014).

Scholars within the counseling profession have emphasized and strategized ways that antiracism can be incorporated into counselor training and curricula (Edirmanasinghe et al., 2022). Holcomb-McCoy (2021) described antiracism in education as “interrogating and dismantling systems and policies ascribed in education that uphold racist outlooks that disproportionately impact Black and brown communities” (as cited in Edirmanasinghe et al., 2022, p. 3). In this regard, it is important for counselor educators to teach school counselors in training the importance of engaging in antiracist practices. One strategy is to explicitly teach school counselors trainees the skill of broaching conversations on race with students in K–12 schools.

Counselor educators can also teach their students to examine and reflect on school practices or policies that might be embedded with racism. This is particularly important for those school practices or policies that disproportionately impact BIPOC students; rural school counselors should avoid further perpetuating these practices or policies (Holcomb-McCoy, 2021). Counselor educators must also educate students on the need for rural school counselors to build social capital within schools. This might be accomplished by joining professional learning teams, collaborating with their student services staff (e.g., school social worker, dean of students, and school-based mental health counselor) and forming a liaison with school administrators. Moreover, school counselors in training must also be taught effective strategies to appropriately advocate for students, utilizing the ASCA position statement on antiracist school counseling practices (ASCA, 2021b) as a guide.

Conclusion

Rural school counselors’ ability to engage in antiracist practices is clearly pertinent within their school communities, yet the experiences of rural school counselors broaching conversations on race with students have not been documented, making this study the first of its kind. Experiences such as those described within this study can offer insight into how rural school counselors might effectively broach conversations on race within their schools and garner support for school-wide diversity programming. The study also provides examples of ways rural school counselors can effectively gain support from their school leadership, constituents, and surrounding communities to work toward creating a culturally responsive school environment.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Southern Association for Counselor Education and Supervision.

ORCID iD

Regina Gavin Williams

Author Biographies

Regina Gavin Williams, Ph.D., NCC, LCMHC, is an assistant professor in the counselor education program in the Department of Counseling and Higher Education at North Carolina Central University in Durham, NC. Email: rwill233@nccu.edu.

Alyx Beckwith, Ph.D., is an assistant professor and Helen Lupton-Smith, Ph.D., is an associate professor, both also in the counselor education program in the Department of Counseling and Higher Education at North Carolina Central University.

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