Abstract
Having an affirming and inclusive school environment is pertinent to the well-being of LGBTQ+ students of color. However, research indicates that existing school policies and protections are insufficient to support this population. The present study investigates how LGBTQ+ individuals of color perceived their K–12 experiences related to their intersectional identity and their interactions with school counselors. In a focus group of three LGBTQ+ college students of color, participants recounted how they navigated their identities during their K–12 schooling. The analysis yielded five themes related to the participants’ identities: (a) isolation, (b) delayed identity development, (c) peer pressure and aggression, (d) teachers’ bias and (micro)aggressions, and (e) heteronormative curriculum and extracurricular activities. Regarding the students’ experiences with school counselors, three themes emerged: (a) school counselors were too busy to talk, (b) uncertainty about who was an ally, and (c) unsureness of confidentiality. Findings underscored the unique challenges LGBTQ+ students of color encounter related to receiving support and engaging in identity development. We discuss implications and recommendations for school counselors and school systems.
All students have the right to be safe and “treated in a manner that honors and respects their identity and expression, race, gender identity, gender expression, sexual orientation … and to be free from any form of discipline, harassment or discrimination” (American School Counselor Association [ASCA], 2022a). Therefore, school counselors are positioned to be aware of the challenges that marginalized student populations encounter; to understand the intersectionality of students’ sexual, gender, and racial identities; to advocate for all students who are in need; and to develop a safe, inclusive, and affirming school environment (ASCA, 2022b). However, marginalized students do not always receive the support or resources they need from school counselors. For many LGBTQ+ students of color, the K–12 context presents limited access to the conditions needed for appropriate identity development.
School Counseling for LGBTQ+ Students
Researchers have proposed various suggestions for creating safe and affirming school environments for LGBTQ+ students. Roberts and Marx (2018) found that school policies play a crucial role in creating safety for students while addressing the biases of counselors and school staff, thereby helping normalize the identities of all LGBTQ+ students. Mitton-Kukner et al. (2016) posited a similar idea, emphasizing how preservice educators can advocate for anti-oppressive training, providing teachers with the tools to intervene and reduce bullying targeting LGBTQ+ students. School policies encompass antibullying measures, dress codes, and policies related to bathrooms and locker rooms, especially for transgender, gender-expansive, and gender-nonconforming students (Crissman et al., 2020; Mitton-Kukner et al., 2016; Roberts & Marx, 2018). School counselors also play a vital role by advocating for inclusive policies and enhancing training (Mitton-Kukner et al., 2016; Roberts & Marx, 2018).
Teaching policies were further discussed by Simons and Cuadrado (2018), who noted the importance of addressing attitudes and self-efficacy for LGBTQ+ students. A supportive school climate, allowing students to express themselves safely, is important to uplifting LGBTQ+ students. Promoting safe environments includes school counselors’ training of teachers and staff on best practices when working with students. Beck et al. (2018) emphasized the need for ecological considerations and a systemic approach, wherein school counselors create atmospheres that encourage LGBTQ+ students and help them navigate barriers within the school environment. Furthermore, providing spaces for LGBTQ+ students to connect with peers who share similar identities, such as a Gay-Straight Alliance club or group counseling, allows students a safe place to be themselves (Uttamchandani, 2021). School counselors can empower LGBTQ+ students to challenge discrimination and support other LGBTQ+ students.
School Counseling for Students of Color
Cook and colleagues (2021) found that advocacy for Black, Latine, and biracial students is important for academic success and is connected to better grades, attendance, and graduation. Although advocacy is essential in addressing systemic racial issues such as academic stressors, discrimination, and racism, Cook et al. found limited collaboration among school counselors, teachers, and legal guardians to address these issues. The lack of advocacy among school counselors may be attributed to a lack of knowledge about addressing multicultural concerns (Antonelli & Sembiante, 2022). Educating oneself and incorporating intentional advocacy strategies can create an environment that addresses the unique needs of students of color (Antonelli & Sembiante, 2022). Rust (2019) stated that school counselors can gain cultural competencies when working with students of color by seeking educational opportunities and exploring learning competencies in various cultures. Culturally responsive counseling competencies are important because they can lead to increased positive development outcomes for students of color in the academic setting, including career awareness, social/emotional well-being, and overall access to equity (Rust, 2019). School counselors can address racial issues by increasing student advocacy and collaborating with teachers and school administration to provide improved support (Cook et al., 2021; Rust, 2019).
School Counseling for LGBTQ+ Students of Color
Advocacy and Inclusivity
Few studies address the intersectional identities of K–12 students of color who are LGBTQ+. Advocacy for LGBTQ+ students of color is nuanced and necessary to equip students with the resources needed for success. Simons (2021) highlighted the importance of gender advocacy and how it can impact students across minority identities and noted that counselors who engage in advocacy for gender-expansive individuals engage in advocacy for students of color and sexual minority students at similar rates. Effective advocacy works toward inclusion for all youth and providing them with a space that is conducive to learning. Ching et al. (2022) made similar assertions and identified increased discrimination among Asian youth who were gender diverse compared to other racial and ethnic minority youth. Ratts and Greenleaf (2017) and Patel (2019) have suggested that school counselors need to increase their own awareness of unintentional harm to racial and ethnic minorities.
Patel (2019) found that Brown LGBTQ+ women had an increased feeling of isolation even in spaces that were affirming of their LGBTQ+ identity, and so emphasized the importance of incorporating spaces for those who are both people of color and LGBTQ+ due to the invisibility experienced by Brown women in LGBTQ+ spaces. Ching et al. (2022) recommended that counseling interventions address intersectional stresses and take a holistic approach when working with LGBTQ+ students of color. School counselors should also encourage building resilience and advocacy through modeling to better assist with experienced discrimination (Parmenter et al., 2021). Overall, school counselors have the duty to consider all the minority identities that students hold to provide better counseling services.
Advocacy Training and Interventions
Ratts and Greenleaf (2017) prescribed steps toward multicultural competency for White school counselors when working with students of color and LGBTQ+ individuals. Key parts of the process involve outlining social justice issues within the school, becoming aware of one’s own biases and values, understanding the client’s worldview by gaining insights into their culture, recognizing the dynamics of power and privilege within the counseling room, and incorporating advocacy within counseling interventions (Ratts & Greenleaf, 2017). Their model explains how school counselors can practice cultural humility to create an environment that uplifts and advocates for all students. Ratts and Greenleaf emphasized the need for training and active reflection into one’s thoughts and behaviors to provide a safe environment for students who are at increased risk of discrimination.
However, despite efforts to develop safe schools, statistics show that schools are not always safe for students of color, nor for LGBTQ+ students. For example, Asian students reported fear of being unsafe and facing physical violence due to their racial identity and immigration status (Maffini, 2016). Latino/a and Black students reported lower support from their teachers, fewer opportunities for class participation, and higher concerns about safety issues in school compared to their White counterparts (Voight et al., 2015), which may then lead to racial achievement gaps in school (Bottiani et al., 2016). LGBTQ+ students have a higher likelihood of being bullied (Blondeel et al., 2018), which is even more likely for transgender, gender-nonconforming, and gender-expansive students (Sterzing et al., 2019). Moreover, students with multiple marginalized identities reported higher rates of feeling being othered (Felner et al., 2018) and were exposed to multiple microaggressions in many different settings, including their schools, due to their racial/ethnic identity, sexual/affectional orientation, and gender identity/expression (Sadika et al., 2020). As a result, LGBTQ+ students of color were more likely to experience mental health issues.
Mental Health Issues Among LGBTQ+ Students of Color
Various implications are linked to the stressors LGBTQ+ students of color encounter. According to the Human Rights Campaign’s survey of 12,000 LGBTQ+ adolescents, 93% of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) LGBTQ+ adolescents experienced sleep problems, and 77% of AAPI LGBTQ+ youth reported that they usually felt depressed or down (Human Rights Campaign [HRC], 2018). Among Latine LGBTQ+ adolescents, 95% reported having trouble sleeping, 82% usually feel worried or panicked, 79% usually feel depressed, and 64% of transgender Latine students avoid using school restrooms (HRC, 2018). Among Black LGBTQ+ adolescents, 90% reported having sleep problems, 80% usually feel worried and depressed, and 71% usually feel worthless and hopeless (HRC, 2018). A total of 90% of Black LGBTQ+ adolescents reported that they are facing intersectional discrimination, and only 35% of this demographic indicated that they could be themselves in school (HRC, 2018).
Purpose of Study
To explore barriers to building safe schools for all and to find appropriate interventions, school counseling research should investigate the lived experiences of K–12 LGBTQ+ students of color. Through the study of students’ experiences in K–12 schools and their description of what they need from school counselors, educators, and administrators, school counselors can “describe the problem” (Dimmitt et al., 2007, p. 19) and “identify where and how to intervene” (Dimmitt et al., 2007, p. 19). Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of LGBTQ+ individuals who are racial, ethnic, and cultural minorities when they were K–12 students, and how they perceived the support offered by school counselors. This article also aims to provide ideas that school counselors can use to bolster the well-being, mental health, and academic success of LGBTQ+ students of color. The present study was guided by the following research questions: 1. How do LGBTQ+ students of color perceive their experiences in K–12 education in relation to their intersectional identities? 2. How do they perceive their experiences with school counseling and school counselors?
Methods
Procedure
The first author received approval from their university’s institutional review board (IRB) to conduct this study, then proceeded to recruit participants for a focus group interview who met all of the following criteria: (a) aged 18 to 24; (b) self-identified sexual and/or gender-expansive individual; (c) self-identified racial, cultural, and/or ethnic minority; and (d) attended K–12 private or public schools in the United States. Rather than recruiting current K–12 students, we intentionally recruited young adults who could reflect and speak about their experiences in K–12 and provide their own consent.
Participants were recruited through flyers using a standardized recruitment script, which the IRB approved. Consent to the research participation and contact information was collected via Qualtrics. We then sent an email to set up individual orientation meetings to explain the group interview process and provide the list of questions that would be asked during the group interview. Finally, we sent the participants a HIPAA-compliant Zoom link and the final reminder on the morning of the scheduled interview day. All the conversations were video recorded as explained and consented to. The recorded conversations were transcribed, and then the recordings were destroyed. Any identifying information displayed in the transcription was removed.
The three authors of this study have experience in LGBTQ+-related research and advocacy and completed the required CITI ethical training. We all read through the Standards of Care for Research with Participants Who Identify as LGBTQ+ endorsed by the Society for Sexual, Affectional, Intersex, and Gender Expansive Identities (Griffith et al., 2017) to decrease any possible harm to the participants.
Participants
Out of 10 volunteers, six people met the study requirements. Among those six volunteers, five actively communicated with the first author on the morning of the interview day. However, only three attended the interview. The participants who were not present did not respond to follow-up emails from the researchers. All participants were college students who self-identified as LGBTQ+ people of color and graduated from high school in a southeastern state. Each participant still lived in the same state where they attended high school. The age range of the participants was 19–22 years. Participant sexual/affectional orientation and gender identity/expression were documented using self-report in Qualtrics Survey Software. One participant was bi-racial Black, one was Latine American, and one was Asian American. Regarding sexual/affectional orientation, one participant identified as lesbian, one identified as gay, and one identified as bisexual. Regarding gender identity and expression, to use participants’ self-descriptions, one participant was masculine-presenting transmale, one was feminine-presenting cisgender female, and one was androgyne and masculine-presenting genderqueer female. To avoid identifying participants, we do not include specific demographic information in the discussion.
Analysis
Given that the present study aimed to explore the common lived experiences of LGBTQ+ students of color in K–12 schools, we applied the phenomenological method (Flynn & Korcuska, 2018). The full research team included eight master’s and doctoral-level students who have experience in qualitative studies and LGBTQ+ research and advocacy activities. After the transcript of an interview was completed, each research team member read through it several times to gain familiarity. Then, each member independently reviewed the transcript and began line-by-line analysis (Larkin & Thompson, 2012). Initial codes were developed by making exploratory comments (Smith et al., 2022), which were developed into a list of primary domains; the lists of domains were then shared via a password-protected cloud platform. The research team met after reviewing each other’s domains independently. The team developed consensus domain lists then each member reviewed the transcription to ensure that it fit under the constructed domains. Next, the researchers discussed themes during coding meetings until reaching a consensus. The domains were merged into eight themes by focusing on the research questions and by data patterns, based on several in-depth collaborative meetings that happened synchronously and asynchronously (Smith et al., 2022).
To strengthen the study’s trustworthiness, the research team explored our biases, preconceptions, and any possible projections of the participants through several reflections and in-depth conversations with each other (Creswell & Poth, 2017). We collected team member feedback regarding the coding process, the development of themes, and the structure of the themes. Finally, one school counselor educator professor who was not on the research team reviewed the research process and provided feedback as an audit.
Findings
Our findings are organized to address our two research questions: 1. How do LGBTQ+ students of color perceive their experiences in K–12 education in relation to their intersectional identities? 2. How do they perceive their experiences with school counseling and school counselors?
Five themes emerged to answer Research Question 1: (a) isolation, (b) delayed identity development, (c) peer pressure and aggression, (d) teachers’ bias and (micro)aggressions, and (e) heteronormative curriculum and extracurricular activities. Three themes emerged to answer Research Question 2: (a) school counselors were too busy to talk, (b) uncertainty about who was an ally, and (c) unsureness of confidentiality.
Research Question 1: Themes Related to Participants’ Identities
Isolation
All participants mentioned being isolated due to both their race/ethnicity and their sexual orientation or gender identity. These emotional experiences included fear of being alone, having no one to ask for help and share their experiences with, and feeling disconnected from themselves or their true self. One participant shared: I distinctly felt like a woman, but I lacked someone to discuss this with during high school and middle school. It felt inappropriate to broach the topic in front of friends and peers, leaving me vulnerable. I got disconnected from my true self.
Another observed: “It wasn’t necessarily a result of cultural misunderstandings, but rather the absence of a supportive culture. We both experienced isolation throughout our journey as LGBTQ individuals attending school.” A third comment described the challenges: “You are very isolated in trying to understand something as complex as, like, your gender identity or your, like, sexual orientation and stuff. It’s like so hard to do that while also succeeding academically and like being.”
Delayed Identity Development
Participants reported delayed identity development in relation to their intersectional identities. This delay manifested as individuals postponing exploration of their sexual orientation and gender identity. Participants described the delay as connected with their internalized homophobia, experiences of being isolated, bias, stigma, and lack of representation of queerness in schools and the cultural/racial community. They also described a lack of energy and inner space to deal with the many complicated factors involved in being an LGBTQ+ individual, a student, and a person of color. One participant stated: “I wasn’t even aware that bisexuality existed. I didn’t know it was a possibility. I feel that it significantly postpones the self-discovery process.” Another described: Trying to comprehend the complexities of my gender identity and sexual orientation. Balancing academic success and presenting oneself authentically in social settings, while also ensuring sufficient sleep, was exceptionally challenging. The intersection of all these factors complicated the exploration process.
Peer Pressure and Aggression
All the participants experienced peer aggression based on their race and ethnicity and peer pressure and aggression for not conforming to expected gender roles and expressions in schools. This aggression often involved ridicule or jest directed at them. One participant recalled “a bus ride when other kids made racist jokes about Asian businesses, such as Chinese restaurants and Vietnamese nail salons. They directed racist comments at them.” Another comment related: Other female students frequently made me the target of jokes to avoid becoming the subject themselves. It was an easy way for them to gain social acceptance, but it came at the expense of someone’s well-being … Friends would come up to me and say, “My friend has a crush on you” to embarrass them. Little things like that really set my self-esteem back. I grew up very insecure forcing myself to dress more feminine when I didn’t feel feminine … I was pressured to dress [femininely]. My identity was being further stripped away. I just wanted to feel comfortable … There is definitely a taboo to adhere to what society feels makes a woman attractive. If you don’t fall under those guidelines, it’s very easy for other men to be mean to you just because they think, for lack of a better word, you’re ugly.
Teachers’ Bias and (Micro)Aggressions
In addition to peers showing biases and aggression, participants felt that teachers perpetuated biases, lacked knowledge and personal awareness regarding LGBTQ+ topics, or even expressed aggression and microaggressions against students’ racial/cultural/ethnic identity and queerness. Regarding ethnicity and race, the participants expressed feeling as if teachers ridiculed them for being a racial or ethnic minority—and noted that the teachers did not receive negative consequences for expressing racism. Participants also reported that sometimes teachers did not actively express aggression and did express their intention to help, but ended up not being supportive due to their preexisting biases and lack of knowledge and awareness. For example, a participant stated: “I remember my eighth-grade teacher making offensive jokes about being Asian in front of the entire class. He perpetuated stereotypes without facing consequences.” Another related comment was: “Some teachers failed to provide adequate support for LGBTQ students. They didn’t understand these feelings or acknowledge their validity. This led to outbursts of anger, creating a cycle of discipline rather than understanding.” One participant reported: “I stopped being addressed by my preferred name and pronouns. The teacher’s disrespect was twofold, as it was both racially insensitive and dismissive of my true identity. This was a very challenging period in school.”
Heteronormative Curriculum and Extracurricular Activities
The participants experienced bias and disconnection not only from teachers but also from the course curriculum and sex education, which did not fully embrace their intersectional identities. Participants frequently noted that the course curriculum highlighted only the negative side of queerness and/or did not represent their intersectional identities. Academic content often centered on cisgender, heterosexual, White men, hindering the students’ understanding of gender identity and sexuality within their own racial/cultural communities. For example: In music and elementary didn’t learn about Nina Simone (who is a black and bisexual female musician), and we learned about the Beatles, we learned about these White artists, I feel that way it was the same in history, and I love history, but I started steering away from that love for history when I found out so much of it is erased.
Another related participant comment was: Focusing on more than just, you know, the negative side and the struggles and hardships, because that is very important and that’s how we get change and how industries change but it’s always so important to see that identity is a very large spectrum of experiences and a lot of those can be extremely fulfilling and engaging and life-changing in a good way.
Participants also stated that sex education taught in school often focuses on male and female reproduction. Safe sex practices are not taught to individuals who are in same-sex relationships or who fall outside the gender binary, so the sex education they received was experienced as inadequate. Participants needed to do their own research regarding how to engage in safe sexual practices with someone of their same gender. One participant noted: There was nothing that I could take from it. Everything was just mostly about straight sex … I didn’t learn anything. I learned that they didn’t know what they were talking about, so I guess there’s that. Any research I had to do was on my own.
Moreover, participants described that extracurricular activities and school events frequently adhered to gender-binary systems in spaces leading to a non-inclusive environment. For example: It’s not normalized even with homecoming. With my girlfriend at the time, I got nominated … [so] they had to put me under king since there was already someone who was [queen]. So, my point is just the fact that they didn’t make this space for there to be a queen and queen.
Research Question 2: Themes Related to Experiences With School Counselors
In the group interview, participants did not mention their school counseling experiences. Therefore, we inquired whether they had asked for help from school counselors in navigating their life in K–12 education. No one in this group voluntarily visited school counselors or asked for any help or mediation with their conflicts with peers, teachers, or school policy. The participants reported that they knew that they had school counselors; however, they were hesitant to meet and talk with school counselors because the counselors were always too busy. Participants felt their issues were complicated and needed time to address. The participants also were not sure they could trust their school counselors.
School Counselors Were Too Busy to Talk
Participants reported that school counselors seemed busy all the time and only a limited time was allowed for students to meet with them, so they felt it was impossible to share the complicated issues they were experiencing as an LGBTQ+ person of color. Sometimes a lack of empathy displayed by counselors led the participants to feel disconnected from them. According to one participant: The biggest challenge was not feeling I had someone to talk to because the counselor was there, but often it was just one counselor that was probably being overworked so they could take you in, but it was for only 15 minutes. I feel to really build the rapport there has to be more time and there has to be more dedication to that student counselor bond and connection. I feel that after that then a student really does not feel comfortable just coming into your office.
Another participant shared: Because a lot of guidance counselors, they can seem very apathetic and some of the students may feel they are not heard so you have to make sure the student knows that you’re there for them even if you don’t have all the information you have to show that you’re willing to try.
A third comment addressed this theme: When I went to my counselor it was kind of like “All right tell me what’s up” and then we got to “wrap it up and get you out of here” and I didn’t feel that allowed me the time to properly feel what I was going through, especially if I feel like I’m someone that I need to be probed a little bit to be able to connect my feelings to words. Otherwise, it just feels like I have so much I want to say but there are just no words coming to me.
Uncertainty About Who is an Ally
Participants were concerned with which school counselor was an ally to the LGBTQ+ community and would be respectful of racial, ethnic, and cultural minorities. Participants noted that obvious signs such as LGBTQ+ and racial diversity-friendly stickers placed in the counseling office made it easier to see the counselor as an ally. On the other end of the spectrum, counselors who did not place those signs on their doors made participants suspicious about whether they were supportive of students’ identities. The lack of perceived support and acceptance made the participants wary of that counselor. As one participant noted: Late middle school, and early high school there was a push for diversity and equity, I guess, and so there was this counselor who started putting these stickers in their office that said “safe space” and it had a pride flag on it and [with] different skin tones. Not all of the counselors had that … Because you always have to ask or wonder “Do you support … the gay community” and stuff … You never knew what they think about gay people. It was very frustrating because you just never knew what reaction you were going to get. That’s such a barrier to care especially when you’re younger.
Another participant shared: I think for me it was really hard with that intersection on the side of there being a challenge with the counselor having knowledge as to what it means for, like, students, just the whole spectrum of gender identities and sexual orientation—so it can be an ally, or it was hard to feel like there was someone in the school that I could talk to—not have them look back at me and kind of be like, “What is that?”
Unsureness of Confidentiality
Participants shared their concerns about discussing certain topics with their school counselors due to the limited confidentiality that occurs within the school counseling office. They perceived that counselors are legally bound to share information with the client’s parents and legal guardians. Due to the lack of confidentiality, participants felt uncomfortable sharing certain information with their counselor. One participant observed: “A lot of counselors are legally bound to, for example, tell parents information about their child that was, at first, a very one-to-one type of conversation.” Another shared: “Because of, like, these laws that kind of hinder their ability to help—‘We should have them help themselves.’”
Discussion
Our study investigated the lived experiences of a small sample of LGBTQ+ people of color in the U.S. school system. The study aimed to explore how the participants perceived their experiences in K–12 education and their experiences of school counseling and school counselors.
The findings indicated that these LGBTQ+ students of color experienced being isolated due to their intersectional identity. They felt alone, having no one to share their experiences with, and did not ask for help when needed. A feeling of being isolated among LGBTQ+ students of color is found in other studies (Gamarel et al., 2014). The experience of social isolation during this developmental stage can also lead to a lack of identity safety for LGBTQ+ students of color (Gamarel et al., 2014) and have a negative impact on their overall mental health and well-being (Garcia et al., 2020).
The participants in the study also reported that their delayed identity development could be connected to isolation, the experience of bias, and the stigma they faced in schools and their communities. They mentioned that they lacked the emotional energy to deal with complicated identity exploration. Because LGBTQ+ youth, in general, spend more energy on their gender and sexual identity development (Schmidt & Nilsson, 2006; Tomlinson & Fassinger, 2003) compared to their cisgender counterparts, they may be affected by obstacles such as familial expectations and/or peer pressure of heteronormativity (Gedro, 2009) and internalized homophobia and non-affirming communities (Barnes & Meyer, 2012; Heiden-Rootes et al., 2020). For these reasons, we could assume that LGBTQ+ students of color would spend more energy in their identity development process and the participants of this study confirmed that.
All the participants experienced peer pressure regarding gender roles and expression and described aggression and microaggressions by both peers and teachers regarding their racial/cultural/ethnic identities, sexual orientation, and gender identity/expression; this aligns with the literature (Orum Hernández & Barcelos, 2023). All the participants also reported that the curriculum and extracurricular activities in school were biased. The academic curriculum did not represent very many queer individuals of color. Instead, most of the material was focused on White, cisgender, heterosexual males, and students did not learn anything related to queerness and safe sex among queer people from the sex education material. School events also were not inclusive of LGBTQ+ students; participants commented that the language used in school events was not inclusive enough for the sexual and gender-expansive students. Perceived bias in curriculum, extracurricular activities, school culture, and norms for LGBTQ+ students of color can contribute to their feeling of being isolated. Institutional policies and cultural norms that do not embrace LGBTQ+ students of color generate a sense of otherness and social isolation (Hatzenbuehler & Keyes, 2013).
Regarding experiences with school counselors and school counseling, all the participants knew they had school counselors and could ask for help; however, they did not voluntarily visit the school counselors. The participants mentioned that the school counselors were always busy and could only offer 15 minutes to talk. Because the participants felt they had to explain many aspects of their intersectional identities, 15 minutes was too short a time to share their concerns. The participants also mentioned that the school counselors did not appear empathetic enough, which might be due to their unavailability. The absence of diversity and inclusion indicators in some school counselors’ offices was a notable concern for the participants. They felt discouraged from visiting school counselors because they were not sure the school counselors were allies of LGBTQ+ students of color. This aligns with statistics from the National School Climate Survey report presented by the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network (GLSEN); students felt more comfortable talking with teachers and mental health professionals who put pride and safety zone symbols in their classrooms and offices (Kosciw et al., 2022). Last, the participants reported feeling hesitant to visit school counselors due to concerns about confidentiality. Considering that 30%–77% of LGBTQ+ youth of color experienced negative language against queerness from their family members (HRC, 2018), students worried that seeking support from school counselors could result in information being shared with their parents/guardians, leading to subsequent problems (Singh & Drabiak, 2023).
Implications for the Evidence-Based School Counseling Framework
Reviewing and using data to determine the needs of students and creating interventions and programs that can be implemented to address the needs are critical components of evidence-based school counseling (EBSC; Dimmitt et al., 2007; Hatch, 2013; Zyromski et al., 2018). EBSC also includes considering multiple intersectional identities of students and how contexts can impact students’ well-being when creating school counseling interventions (Zyromski et al., 2018), including counseling approaches, classroom curricula, and school climate intervention.
In this study, our findings that the participants experienced isolation, delayed identity development, peer pressure and aggression, teacher aggression, and non-inclusive curriculum and extracurricular activities are well aligned with previous literature. This preliminary data suggests that LGBTQ+ students of color need better support and advocacy by school counselors to navigate their issues. In our findings, the participants were hesitant to visit school counselors because school counselors were not available, not all the counselors actively presented that they were allies of LGBTQ+ students of color, and students were worried about confidentiality. The findings of this study bring the following implications.
First, more school counselors need to be hired to decrease the student-to-school-counselor ratio, so school counselors can be more available and can offer longer sessions to their students, including LGBTQ+ students of color. The literature also supports that a lower ratio would help school counselors reach more students and better perform their roles and responsibilities (Mullen et al., 2021). Moreover, lower student-to-school-counselor ratios decrease students’ disciplinary referrals (Lapan et al., 2012), increase attendance rates (Kearney et al., 2021), increase academic achievement outcomes and test scores (Donohue et al., 2022; Goodman-Scott et al., 2018), and increase graduation rates (Lapan et al., 2012). Having an appropriate ratio can increase school counselors’ ability to support and advocate for all students, including LGBTQ+ students of color. School counselors must have time to research the unique identities, needs, challenges, and strengths of the population they serve, and the specific needs of their school and community.
Second, school counselors are encouraged to actively express their allyship by displaying nonverbal cues such as safe zone symbols and/or diversity appreciation flags in their office, indicating a safe space for all students (Simons & Cuadrado, 2018). The participants of the study mentioned that not all the school counselors displayed those symbols, leading them to be unsure if the school counselor would be supportive enough of them as LGBTQ+ students of color. Because the participants already experienced teachers’ bias and aggression against their cultural, ethnic, and racial background and their sexual orientation and gender expression, they became more skeptical of other professionals in school. As stated above, displaying those symbols makes students feel more comfortable sharing their concerns with school counselors and teachers (Kosciw et al., 2022).
Third, confidentiality in school counseling needs to be discussed more in school and professional associations, and the parameters need to be stated clearly for students in schools. The participants of this study shared that their concerns about confidentiality hindered them from seeking school counseling because they did not want their information to be relayed to their family, where they already experienced a lack of representation and homophobia; this also occurred in their cultural and religious communities. Scholars have addressed LGBTQ+ students’ concerns about confidentiality and fear of being outed in school counseling and discussed in the literature the necessity of open communication about it (Earnshaw et al., 2020; Reisner et al., 2020). Moreover, some states have adopted or discussed laws and bills expanding parental rights. This brings about debates and concerns that minors, especially LGBTQ+ minors who have not come out to their family, cannot access school counseling services when they need to (Singh & Drabiak, 2023). An active discussion needs to raise the ethical challenges school counselors face in safeguarding the identities of these students while adhering to legal mandates (Simons & Cuadrado, 2018; Uttamchandani, 2021) and what kinds of further action school counselors can take to advocate for clarity about their professionalism and ethical guidelines. Disclosing a student’s LGBTQ+ identity to parents/guardians goes directly against ASCA’s Ethical Standards for School Counselors (ASCA, 2022a). Previous research has highlighted the potential harm that can occur from disclosing youth’s LGBTQ+ identity, including increased risk of sexual and physical abuse, neglect, and homelessness (Mallon et al., 2022) and heightened risk of suicidality and self-harm (Grafsky & Gary, 2018). At the school level, transparent communication with students regarding confidentiality and limits of confidentiality is recommended so that students have the opportunity to provide their full consent.
Paired with educating teachers and the school community (Mitton-Kukner et al., 2016; Roberts & Marx, 2018), we recommend that school counselors offer ways to provide support to parents/guardians. Moreover, the findings of the study provide various recommendations for improving school climate and enacting systemic intervention in school policies. Such policies may include addressing dress codes to allow queer students to express themselves in a gender-affirming manner without consequence. Gendered language can also be revised in materials (e.g., handbooks, forms) to acknowledge that not all students subscribe to a gender binary. Further, administrators can adjust class lists to ensure that students may opt to use preferred names, pronouns, restrooms, and locker rooms in the way they feel the most comfortable. Such restrooms and locker rooms may include single-use stalls and rooms to provide LGBTQ+ student safety.
In terms of curriculum, sex education pedagogy should feature age-appropriate modules on sexuality and gender fluidity. Such curriculums should include information to address intersectionality. In particular, lessons on intersectionality can be used to prevent bullying of LGBTQ+ students of color. Inclusive curriculums may also incorporate information and history from people of different identities. Such history can be incorporated into all subjects and be a form of providing students with role models who made a positive impact on society and promoted queer joy (Persaud & Crawley, 2022).
Unfortunately, in the state from which we drew our study participants, current legislative barriers limit how school professionals can integrate content relevant to LGBTQ+ students of color into the curriculum. These policies also limit the resources available to the population (e.g., library resources, sex education/general curriculum changes).
Limitations and Future Directions
Although our study presents valuable findings, it has limitations. First, our focus group only had three participants. Although smaller sample sizes are appropriate for qualitative methods, having additional participants would have allowed for more nuanced perspectives and enriching crosstalk. Due to our small sample size, we did not have access to narratives from individuals who identified as monoracial Black or Native American. Similarly, we had limited accounts of unisexual identities (aside from our one bisexual participant) and did not interview anyone who identified as a transwoman, cisgender male, or genderqueer male.
Our sample is not representative of all LGBTQ+ adolescents of color, who may experience different levels of family support. According to HRC’s (2018) survey, 30% of AAPI LGBTQ+ youth, 72% of Latine LGBTQ+ youth, and 77% of Black and Brown LGBTQ+ youth have heard family members make negative comments against LGBTQ+ people.
Recognizing the diversity within the community of LGBTQ+ people of color, the school counseling profession must comprehend both shared and divergent experiences across racial/ethnic/cultural identities and in terms of sexuality and gender. Counseling interventions that prove effective for some LGBTQ+ youth of color may not be universally applicable, dependent on the intersections of their identities. To address these concerns, future research could employ enhanced recruitment methods to include a more diverse range of participants.
Our study’s expansion is planned to involve conducting additional focus groups and revisiting the current themes. We anticipate discovering new themes that contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the experiences of LGBTQ+ students of color. This iterative process aims to capture a broader spectrum of voices and perspectives, refining our insights into the nuanced challenges and strengths within this diverse demographic.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
