Improving the Efficacy of English Instruction at Qawmi Madrasas (Islamic Seminaries) in Bangladesh

Abstract

This study examined English teaching and learning (Grade 8 level) in Qawmi Madrasa schools, which are not recognized by the Bangladeshi government’s Education Department. The study investigated the improvements needed in Qawmi Madrasas English teaching programs to enable students to secure public university admission and Bangladeshi civil service positions. We conducted ethno-methodological surveys in 2018 with the students, teachers, and principals of eight Qawmi Madrasas in the south-central and southeastern areas of Bangladesh. The study found that the environment in Qawmi Madrasas in the south-central region was not conducive to English learning, in contrast to the situation in the southeastern region. In addition, teacher salaries and other resources were inadequate in the south-central region in comparison to the southeastern region. In the south-central region, the student interviewees commented that classroom resources, that is, English textbooks, should be more effectively implemented. The findings of this research also indicate an urgent need for teacher training in English-language learning in the south-central region to develop teachers’ skills in teaching methodologies and strategies.

Keywords

Islamic seminaries Bangladesh English instruction improving effectiveness Qawmi Madrasas

Introduction

Studies on English education at Qawmi Madrasa Islamic seminaries or schools and the consequent postschooling outcomes (such as quality, standards, and ability to read and write as well as speak) are rare in Bangladesh. In particular, none of the extant studies focus directly on the effectiveness of English teaching and learning in Bangladesh. Little is known thus far about the effectiveness of English teaching in the context of Qawmi schools. However, Madrasas are proliferating rapidly in the education system in Bangladesh. Religious researchers argue that Islam provides guidance not only for worship and devotion but also in its rules for collective existence, ranging from personal affairs to matters of the state. Alia, state-regulated private Madrasas, provide modern general knowledge alongside Islamic education, while Qawmi, independent Madrasas, specialize in religious education.

The religious schools are far from a complete transformation to secular syllabi. Researchers have claimed that the aim of Madrasa education is different from that of modern schools. In this regard, Riaz (2010) argues that the Madrasa, as a concept and an educational institution, has come a long way; that its subjects and outlines have undergone many changes; and that, as an institution, it has mostly remained embedded within society as a whole. Until 1980, mosques and Madrasas were the primary sources of employment for students who had graduated from religious schools. The modernization scheme of 1980 gradually introduced secular subjects, such as English, Bangla, science, and mathematics, alongside topics related to religion and languages in the syllabus of religious schools, particularly Alia Madrasas (Asadullah & Chaudhury, 2010), while Qawmi Madrasas began the process of secularization by introducing the English language in 2012.

The quality of English teaching and learning at Qawmi Madrasas, or Islamic seminaries, is sub-standard and below the expected class levels; thus affecting the competitiveness of students graduating from these seminaries, who find it difficult to access higher education or to find government jobs in Bangladesh.

Previous studies have focused mainly on Qawmi Madrasas through a sociological lens; however, none of the existing research has focused specifically on English-language education at the unrecognized Qawmi Madrasas in Bangladesh. This research focuses on the teaching of secular subjects at religious schools in two regions in Bangladesh.

Global and Contextual Perspectives and Significance

English teaching and learning were adversely affected by the undefined status in English and the vagueness of language policy (M. M. Rahman & Pandian, 2018). During the postliberation decades, the neglect of English teaching led to a severe shortage of English teachers, which has been the chief and most crucial obstacle for the improvement of the English teaching situation (Azam & Kusakabe, 2018).

Students who move on to higher-level study may have more knowledge of mathematics or other subjects. Nevertheless, their education in English remains substandard; thus, they join the advanced education courses unprepared. With the written research documents, textbooks, and world knowledge being mostly in English, most Madrasa students, particularly Qawmi students, do not have access to this knowledge. All these negative impacts contribute greatly to the low level of growth in all national sectors.

The allocation of resources for English teaching in Bangladesh has been one of the lowest in the world (Hamid et al., 2009). Subsequently, the quality of English teaching, particularly in rural Qawmi Madrasa schools, is poor and below the expected standards.

Notably, English-language education has a potential role in shaping 21st-century Bangladeshi society. Since its tumultuous past as the much-hated language of the colonizers, English has emerged as a highly required skill. Since 1971, Bangladesh, as a nation, has undergone a significant transformation that has resulted from globalization due to economic growth. English, which was once a means of exclusion, is now regarded as a means of inclusion (Graddol, 1997). In this regard, Rahman et al. (2019) argue that the significance of English in the world is enormous and that English teaching programs in Bangladesh have become subject to the principal concerns of maintaining economic growth and developing a skilled workforce. The Qawmi syllabi should be overhauled to emphasize subjects that will prepare learners for working life. Hasan (2004) claims that the curriculum is considered the soul of the education system, acting as a signpost for the aims, learning outcomes and objectives of learners. The subject of English, which is neglected at Qawmi Madrasas, could help students achieve safe, secure, and sustainable later educational development and eventually obtain good jobs. Those who pass in Qawmi schools are not highly conversant with subjects that are useful for them, although they are very good ulama. The prime minister of Malaysia, Dr. Mahatir Mohamad, argues that English is a universal language, a language of information and wisdom. To obtain knowledge, students must know English, he further reasons. The Sun newspaper, on December 23, 2018, quoted him as follows: ‘To learn science and medicine, we need to have a good grasp of English’. Regarding Islamic modernism in Pakistan, Zaman (2014) argues that Islamic modernists seek to rethink Islamic norms, reinterpret foundational Islamic texts, and reform particular Muslim institutions, Madrasas, to align them more closely with both the spirit of Islam and the current needs and sensibilities of society. Given the massive changes in the socioeconomic situation in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in recent years, there has been a demand for stronger English as a foreign language (EFL) programs. To that end, Saudi educators and public servants have proposed various solutions (Alotaibi, 2014). From the religious perspective, English is the key means of communicating with the approximately 11 million pilgrims who visit Mecca and Medina every year. Learning English, moreover, is considered a religious imperative because of its importance in teaching Islamic values to non-Arabic speakers and thus participating in spreading the religion (M. M. Rahman & Alhaisoni, 2013). Likewise, Nashruddin (2015) notes that English is needed to communicate Islam to other people around the globe, both Muslims and non-Muslims. Thus, teaching English has become increasingly significant in Islamic education. He further argues that mastering English can foster the critical literacy of learners at Madrasas and prepare highly qualified graduates of future Muslim generations.

English-language education in Bangladesh has been essentialized due to a wide range of perspectives, from educational, social, and economic to political factors, because it is important in the struggle to create an inclusive knowledge-based society. Held et al. (1999) note that specific languages are spreading across increasingly large areas of knowledge and territorial jurisdictions of the world; this spread is most notable in the case of English and has far-reaching consequences. Thus, the study’s research question focuses on Qawmi Madrasa education in Bangladesh and is stated as follows:

What sorts of English teaching programs should be instituted in Qawmi Madrasas, and up to which grade should Qawmi Madrasa learners in Bangladesh learn English in order to secure sustainable educational development and positions within the government?

The perilous condition of English teaching and learning in Bangladesh is presumably owing to the absence of a sound language policy, which has led to the undefined status of English and the subsequent lack of an adequate number of suitable English teachers (Azam & Kusakabe, 2018).

The standard of teaching at Qawmi Madrasas and mainstream educational organizations is not identical. The Qawmi curricula and general knowledge curricula are two different systems with contrasting syllabi and teaching styles. It is arguably necessary to modernize the Qawmi system by adopting a holistic approach combining secular subjects, for example, English, and nonsecular subjects, for instance, Islamic education.

The idea of secularization is that it is the modification of the religious values of society associated with the adoption of nonreligious principles (Asad, 2003). The university, the educational institutions responsible for generating and transmitting knowledge, has been conceived as a vehicle of secularization (Feldman & Newcomb, 1969). Robinson (1996) argues that Muslims might need a wide range of abilities and knowledge to enable learners to be socially useful and to open the reasoning-based academic domain to them. These sorts of experiences are transmitted to new generations of Muslims by scholars and education providers. In this regard, Asad (2003) bases his analysis of the “secularization hypothesis” on a specific reference to the formation of modern nationalism.

Regarding the prospects of obtaining a job in the civil service or admission to a public university, graduates of Qawmi Madrasas are disadvantaged because their education system is not officially recognized. For instance, securing a position in the civil service¹ is highly competitive within Bangladesh’s market economy. Fewer than 1,000 candidates are selected for general cadre positions every year from more than 200,000 applicants across the country. Moreover, English is essential to obtain admission to a public university, for instance, Dhaka University² in Bangladesh, as those who receive access will secure market positions. English skills are a prerequisite in both cases.

Therefore, examining English teaching and learning (Grade 8 level) in Qawmi Madrasas that are not recognized by the Ministry of Education in Bangladesh is the main objective of this article.

Analytical Framework: Nonbinary Adaptive Secularization

The ultimate notion of this research work is the transformation of knowledge between the religious and secular forms of the Qawmi education system. Here, Robinson’s (1996) proposition of secularizing Islamic schools has been encouraged. The positions of Uggla (2017) and Hanegraaff (2000) have facilitated the generation of an analytical framework to study the Qawmi Madrasa education system and the possibility of secularizing the associated institutional mechanisms.

Secularization discourse analysis is relevant to the scholarship of Robinson (2005), Uggla (2017), Hanegraaff (2000), Hall and Gieben (1992), and Asad (2003) because it concerns the relationship between reformation and practices of English education in Islamic seminaries (Qawmi schools). It also provides an approach for examining the contents, reform context, and further recognition of these schools.

Uggla (2017) and Hanegraaff (2000) have primarily facilitated the theoretical framework of the study of religious schools in general and the Qawmi Madrasa education system in particular in Bangladesh. Through modernization efforts, Qawmi Madrasas can arguably be associated with some interlinked values, for instance, reason, self-criticism, scientism, and freedom. Secularization, the transformation of knowledge (Robinson, 1996), should proceed in a nonbinary way (Bano, 2014; Uggla, 2017). If this theory is applied to Qawmi Madrasas, a secularization scheme would be socially functional (Robinson, 1996). Indeed, secularization provides opportunities and mechanisms for enlightenment, and we would like to encapsulate an adaptive analytical framework that has principally been termed “non-binary-adaptive secularization.”

Method

For this study, based on ethno-methodological research, we chose a field site where our research was chiefly carried out. This study employs a qualitative approach with the aim of attaining an in-depth picture of English teaching and learning (Grade 8 level) development in two geographical jurisdictions of Qawmi Madrasas that are not recognized by the Ministry of Education in Bangladesh. Qawmi Madrasa schools located in the southeastern and south-central regions are privately funded under the patronage of the Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board (BEFAQ). The southeastern and south-central regions differ in terms of leadership, human resources, leading-edge facilities, a conducive educational environment, and beliefs, to name but a few differences.

In contrast to the southeastern region, the Qawmi Madrasas located in the south-central region are managed by a principal who is a successor or follower of a spiritual mentor and guide (Peer). In addition, most of the English teachers in the southeastern region have a background in public education, whereas in the schools of the south-central region, the English teachers have experience in Islamic education and are concerned with developing a religious culture. We focused on the stronghold, the Chittagong division (southeastern region), with the aim of understanding the Qawmi Madrasa tradition. We also focused on conducting interviews with noted leaders/scholars of Qawmi Madrasas as well as prominent Islamic thinkers of Alia Madrasas, as they were considered the best advocates of their respective traditions. We kept the social and cultural life of the field site in mind when we formed the research question. Regarding the research ethics, we ensured the protection of the anonymity of the participants in the research. This entailed informing them of the risks of the study, protecting their identities, using a pseudonym and, last but not least, paying close attention to the decisions that we made during the research process (Vanderstaay, 2005). We also made our research goals and objectives clear to the subjects and obtained the consent of the interviewees before starting our research.

Data were assembled from two territorial jurisdictions, the south-central (Barishal) and southeastern (Chittagong) regions of Bangladesh, from September to October 2018. Prefieldwork, fieldwork, and postfieldwork were conducted methodically and sequentially. The literature review (Asad, 2003; Asadullah & Chaudhury, 2010; Bano, 2014; Riaz, 2010) articulated the research question and enabled us to develop semistructured questionnaires for the fieldwork. The research was performed in two stages: obtaining official permission from the deputy commissioner of the related territorial jurisdiction and then visiting the most highly renowned Qawmi Madrasas to conduct purposive surveys and meet with the teachers and principals. The head of each institution, the principal, permitted us to visit specific classes, for example, Grade 8, to collect data. We visited the classrooms, identified individuals who could serve as guides, and volunteered to develop friendly relationships with the students. In total, we interviewed 158 subjects for this research. In the south-central region, we chose six religious schools and 113 respondents, while in the southeastern region, we chose two religious schools and 45 interviewees.

We conducted participatory observation, which is key to ethnographic research. We kept field notes of everyday events, recording them along with the participants’ viewpoints. We participated in many social and religious activities in both regions. The first author took part in Janazah (funeral) prayer in the south-central region. We ate breakfast and lunch with the classes, took photographs, attended prayers and classroom activities, and joined Islamic seminars and Mahfil. We visited the libraries, computer rooms, Madrasa hospitals, and publication and monthly magazine distribution rooms with the head of the institution or with the key persons responsible for those particular tasks. We collected a wide range of information from different agencies through autoethnography. We received personal accounts of family background, educational history, service information, role models and plans of the learners, teachers, and heads of institutions across the two regions of Bangladesh. Autoethnography can be associated with narrative inquiry and autobiography (Marechal, 2010, p. 43). Marechal argues that “narrative inquiry can provoke identification, emotions, feelings, and dialogue” (p.45). According to Bochner and Ellis (2006), an auto-ethnographer is first and foremost a communicator and a storyteller. Autoethnographic writing can serve as a vehicle for thinking about new sociological subjects and forming new social parameters (Clough, 2000, p. 290).

Based on the motivation of the research, in this study, three types of questionnaires were used: questionnaires for students, teachers, and principals. When the data of all three questionnaires were combined, we had gathered a wide variety of information from the respondents about teaching and learning EFL in Qawmi Madrasas. The contents of the questionnaires are pivotal for the present study, as they have a direct relationship to the research questions and objectives. The details of the questionnaires can be found in the analysis section of this article.

In the critical analysis discussion, we use pseudonyms to conceal the interviewees’ identity, for example, Jakir for Rintu or Ripon for Kalam. This applies even to the principals, whose actual characters are hidden, though they seemed to be opinion leaders in the context of Qawmi Madrasas. The rationale is that the socio-politico-economic conditions make the principal highly vulnerable in the Bangladesh context. Likewise, the specific Madrasas remain unnamed in this article.

During our research, we continuously analyzed, interpreted, and learned from our empirical data. In this regard, the analysis involved both careful attention and creative insight into the purpose of our study. We learned a great deal from the field research aimed at answering our research question as we started reading through our field notes and other data. During each observation, the field notes described what the observer thought, saw, and experienced (Gay & Airasian, 2003). After several readings, we started to make notes on the texts and pay attention to tracing connections, and similarities or contrasts. Then, we wrote analytical memoranda about these issues. The interview data were organized on the basis of themes (Karim & Mohamed, 2019). We decided to use only certain parts of the written documents that were closely connected to the research question. We could thus answer this particular question based on our findings.

We concentrated on ethnographic writing, which can include many detailed descriptions presented in narrative form (Fetterman, 2010). Watsan (2000), Rosen (2000), and De Rond (2009) are excellent examples of this type of writing. The purpose of the descriptions is to inform readers about what happened in the field and what particular activities were exciting and worth exploring further.

After completion of the fieldwork, we attempted to develop a critical analytical procedure, which is generally considered to be the understanding of the formation of secularization, by following the argument of Asad (2003, p. 24). The curriculum of Qawmi Madrasas and the insertion of the English language as a secularized subject are the main subjects of critical investigation in this study.

Political Economy of Qawmi Madrasas Education in Bangladesh: Inferences of English Education

At the time of independence in 1971, approximately 1,000 Madrasas were operating in Bangladesh. After one decade, however, the establishment of Madrasas experienced rapid growth, which occurred at a much faster rate than that of mainstream educational institutions (Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics, 2016).

After Grade 8, up to Dawra-e-Hadith (the master’s level), Qawmi Madrasas impart only religious subjects, for example, the Holy Quran, Arabic grammar and syntax, the Hadith, Quran commentary, rhetoric, Urdu, Farsi, and Islamic law and jurisprudence. The focus is on studying the life of the prophet, the history of Islamic life, and Islamic rules and advice. The tendency of this educational system is conservative. Rote learning plays an important part in the process, and the transmission of knowledge tends to be normative. After Grade 8, the learners in Qawmi Madrasas study no secular subjects, while the students in public schools study secular subjects, for instance, English, up to Grade 12 (the higher secondary level). The students in Qawmi schools learn English by focusing on conventional grammar, while the students in public schools study communicative grammar and literature. The Qawmi learners should follow the same course as the public schools up to Grade 12. Despite a few reforms that have taken place in Qawmi Madrasas, there is room for further improvement in the educational system. These reforms and curriculum development can help bridge several gaps between Qawmi Madrasa authorities and policymakers. Educating the next generation of society is an essential part of achieving sustainable development in the developing world. Teachers play a prominent role in the reform of Qawmi schools, and they might be able to develop their professional capacity through collaborating and cooperating with the government.

Public universities in Bangladesh, for example, Dhaka University, conduct admission tests at the undergraduate level every year. Learners who have 200 marks in English at the higher secondary certificate (HSC) level after completing 12 years of schooling with the required grade point average (GPA) are considered eligible for admission to the desired undergraduate course based on written and viva voce examinations. All qualified candidates must take a written test worth 120 marks, with 30 marks in the English subject. Students hailing from general schools and Alia Madrasas are eligible for this admission process at the undergraduate level. However, the learners from Qawmi Madrasas are not eligible for the admission test, as they do not study English subject at the higher secondary level. In addition, the Bangladesh Public Service Commission conducts a Bangladesh Civil Service examination and recruits government officers every year. It accepts secondary school certificates (SSCs) and HSCs as well as undergraduate and graduate certificates. Qawmi graduates cannot take part in this civil service recruitment examination. Their highest degree, Dawra-e-Hadith, is equivalent to a master’s degree in Islamic studies or Arabic, but other levels are not recognized by the Ministry of Education.

Qawmi students graduate but remain unemployed in the standard job market (Bano, 2007). These Qawmi graduates are considered “traditionalists” relative to their “modernist” counterparts (graduates from Alia Madrasas); therefore, the Qawmi Madrasas cannot generate significant feedback in response to the modernization efforts. In addition, these Madrasas should embrace secular subjects, particularly English. They can play an essential role in closing the English learning gap by adding the functional requirement of English and thus secure admission for their students to public universities and qualify them for the competitive examinations offered by the Bangladesh Public Service Commission. The government of Bangladesh, represented by the Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board, has introduced several donor-aided projects aiming to bridge the gap created by the training institutes, for example, teacher training colleges (Chowdhury & Ha, 2008). To make a difference, according to Shohel and Power (2010), necessitates school-based professional support for Bangladeshi teachers to improve their teaching skills. Therefore, the English in Action (EIA) program has been advanced in Bangladesh with the aim of developing the English language proficiency of the people. The project was funded by UK Aid and operated for a decade, from 2008 to 2017 (K. A. Rahman & Rahman, 2012; Seargeant & Erling, 2011).

Table 1.

Number of Qawmi Madrasas, Alia Madrasas, General Schools, Students, and Teachers in BANBEIS (2017).

Type of Madrasa (school)	Number of Madrasas (schools)	Enrolment, boys	Enrolment, girls	Total enrolment	Teachers, male	Teachers, female	Total teachers
Qawmi	26,671	1,058,636	339,616	1,398,252	66,902	6,829	73,731
Alia	9,303	1,102,815	1,350,549	2,453,364	98,849	14,912	113,761
General schools	158,303	15,835,357	16,476,374	32,311,731	1,612,609	484,737	2,097,346

Source. Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics (BANBEIS, 2017).

Table 2.

English Curricula of Qawmi Madrasas, Alia Madrasas, and Public Schools at Grade 8.

Qawmi schools^a	Alia religious schools^b	Public schools^c
1. Word meaning 2. Sentence making 3. Filling in the gaps using the words 4. Comprehension 5. Poetry 6. Paragraph writing 7. Filling in the gaps with appropriate words 8. Letter writing 9. Comprehension	1. Comprehension 2. Filling in the gaps with meaningful words 3. Completing the table with the W/H information 4. Answering true-or-false statements 5. Filling in the gaps using clues. 6. Matching 7. Filling in the gaps with relevant articles 8. Adding suitable suffixes, prefixes, or both by following the root words 9. Changing sentences as directed 10. Using punctuation marks and capital letters 11. Writing a dialogue 12. Writing an e-mail 13. Writing a paragraph and addressing the questions	1. Comprehension 2. Filling in the gaps with appropriate words 3. Completing the table 4. Answering true-or-false statements 5. Filling in the gaps using clues 6. Matching 7. Adding suitable suffixes, prefixes, or both by following the root words 8. Filling in the gaps with appropriate articles 9. Using indirect speech 10. Using punctuation marks and capital letters 11. Writing a dialogue 12. Writing an e-mail 13. Writing a paragraph and answering the questions

Note. BEFAQ = Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board; BMEB = Bangladesh Madrasa Education Board; DSHE = Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education.

The Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board was founded in 1978 and is located at Kazla, Vangapress, Donia, Jatrabari, Dhaka, Bangladesh. The board approves all Qawmi Madrasa school curricula and syllabi from Grade 1 to the master’s level. ^bThe Bangladesh Madrasa Education Board is responsible for forming the Alia Madrasa syllabi at the Dakhil (secondary) and Alim (higher secondary) levels. It is situated in Dhaka, Bangladesh. ^cThe Directorate of Secondary and Higher Education under the Ministry of Education is responsible for improving educational standards and access to education.

Qawmi schools impart 12 subjects, including five secular subjects, for example, English, at Grade 8. From Grade 9 up to Dawra-e-Hadith (master’s level), they teach only religious subjects, for instance, the Holy Quran and the Hadith. Therefore, after Grade 8, no secular subject, particularly English, is learned by Qawmi students, while general school students study English up to the higher secondary level. The learners of public schools study English, which is worth 200 marks, at the secondary and higher secondary levels. We mentioned this subject earlier and in detail in Notes 1 and 2.

In Qawmi Madrasa syllabi, argumentative, creative, and exploratory discourse is lacking. Although the government has not had experts or academics analyze the curriculum, it declared in April 2017 that the Dawra-e-Hadith has the same status as a master’s degree in Islamic studies and Arabic. The decision was political rather than academic (Riaz, 2017).

To gather knowledge and transmit it to a wide audience, English is essential. English (the language of the world) is necessary for graduates to feel at home in the world in which they live and with which they interact (David, 2019). Through this research, we tried to understand the English learning and prospects for the students in terms of higher education, prospective job fields, and communication skills. Though connecting Grade 8 issues to the concerns of qualifying for the civil service may seem to be a leap, Qawmi students need to learn English for the reasons mentioned above.

Qawmi students are limited by not studying English beyond Grade 8. Therefore, to address these issues, the steps that should be taken are mentioned in this study to enable Qawmi Madrasas to overcome the obstacles to their students’ sustainable academic future. According to a news article published on October 26, 2019, in the Bangla Tribune, the national daily newspaper of Bangladesh, Qawmi syllabi will include the history of the war of liberation in Bangladesh. Based on the website of the Ministry of Education in Bangladesh, initiatives have been taken to include subjects ranging from the history of the war of liberation in 1971 to fundamental principles, ethics, morality, and universal human rights in the curricula of Qawmi Madrasas. In information sourced from the National Curriculum and Textbook Board (NCTB, 2019), educators opined that the teachers at Qawmi Madrasas should be jointly trained by the NCTB and the Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board. The NCTB is an autonomous institute under the Ministry of Education in Bangladesh that is responsible for the improvement of curricula and the production and distribution of textbooks at the primary and secondary education levels. The Qawmi Madrasas of Bangladesh arguably follow the syllabi of Darul Uloom Deoband, India. Over the years, the Deobandi school of thought has significantly expanded internationally. The esteemed Madrasa Darul-ulum-Deoband opened a computer department in 1996 and an English-language branch in 2002, reflecting the demands and expectations of the public (Reetz, 2009). New learners can now expect to gain more from their studies than just religious knowledge. They want a degree in subjects, such as English and sciences, that will guarantee them viable career options (Reetz, 2009). Reetz (2009) further argues that the universities have become tools to promote the formation of national elites that remain firmly embedded in Muslim culture. The reform, by incorporating secular subjects, for example, English, into the curriculum, inculcates a wide variety of skills that are esteemed in a modern market economy (Asadullah & Chaudhury, 2010).

Content Analysis of the Curriculum of Qawmi Madrasas: A Comparative Study of English Education in Three Types of Schools

A Qawmi Madrasa involves seven stages of learning. After completing the preprimary grade, students move to the primary level, where they are taught some basic Bangla, English, mathematics, and Islamic history. At the junior secondary level, Grade 8, the learners study Bangla, history, geography, English, mathematics, and Arabic subjects. After this stage, the students move on to the Mutawasita (SSC) level after 10 years of schooling. In this stage, they study Islamic jurisprudence, the Arabic language, Persian literature, the history of the caliphate, recitation, and memorization of Quranic verse and other subjects. Then, they move to the Sanunia Ulya (HSC) level. By then, they should have a sound knowledge of the Holy Quran and its interpretations and have memorized hundreds of Hadith (the traditions attributed to the Prophet Muhammad) and their origins. They also study Islamic law and jurisprudence and the rules and methods of Arabic, Urdu, and Persian dialects. To secure a higher education, a few learners move to the next stages, the Fazeelat (undergraduate), where they study subjects such as the Holy Quran, theology, and philosophy in Arabic and Hadith, and the Taqmeel (master’s) level, where they study Hadith ranging from Bukhari Sharif (a collection of prophetic traditions, or hadith) and Muslim Sharif to Ibn Maja Sarif. Six groups of Hadith have gained canonical status (Robinson, 1996), of which those of Bukhari (d.870) and Muslim (d.875) are the most esteemed.

English Syllabi of Three Types of Schools

Qawmi syllabi teach filling in the gaps using the appropriate words, sentence making, and word meaning, while the public schools and Alia schools teach filling in the gaps with clues; using suitable words with appropriate suffixes, prefixes, or both; changing sentences; turning a passage into indirect speech; using punctuation marks and capital letters; practicing dialogue; e-mail writing; paragraph writing with addressing questions; and other skills. Knowledge of prefixes and suffixes will not only shape vocabulary but make unfamiliar English words and much less intimidating. Suffixes help students compare (i.e., make such comparisons faster) the quality (i.e., enables them to be creative) of a thing, whereas prefixes change the meanings of words (i.e., happy versus unhappy). Derivationally bound morphemes include 386 prefixes and 322 suffixes that help to create new concepts by changing a word’s grammatical category as well as its meaning (Lems et al., 2010). It is necessary to use punctuation precisely in academic writing because it can strengthen the arguments and give the reader an understanding of the meaning of the text and the ideas revealed by an author. Proper punctuation is also an important tool in making written text logical and readable.

In Qawmi English syllabi, matching exercises are absent, while public school learners predominantly practice matching in their English module. Matching exercises provide students with a fun, engaging way to learn. It not only enables them to learn words/objects but also supports their understanding of logic. By using techniques such as inversion and the process of elimination, learners can greatly increase their probability of answering questions correctly. This is an important skill, as it is commonly found in nearly all standardized tests.

Regarding the teaching of dialogue, the aural-to-oral method has arisen as a reaction against the grammar method, or the memorization of rules, as a vehicle for learning a foreign language. Dialogue is intended to enable students to use the patterns of the foreign language in real-life situations. In this situational atmosphere, the learners can express their own emotions and show interest, and in this way, the learning process can become easy and natural and avoid stress. In other words, it will stimulate learners to make further efforts.

Electronic e-mail can be a useful educational tool that can enhance learning in any curriculum. Hassett et al. (1995) argue that as a cost-effective and accessible communication tool, e-mail has a significant impact on communications within and across campuses and has become a vehicle for finding and using informational resources. Students and faculty both reap the benefits of using e-mail because it is the first step to using the internet, the international research and education network that students can navigate by using search tools. Finally, learners are encouraged to learn independently and are rewarded for doing so.

Writing a paragraph implies not only knowledge of various fields but also written expression abilities as well as intellectual qualities. It allows students to treat all kinds of subjects. A paragraph that answers a question is composed of three parts: the question, the answer to the question, and the explanation of the answer. Popescu et al. (2015) state that this type of paragraph can be considered to strengthen an exercise of intelligence. This sort of paragraph writing is not practiced in Qawmi schools; only the public schools and the Alia schools predominantly exercise this genre of writing.

In the Qawmi English syllabi, persuasive, imaginative, investigative, and argumentative discourse is commonly absent. Qawmi students chiefly practice topics ranging from reading comprehension to conventional grammar and paragraph writing to letter writing. In addition to studying Islamic issues, the learners at public schools and Alia Madrasas principally study versatile secular or nonspiritual lessons. Therefore, the Qawmi learners primarily focus on the study of orthodox principles.

English as an Instrument for the Internationalization and Modernization of Qawmi Madrasas

Analyzing the Efficacy of English Instruction at Qawmi Madrasas

Based on the objective and research questions, we secured information from respondents at Qawmi Madrasas in two regions of Bangladesh. Participants in the Qawmi educational system, especially students, teachers, and principals, and their opinions and experiences are the prime sources of the data that enabled us to understand the efficacy of English instruction at Qawmi Madrasas. The ultimate goal of this study was to examine English learning and teaching in the Qawmi Madrasas of Bangladesh. We went through the English syllabi and found problems in them owing to the gaps in English teaching and learning. For example, communicative grammar is entirely absent in the Qawmi schools, and the students practice only conventional grammar. Some interlinked values are also absent from the Qawmi syllabi. We conducted interviews with students on topics such as the school environment, student welfare, class size, second-language (L2) practice, use of modern technology, introduction of English as a secular subject in the curriculum, students’ career prospects, pursuing English in higher education, and the present Qawmi Madrasa curriculum. Regarding the school environment, most religious schools located in the south-central region did not have a modern infrastructure or other fundamental resources.

When we analyzed the students’ perceptions, based on our intensive survey, we found several shortcomings of the present practices of conducting classes. For example, for extralarge classes, the time allocation is too short. Regarding class size and class duration, Rayhan, a student in Grade 8 at a Qawmi Madrasa in the south-central region, said,

In a week, we have an English class for only two days, and the duration is only 30 minutes. We have large classes. Sometimes, in the same room, other students take their course. (Rayhan, personal communication, September 22, 2018)

In prior studies, researchers note that small classes provide ample opportunities for teachers and their students to accomplish the highest level of language achievement. Miller-Whitehead (2003) suggests that small classes are beneficial because they raise teachers’ spirits and decrease disciplinary issues. Taking a similar view, Normore and Ilon (2006) conclude that small classes positively influence the teaching process because they encourage engagement between students and their teacher. This situation allows the students to be more cognitively engaged and offers the teachers ample time to cover all of the material and provide a safe school environment with less student misbehavior. Kasumi (2015) contends that in the long term, classes with a small number of learners tend to be more successful than classes with a large number of students.

On the other hand, students from the southeastern region mentioned different matters regarding their class environment and class duration, such as the following:

We take [our] English class in the morning every day, and the class duration is around one hour. Moreover, we enjoy [a] conducive environment. We have [a] website, Facebook, and monthly magazines through which we learn every day besides [our] class period. Our class size is not large. We have different room[s] for staying and sleeping at night. (Jaynal, personal communication, October 3, 2018)

This explanation shows that students from the southeastern region enjoy a healthier environment and longer class duration than their counterparts in the south-central region.

However, their ages were not identical across the grades; in fact, the age in Grade 8 ranged from 14 to 21. Our study found that in both areas, some students were senior and some were junior across the same class. When students from both regions were asked about this issue, the comments included the following:

We are here in the same class but not . . . the same age as some of our friends are Hafej (have memorized the Holy Quran). They learned the Holy Quran first and then enrolled in the religious school. So our age[s] are not identical across the same grade. (Monowar, personal communication, September 23, 2018)

In addition, we found that children of the same age were at different stages of development across the two regions.

When the students were asked about the problems they faced in learning English, one student, Rakib, aged 16, from the south-central region, said,

I cannot read sentences and understand English. Also, our classroom is tiny. We stay at night [in the same room] where we take a class[es] [in the] daytime. (Rakib, personal communication, September 23, 2018)

The learning atmosphere is associated with students’ mental well-being owing to the dynamics of the learning environment and how students engage with their studies. The classrooms in the religious schools were tiny. Based on the students’ opinions and the English syllabi, we concluded that the Qawmi Madrasa learners predominantly practice conventional grammar across the country. In contrast, the public school learners practice communicative grammar and study literature. Communicative grammar deals with practice, creating opportunities to use language accurately, while traditional grammar deals with explaining rules. According to Moss and Ross-Feldman (2003), any task that requires learners to speak and listen to others entails the use of communication. Activities with communicative purposes are helpful in breaking down barriers, expressing ideas, finding information, and learning about the culture.

Similarly, reproduction, role-play, and task-based communication activities are necessary to support classes in which the communicative language teaching approach is used (Richards & Rodgers, 2014). Abe (2013) claims that group activities, as well as individual discussions, development and presentations, are useful in classrooms where the communicative language teaching approach is applied. Regarding the importance of using appropriate material, Schiffrin (1996) points out that traditional books often provide insufficient content of the target language and fail to give students enough communicative input (as cited in Peacock, 1997).

Regarding the number of subjects in their grade, the students in the Qawmi Madrasas informed us that they had 12 subjects in Grade 8, which led them to feel stressed. Continued stress can decrease pupils’ welfare (Elo et al., 2003) and reduce their success (Schaufeli et al., 2002).

In our study, we found that the Qawmi Madrasa syllabi in both regions were more burdensome than those of general schools, which caused problems such as lack of concentration for both teachers and students. In conversation, Tanvir, a Grade 8 student aged 21 at one of the south-central schools, said,

We are so tired here. We have to wake up around 5 am and be at school at 6 pm for extra lessons. This is a full-day school. Day in and day out, we stay at school. (Tanvir, personal communication, September 24, 2018)

The research revealed that the students wanted to pursue an education in English, as it would give them academic and social privileges. One student stated that his parents wanted him to study at his school because they wanted him to go abroad for higher study.

Students in the south-central region mentioned that they were not getting the chance to learn English through using technology, commenting that

By not using cutting-edge technology, we, the Qawmi Madrasa students, are not getting the scope to learn English. Nevertheless, the students in public schools and Alia Madrasas can keep practising by utilising cutting-edge technology. (Mamun, personal communication, September 25, 2018)

Some interviewees mentioned that the new curriculum and the English syllabus did not meet the modern needs of students. In this regard, Rahman, one of the learners, said, “We study after Grade 8 religious subjects, where the contents are a history of Islam.” Jalal supported Rahman’s opinion and mentioned, “We learn the rules of Islam.” Similarly, Altaf noted, “We are able to learn about the life history of the prophet, history of the war in the Islamic era, Islamic theology and Hadith up to graduate level.” Another student mentioned that

We are unable to pursue higher studies in specialised subjects. We have no chance to get [a] government job. (Syed, personal communication, September 26, 2018)

The learners’ opinions indicated that their religious subjects do not include modernized topics that are conducive to cultivating their reason-based knowledge. Hall and Gieben (1992) argue that a set of interconnected values, for instance, reason, freedom, individualism and secularism, provide both an image of the social and natural world and a suitable way to think about it. Students in Qawmi schools need to encounter world literature. The English language can open the door to such studies, as the knowledge of such literature, thus far, is produced on a large scale in the English language.

Moreover, English is the dominant language of the world knowledge system. Thus, Qawmi learners are disadvantaged in terms of job prospects. They do not study secular subjects after Grade 8, while the students at public schools study secular subjects, for instance, English, up to the higher secondary level and obtain 200 marks for the English subject.

We asked the learners from both regions about their parents’ occupations. One of the learners from the south-central region, Salim, elaborated,

My father is a farmer. We do not have enough land. We cultivate other people’s property in our locality. (Salim, personal communication, September 25, 2018)

In the same vein, according to Jabbar,

My father is a landless farmer. He cultivates leased land in our neighbourhood. (Jabbar, personal communication, September 24, 2018).

Likewise, Baten, Nazrul, Masood, Jual, and Jahangir mentioned that their fathers were local farmers. However, some students said that their parents were laborers. Rabiul expressed,

My father is a labourer. He works on the farm and helps other people. (Rabiul, personal communication, September 25, 2018)

Similarly, Raynal and Mamun mentioned that their parents were laborers. A few students said that their parents were teachers, Imams in local mosques, Moajin, and businessmen. Very few said their parents were abroad.

Students in the southeastern region were also asked about their parents’ occupation. For example, Sohrab expressed,

My father is a businessman. He has a business in the local town. (Sohrab, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Sorar, Zia, Sorod, and Alia also mentioned that their parents were involved in business. In addition, Rahman said,

I love teaching. My father is a schoolteacher. He teaches in a non-government primary school in our upazila. (Rahman, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Likewise, Masud, Sohel, and Shofiq acknowledged that their parents were teachers. A few learners said their parents were government officials. For example, Mohazzem expounded,

My father is a government servant. He works under the government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. (Mohazzem, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Similarly, a few pupils mentioned that their parents were engaged in government jobs, while a small number of learners noted that their parents were living in Saudi Arabia.

A crucial difference was observed between the two regions regarding the occupations of students’ parents. While most parents in the south-central region were farmers, parents in the southeastern region worked in business, teaching, or government service. The language proficiency of students in the south-central region was low, and the socioeconomic condition (rural) of the learners in that region appeared to be a major reason for the low proficiency.

The study results indicated that it was challenging for the students to have the opportunity to use the leading-edge information technology superhighway in Qawmi Madrasas in the south-central region. As mentioned by Jorge et al. (2003), integrating information and communications technology (ICT) tools in teaching can lead to an increase in students’ learning competencies. In both regions, most students enjoyed free food and lodging year-round. Although some reforms have been made in Qawmi schools, improvements have not been systematically applied, due partly to the fractured nature and limited authority of Qawmi Madrasa boards. In their English studies, the students practice mainly traditional grammar, which is inadequate and incomplete. In comparison, their counterparts in public schools practice communicative grammar and are taught communicative language skills. Qawmi graduates do not have extensive experience in subjects that are commonly regarded as critical for participating in the contemporary global economy and knowledge systems (Bano, 2014). The modernization of Qawmi Madrasas can arguably provide students with some interlinked values, ranging from reason, self-criticism, and scientism to intellectual freedom. In both regions, the results indicated that English should be taught up to the graduate level for the sustainable educational development of students.

Analyzing the Teachers’ Understanding

The Qawmi Madrasa teachers are agents who work closely on the syllabi, learning environment, teacher training for L2, critical thinking, teacher salaries, and curriculum change. Most of the interviewees mentioned that Qawmi Madrasas focus firmly on religious subjects. When we tried to analyze the teachers’ understanding of the efficacy of English instruction, we found that secular subjects are poorly treated in teaching, including the syllabi. Therefore, secular subjects, for instance, English and the social sciences, were largely ignored. For example, Taufiq, aged 49, a teacher who had completed his Dawra-e-Hadith (equivalent to master’s level) mentioned the following:

Bangladesh Qawmi Madrasa Education Board articulated that the syllabus ranging from grade one to grade 8 does not have science as a subject. (Taufiq, personal communication, October 3, 2018)

His opinion indicated that science education is entirely ignored. Reiss (2013) argues that the key aim of science education is to enable learners to understand how science is undertaken as well as to learn about its principal contributions to knowledge. More recent aims are for school science education to enable citizens to make informed decisions, to promote democracy, to advance social justice, and to lead sociopolitical action (Reiss, 2007). In this regard, Barbour (1990) reasons that the relationship between science and religion is one of integration.

It is clear that Qawmi learners are separated from certain values, for example, scientism. Sorell (2013) claims that scientism entails placing a high value on natural science in comparison with other branches of learning or culture. Science, modeled on the natural sciences, is the only source of real knowledge (Hutchinson, 2018).

Inadequate teacher training opportunities were another significant finding from the in-depth discussion with teachers. Many teachers said they had not been adequately trained for subject-based teaching in their religious schools or outside them. Fakhrul, aged 59, who had graduated from an Alia Madrasa, mentioned the following:

We had not been trained to teach the secular subjects, for instance, English. Further, we did not receive training ranging from subject-based teaching to professional development training. (Fakhrul, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Teacher training programs are perceived as part of the essential as well as the intellectual content of the profession. By attending such training programs, teachers learn a wide range of important activities through group work and pair work—fundamental concerns of communicative English (Karim & Mohamed, 2019). Hargreaves and Fullan (1992) identify three approaches to teacher development: knowledge and skill development, self-understanding, and ecological change. According to Wallace (1991), professional competence is a continuous process that symbolizes the fulfillment of certain requirements that enable a teacher to function in his or her profession. Effective language teachers (Vadillio, 1999) have not only profound competence in the target language but also personal qualities such as warmth, tolerance, and sensitivity. In this study, we found that Qawmi school teachers do not receive professional development training or any in-service training from the government.

We asked teachers in both regions about their salaries and resources. Teachers from the south-central region were very frustrated about these issues. They mentioned the following points:

In our religious schools, we get [the] minimum salary. Our salary . . . range[s] from 3,000 to 3,500 [Bangladeshi Taka (BDT)] monthly. Besides, we do not get any training. (Imran, personal communication, September 24, 2018)

Given the above statement, it is abundantly clear that the monthly salary of these teachers is unsustainable. Many countries are facing problems of teacher quality (Barbieri et al., 2008; Leigh & Ryan, 2008; Neugebauer, 2015). Potential high pay and the associated benefits are assumed to attract higher quality graduates to teaching and to assist in retaining them. Our findings indicate that teachers in the southeastern region received comparatively better salaries and other resources than those in the south-central region. A teacher of this region, Mohiuddin, aged 71, who graduated with a master’s degree from a Qawmi Madrasa in the southeastern region, commented,

In our religious school, the teachers’ salary and other resources are not so much, but adequate so far. We have [a] website, big library, monthly magazine, and use of leading-edge technology. (Mohiuddin, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

In the Qawmi religious education system, which has the most significant number of students in Bangladesh, the main aim is to teach the students religious subjects.

However, the Alia Madrasa education system provides a unified education with both secular and religious knowledge to produce skilled graduates. In 1987, Alia Madrasas introduced humanities and science subjects into their curriculum.

Many Qawmi Madrasas have expanded their curriculum to compete with other public and private education providers. However, these changes are still not adequate, according to one of the English subject teachers, Basir, aged 64, who stated,

In the syllabus of Qawmi religious schools, they have completed [a] few reforms. However, these are inadequate. This curriculum should be updated to get [a] government job or to secure admission to a public university. (Basir, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Teachers in both regions were asked about the functional requirement of English for securing university admission and qualifying for competitive examinations. In the Qawmi schools, after Grade 8, no secular subject, specifically English, is taught, while general school learners study English up to the higher secondary level, earning 200 marks before obtaining admission to the public university, as mentioned earlier. The civil service of Bangladesh is highly competitive. A candidate who passes the preliminary test is considered to be qualified for the written examination. Out of a total 900 marks, 200 are allocated to English. Given these circumstances, the Qawmi learners are deprived of the opportunity to secure admission to the public university or to qualify for the civil service, as mentioned earlier.

Beyond Grade 8, Qawmi Madrasas do not teach science, social sciences, mathematics, or literature. Only a few Qawmi Madrasas teach Bangla and English up to Grade 8. However, schools in the southeastern region had introduced Bangla literature and English in addition to the regular classes. Without such an enhancement of the curriculum, the current situation will not enable students to obtain civil service jobs or admission to the university, as they learn mainly religious subjects, although other secular subjects are taught at public schools.

The findings reveal that teachers in the southeastern region were more highly qualified than those in the south-central region, with most of the former holding a higher degree, compared with only one third of those in the south-central region. The study’s findings revealed that no teacher had received training in subject-based teaching from government training institutions. Such training provides teachers with new skills and strategies and familiarizes them with communicative activities (Chowdhury & Kabir, 2014). Moreover, it enhances their ability to use cutting-edge technologies and various materials so that they can conduct more participatory and communicative classes. Tajgozari (2016) finds that in Iran, while students prefer a communicative approach to learning English, their teachers tend to favor a more traditional approach. They hold completely different perceptions that can, in practice, have detrimental effects on English teaching pedagogy. In the reflective cycle developed by Wallace (1991), he argues that the continuous process of reflection affects received knowledge in teachers’ classroom practices. He further claims that teachers can reflect what they have learned by participating in training programs. The findings of our study revealed that in-service training with adequate government funding is urgent and necessary for Qawmi Madrasa teachers in both regions to achieve the national objectives of the Bangladeshi educational system. The findings also revealed that secular subjects, for instance, English, are mainly neglected in Qawmi Madrasas, where the educators did not understand the importance of English. Therefore, the reforms undertaken by the religious education boards are far from adequate to meet the present demands of society.

Understanding the Principals’ Positionality

Principals of Qawmi religious schools are considered opinion leaders and contributors to the decision-making process. At the outset, we distributed the questionnaire to the respondents and then interviewed them. We asked them about the English syllabi, the importance of training, the syllabi of the Qawmi Madrasas, national education policies, and learners’ career prospects. Some interviewees in both regions argued that anti-English approaches isolate the citizens of Bangladesh, resulting in a lag in the economic improvement of Bangladeshis. For example, Rafi, principal, aged 64, who had completed his Dawra-e-Hadith, made the following comment:

Muslims in British India believed that if they were well educated and learned English, they would become another religion. Therefore, Muslims in that time frame separated themselves from the scholarship of English. (Rafi, personal communication, October 4, 2018)

Regarding teacher training, most of the principals in both regions contended that their teachers in the Qawmi schools had secured no formal training such as professional development or in-service training. In-service training contributes to teachers’ professional improvement, and its absence obstructs the professional progression of teachers and their actual achievement levels (Eduwen, 2016). This opinion was reflected by Alinur, aged 68, principal from the south-central region, who had completed his Dawra-e-Hadith:

Teachers at public schools have undergone scores of training programmes, for instance, training in English, computers and other subjects. Our teachers are not getting any instruction from the state. (Alinur, personal communication, September 12, 2018)

We found that principals in the southeastern region were more highly qualified than those in the south-central region. Most in the former area held a higher degree, for instance, Dawra-e-Hadith or Ifta (master’s level) from India and Pakistan, respectively, compared with only one in the south-central region who had obtained the same qualification from a local religious institution.

The supreme law of the land, the constitution of Bangladesh, ensures citizens’ fundamental rights, including education and other basic rights. English received priority as a foreign language from the first Education Commission of Bangladesh, formed in 1974.

In the same vein, the most recent National Education Policy, enacted in 2010, stressed English education. A principal from the southeastern region, Muzahid, aged 74, who had completed his Dawra-e-Hadith and Ifta from India, stated,

The secondary-level textbook has been compiled based on the revised curriculum of 2012 following the aims and objectives of National Education Policy 2010. In the era of globalisation, English is one of the most potent tools for pursuing higher studies, using technology and the job market. The curriculum makes it explicit that language learning will be graded and the contents will reflect real-life situations. Our Qawmi Madrasa curriculum should be . . . updated to this end. (Muzahid, personal communication, October 4, 2018).

The findings revealed that teachers did not receive any in-service training, long-term fundamental training, or any other professional development training in either region. Goodwin et al. (2014) establish a relationship between students’ learning and the quality of their teachers and consider teachers the most critical factor in student achievement.

For students to be competitive in the universal market (Nunan, 2003), most countries in Asia have adopted English as an official language or have recognized it as a second language (L2). The most recent National Education Policy of Bangladesh (Ministry of Education, 2012) identified English education as a necessary tool to create a knowledge-based society. Given the significance of this secular subject in both international and local settings, policymakers need to enable the redesign of syllabi, and teachers should receive training, especially in English, to address the existing gaps in Qawmi Madrasas. Researchers have noted that curricular reforms are needed at Qawmi Madrasas (Chowdhury & Kabir, 2014) to orient them more toward jobs and problem solving.

This study argues that graduate skills are required and highly esteemed in a market-based economy. Among the findings is that the inclusion of secular subjects (e.g., the English language) in Qawmi Madrasas could potentially change students’ attitudes toward world affairs and members of different religions and ethnicities. Through this research across two regions in Bangladesh, several main areas were identified for potential improvement in English teaching and learning. These areas include the environment for English learning, the highest grade (Grade 8 level) at which English is taught, the class duration and schedule for English classes, teachers’ salaries and other resources, teacher training, technology, and classroom resources. Through modernization, Qawmi Madrasas can arguably be associated with certain interlinked values, ranging from reason, self-criticism, and scientism to freedom. Secularization, the transformation of knowledge (Robinson, 1996), should proceed with a nonbinary approach (Bano, 2007; Uggla, 2017) in mind. If this theory is applied in Qawmi Madrasas, a secularization scheme would function on a social level (Robinson, 1996). Indeed, there are opportunities to secularize (the effectiveness of English teaching) through enlightening mechanisms, and we wish to encapsulate an adaptive analytical framework that has chiefly been termed “nonbinary adaptive secularization.”

This study covers two regions (Chittagong and Barishal) in Bangladesh. Therefore, it does not cover Bangladesh’s entire Madrasa education landscape. Furthermore, as coeducation is absent in these Qawmi Madrasa schools, only male participants could be interviewed. These possible limitations of the current study could be addressed in future studies targeting female participants.

Concluding Remarks

This study examined the reforms that Qawmi Madrasas in Bangladesh have undertaken and investigated whether their English syllabi met the admission requirements at the undergraduate level of public universities and provided the ability to complete the critical portions of the civil service examination that are administered in English in Bangladesh. Historically, Madrasas have provided religious knowledge for centuries as an essential social institution in Muslim countries. While rich in social significance, Madrasas have often failed to meet the educational needs of modern society (Asadullah & Chaudhury, 2010). Without receiving training in necessary life skills and for different professions, many graduates of Qawmi Madrasas remain employed in sectors outside the boundaries of the market economy. Therefore, secular subjects, especially English, that are relevant to the job market are needed and should be introduced into the curriculum of these religious seminaries up to the expected level.

The students at Qawmi schools study only conventional grammar, while the students at public schools learn communicative grammar and literature. Communicative grammar and literature should be introduced into the Qawmi schools. Through embracing a secular subject, for instance, English, students at Qawmi Madrasas can be connected with certain interlinked values, for example, reason, and scientism.

Our study found that students, teachers, and principals believed that Qawmi Madrasas had a less conducive environment for English learning in the south-central region than in the southeastern region. English class durations and schedules were insufficient in the south-central region compared with the southeast region. Teachers’ salaries and other resources were inadequate in the south-central region, whereas the southeastern region provided better wages and resources.

Students’ ages were not identical across their grades in either region, as students of the same age were at different stages of development. Teacher training for English-language learning was immediately needed in the south-central region. This training is necessary to develop teachers’ skills in teaching methodologies and strategies. New technology was identified in our study as an essential item for learners. Students interviewed in the current study argued that leading-edge technology is pivotal for them to improve their language development. Moreover, students in the south-central region claimed that the resources used in the classroom, such as English textbooks, should be implemented more effectively.

The teachers mentioned that establishing a Qawmi Madrasa Teaching College would be pivotal for professional development in English-language teaching. For effective communicative language teaching and language development, authentic materials, as identified by this research, would be beneficial and should be more frequently implemented in the classroom. Adequate classroom space and a more conducive environment should be provided in the south-central region, while the duration and frequency of English classes should also be increased. Teacher salaries and the quality of teacher training and resources should be improved in the south-central region. Finally, English should be taught up to the graduate level in both regions to address the concerns raised by teachers and students at Qawmi Madrasas. It is hoped that the government of Bangladesh will take the proper academic steps aiming to develop knowledge economy as well as to eradicate these problems and create more effective teaching materials to improve the educational situation of the Qawmi Madrasas in the country.

Implications

Unlike previous studies, our article critically reflects on the prevalent assumptions of the purposes of religious education and their potential relevance for social progress. We also seek to inform religious education policy and practice. Policymakers need to keep in mind the basic difference between teaching English as a subject and implementing English as the medium of instruction (M. M. Rahman et al., 2018). Teachers of other subjects must possess language proficiency to teach the content in English (Zhang, 2017). English is not only a subject but also a medium of teaching. Hence, some of the valuable insights and the associated planning implications provided by this study should be taken seriously by policymakers for English-language policy, the Qawmi Madrasa Education Board, curriculum and material developers, and future English teacher training program developers keeping in mind the overall sustainable education development of the Qawmi Madrasa learners of Bangladesh. Policymakers should also make plans to equip students for working life: knowledge workers. It is necessary to change the timetable and curriculum in Qawmi Madrasas for the safe, secure, and sustainable educational development of the learners. All of these aspects are essential in addressing this issue and proceeding with the necessary commensurate initiatives to remove the inconsistency and inequality that prevail in the Qawmi syllabi. This research shows how Qawmi Madrasa schools could expand their opportunities to create an effective English teaching and learning environment across Bangladesh.

Finally, after the announcement of the prime minister of Bangladesh on April 11, 2017, that the Dawra-e-Hadith certificate would be recognized as equivalent to a master’s degree,³ English should be taught up to the graduate level in both regions to address the concerns raised by teachers and students at Qawmi Madrasas. Otherwise, the characteristic that the quality of [Qawmi] education in no way matches that of mainstream learning will remain unchanged. Individuals from all walks of life will question the standard of both types of degree because even mainstream educational degrees across the country have been undermined by this announcement (Choudhury et al., 2017).

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.

ORCID iD

Azam Md Golam

Notes

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