Abstract
Promoting female learning otherwise known as Girl Child Education continues to engage the attention of policy makers and practitioners in education and development generally; a situation greatly shaped by the myriad of obstacles militating against girl child education. In the current study, we probed the influence of CAMFED’s girl child education support scheme on school enrollment, retention and progression. We applied a reflexive evaluation approach anchored on a concurrent mixed methods research design in the study. Using a multistage sampling procedure, selected respondents were administered a combination of semi-structured questionnaires and in-depth interviews. We analyzed our data using multiple regression and descriptive statistics, supported by content analysis. The findings show that school enrollment and progression of the girl child increased substantially after the introduction of CAMFED’s intervention. However, gender-based perceptions continue to stifle girl child education, in spite of the behavior change component of the intervention scheme. The paper concludes that policy interventions should address the sociocultural bottlenecks inhibiting the education of the girl child if the gains made so far must be sustained. Going forward, studies could focus on measurement of performance as a function of girl child education support schemes beyond the basic level of education.
Introduction
Girl child education the world over is crucial for the socioeconomic transformation and liberation of women from lives of squalor and subservience (Chitando, 2016). Evans-Solomon (2004) views girl child education as any formal education that the girl child receives to enable her acquire knowledge, skills, good habit, values and attitudes relevant for effective and meaningful functioning in society. Values acquired by girls through education allow them to exhibit their talents. Investing in girls’ education has been found to be cost-effective for developing countries aiming to improve their standard of living (Ananga, 2011; Glewwe & Muralidharan, 2016; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015). Studies have also shown that considerable social and welfare benefits accrue from the education of girls including lower fertility and infant mortality rates (Amin et al., 2017; Owusu-Darko, 1996; Shabaya & Konadu-Agyemang, 2004; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015; Spreen & Kweri, 2013), increases in wage earnings (BBC, 2015; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015), and decrease in malnutrition (Sperling & Winthrop, 2015; Spreen & Kweri, 2013). By not educating the girl child to comparable standards like the boy child, it is estimated that low- and middle-income countries lose around 92 billion dollars each year in gross domestic product (Diaw, 2008; Monkman & Hoffman, 2013). Meanwhile, children of educated women have increased chances of going to school and this could produce multiplier benefits for both their families and society, since by educating girls, societies and nations benefit (Monkman & Hoffman, 2013; United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2004; World Bank, 2022).
In reality, fewer females receive formal education compared to males in the developing world (Monkman & Hoffman, 2013; Todaro & Smith, 2009), a situation that impedes economic development and reinforces social inequalities. Consequently, girl child education has become one of the most significant developmental challenges facing sub-Saharan Africa (Alhassan, 2013; Asigri, 2012). This is because the sub-region has very low enrollment and retention rates for girls relative to boys while dropout and absenteeism rates remain higher, even as their achievements and performance continue to decline (BBC, 2015). Although at the global level, enrollment rates are leveling for boys and girls—in fact, two-thirds of all countries have reached gender parity in primary school enrollment (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2022)—completion rates for girls are lower in low-income countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, where 63% of female primary school students complete primary school, compared to 67% of male primary school students (World Bank, 2022).
Like many sub-Saharan African countries, Ghana is confronted with the daunting challenge of promoting girl child education (Alhassan & Odame, 2015). Charged by a constitutional imperative to provide Free, Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) of good quality for all children, girl child education is of essence in this drive. The Government is also committed to attaining goal four (4) of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on education by 2020 (Ministry of Education, 2018). The Education Strategic Plan of the Ministry of Education’s goal 10 is specific to the promotion of girl’s education. Earlier, Ghana was the first country to ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and also sanctioned the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (BBC, 2015). The country’s financial resource commitment to the education sector exceeds the global average and is well beyond the UNESCO target of 6% of GDP (BBC, 2015).
Ghana has made considerable progress in expanding free basic education under the FCUBE program and has subsequently introduced initiatives including the Ghana School Feeding Program(GSFP), capitation grant, free school uniforms, Science, Technology and Mathematics Clinics (STMCs) for girls, the recruitment of regional and district girl child education officers to work with partners and related agencies (National Development Planning Commission, 2005), the elimination of schools under trees, and in the last 4 years, the introduction of the Free Senior High School Policy (Ghana Statistical Service GSS [GSS], 2017). In spite of these interventions targeting a fast-growing school-age population, the education system is still plagued by daunting challenges as the country strives toward achieving the education for all targets as envisaged in the Education Strategic Plan 2018-2030, particularly in the areas of girl child enrollment, retention and progression.
As a mercantilist colonial policy to maintain Northern Ghana as a labor reserve to service the economy of the Colony and Ashanti, education in the north of the country was not encouraged (Aziabah, 2019; Bening, 1990). For example, the first school in the north of the country was instituted by the White Fathers in Navrongo in 1907 whereas the first public (government) schools were established in Tamale and Gambaga in 1909 and 1912 respectively. Later, others were established in Wa (1917), Lawra (1919), Yendi (1922), Salaga (1923) and Bolgatanga (1937) (Graham, 1976). However, a sharp contrast exists in the south which witnessed the establishment of schools as early as the 1800s. For instance, Mfantsipim school, Wesley Girls’ High School and the Presbyterian Training College at Akuapem-Akropong were established in 1876, 1884 and 1848 respectively (Graham, 1976).
To support girl child education in contexts where poverty—that is, living on a per capita income of less than two-thirds of the national average (GSS, 2017), and unable to afford the basic necessities for school, amidst stereotypes against female participation in formal education—is pervasive, the Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED), a Civil Society Organisation, was launched in 1998 in Ghana. Its main objective is to assist girls at the Junior High School level who regularly dropout of school due to their families’ inability to afford basic necessities like school uniforms and text books. CAMFED’s intervention program began in the Garu-Tempane District in 2012. Usually, households that are poor (the poverty rate in the district is about 42.04%) have difficulties financing their children’s education. Inability to pay school fees, procure school uniforms, books and other learning material may constitute an opportunity cost of children to their households (Roithmayr, 2002). The support meets all the direct educational costs for girls, namely; uniforms, shoes, school and examination fees, books, and stationery. Also, a social support system helps to keep girls in school through the recruitment of a trained female mentor who is assigned to every partner school at the expense of CAMFED. The program works with teachers, parents, traditional leaders, and education and health officials to identify and select beneficiary girls on the CAMFED scholarship (Campaign for Female Education [CAMFED], 2010). The key question undergirding our study is thus: How is CAMFED’s intervention scheme in support of girl child education contributing to school enrollment, retention and progression?
Using the Garu-Tempane District which is notorious for high dropout rates and low enrollment rate for girls in Ghana (Asigri, 2012; GSS, 2014), the study examines the effect of CAMFED’s intervention package in support of girl child enrollment, retention and progression. The paper substantively argues that embedding girl child education support in the sociocultural setting of the people is critical to their success and sustenance. The Garu-Tempane District Education Directorate (2014) had earlier revealed that, only 41% of students who were supposed to be at the Junior High School level were in school and that a disproportionate number of those who were not in school were females. Significantly also, the proportion of females at the basic school level (67.6%) in the District drops rapidly as they transition to the secondary level (6.0%) (GSS, 2014). Generally, high absenteeism and low retention (50%) among the girl child characterize the state of girl child education in the District (Garu-Tempane District Education Directorate, 2017).
Limited studies (Adetunde & Akensina, 2008; Asigri, 2012) have examined the issue of girl child education in the study setting. In particular, few scientific studies have examined the effect of girl child support interventions on enrollment, retention and progression in northern Ghana including the Garu-Tempane District. It is against this backdrop that this current study aims to identify and examine, within the framework of empowerment theory, the extent to which girl child support interventions have contributed to enrollment, retention and progression among girls in basic schools in deprived educational settings, using CAMFED’s intervention scheme as a case study.
Definition of Variables
We express our measurement variables of enrollment (gross enrollment), retention and progression in rates and define them among others as follows:
Basic education according to the 2008 Education Act (Act 778) consists of “(a) two years of kindergarten education, (b) six years of primary school education and (c) three years of junior high school education” (Republic of Ghana, 2008, p. 3).
Gross enrollment ratio measures the “number of pupils or students enrolled in a given level of education, regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the official school-age population corresponding to the same level of education. The ratio can exceed 100% due to over-aged and under-aged children who enter school late/early and/or repeat grades” (Ministry of Education, 2013, p. 106). Retention rate“is a proxy measure for school completion, giving the percentage of a cohort who entered a level of education who are then in the final year of that level the appropriate number of years later. It does not account for repeaters” (Ministry of Education, 2013, p. 107). For the basic cycle, it is calculated as enrollment in JHS3 expressed as a percentage of enrollment in P1 based on all schools. Progression rate measures the number of pupils (or students) admitted to a grade of a level of education in a given year, expressed as a percentage of the number of pupils (or students) enrolled in the previous grade of that level of education. In the sections that follow, we elaborate on our theory of application, specify our methodology and offer an analysis of the data obtained through our collection instruments.
Deprived district is one that is poor, where such poverty is measured using multidimensional indicators namely; living conditions (electricity, housing, assets, overcrowding, cooking fuel, water, and toilet facility), education (attendance, attainment, and school lag); and health (insurance coverage and mortality).
A Theory of Empowerment
The concept of empowerment is central in any effort at achieving transformation in social relations and cultural norms. Within the sphere of education, empowerment is critical in narrowing social inequality and enhancing social justice. Ledwith (2011, p. 2) contends that “empowerment is a form of critical education that encourages people to question their reality: this is the basis of collective action and is built on principles of participatory democracy.”Kabeer (2005) examines empowerment in three interrelated dimensions: agency, resources, and achievement. Resources may involve those material and non-material things necessary for the upkeep and development of the person or wellbeing of a group. Agency refers to a person’s ability to make choices plus the capacity to give effect to those choices even in the face of opposition. For the effective exercise of agency, awareness of the immediate circumstances, desire for change and the resources to effect the change are necessary. Thus, a combination of resources and agency makes achievement possible. Achievement refers to the potential to live one’s desired life. In relation to girl child education, achievement as the ultimate outcome of girl child education requires enhancing her abilities (agency) through increasing her access to resources (Kabeer, 2005). Within this framework, we analyze the girl child intervention support offered by CAMFED to determine how such intervention support empowers the girl child with respect to developing her abilities as a result of increased access to resources.
The needs of women (girls) are grouped into two; practical interests/effective agency and strategic interest/transformative agency (Kabeer, 2005; Mosedale, 2005). Practical interest refers to roles ascribed to women due to their sex and respond to their immediate practical needs, and are enacted by females themselves (Boyd, 2002; Moser & Moser, 2005; Walter, 2011). When girls’ practical interests are met, they are only helped to exercise their gender allotted roles more easily, activating their effective agency (Kabeer, 2005, p. 15; Mosedale, 2005, p. 248). Strategic interest/transformative agency deals with girls’ subordination or restrictions in a given society and demands shaping women’s or girls’ struggles (Boyd, 2002; Moser & Moser, 2005; Walter, 2011). The strategic gender needs/transformative agency should thus constitute the focal point of any development initiative seeking to empower women and girls, and challenge institutional restrictions that impede their potential for self-realization.
The goals of girl child education are closely linked to empowerment which is one of the key approaches to tackling challenges of human rights and development in society (Tembon & Fort, 2008; World Bank, 2001). The World Bank (2022) contends that girls’ education goes beyond getting girls into school. It is also about ensuring that girls learn and feel safe while in school; have the opportunity to complete all levels of education, acquiring the knowledge and skills to compete in the labor market; gain socio-emotional and life skills necessary to navigate and adapt to a changing world; make decisions about their own lives; and contribute to their communities and the world. The theory of change in this respect is that, as more girls are empowered, the more communities will be changed through them. That is, an educated mother will have the potential to disrupt the undesirable cycle of poverty and ignorance in her social setting (Kanyoro, 2007; World Bank, 2022). Girl child education thus, in the light of empowerment, goes beyond the girl child per se to encompass the broader society. The skills acquired by girls in school create pathways to enhanced employment and health outcomes as they are socialized in competencies that enable them to communicate, engage and negotiate in a bureaucratic world (Sperling & Winthrop, 2015). Building the capacity to critically scrutinize oneself and one’s community via formal education offer girls the ability to recognize inequality and strive toward social justice (Murphy-Graham, 2012). However, viewed from the African perspective, promoting girl child education in traditional Ghanaian society could create an empowered girl who feels powerless due to impediments that may obstruct her reintegration in to such social settings, the consequences being her inability to realize other social aspirations such as marriage, family life and social recognition. Thus, to enable communities to navigate the hurdles of social change, promoting female education should be approached progressively through embedding the processes of change in the culture and traditions of the communities concerned. In this regard, girl child education should not simply be construed as a western phenomenon, but as part of the transformational changes in values, norms and behavior that come with the evolving nature of society and development.
For the kind of education that empowers the girl child to be realized, it requires among others: textbooks and learning materials policy that reflect gender equality (O’Neil et al., 2015; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015); demonstration and teaching of gender equality by teachers; accessibility of the girl child to female mentors and role models; strengthening of girls’ decision-making and negotiation skills; and the creation of opportunities for developing their leadership skills (Sperling & Winthrop, 2015). Empowerment theory thus offers an appropriate framework to analyze CAMFED’s school intervention programs aimed at effectuating positive outcomes for girl child education in the Garu-Tempani District.
Significance of Girl Child Education
A number of studies have found that investing in girls’ education is a cost-effective strategy for developing countries aiming to improve their standard of living (Ananga, 2011; Glewwe & Muralidharan, 2016; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015). Considerable social and welfare benefits accrue from the education of girls including lower fertility and infant mortality rates (Amin et al., 2017; Owusu-Darko, 1996; Shabaya & Konadu-Agyemang, 2004; Sperling & Winthrop, 2015; Spreen & Kweri, 2013). Investigating maternal education and child survival in Ghana, Owusu-Darko (1996) discovered that the higher the education level of the mother, the better the survival rate of her children. The mother’s level of education has equally been established to directly affect economic output and the level of her daughters’ education (Swainson, 1995). Also, girls’ education has been found to reduce hunger. A cross country analysis of 63 countries for instance revealed that improvements in female education led to 43% decrease in malnutrition (Atta, 2015). A BBC (2015) study has also shown that every additional year of formal education of the girl child raises her wages by 20%, while overall dividends on primary education were relatively higher in favor of girls than for boys. Meanwhile, low and middle income countries lose around 92 billion dollars annually due to non-education of girls to standards comparable to those for boys (Diaw, 2008).
The significance of girls’ education in developing countries cannot be overemphasized. From a broader perspective, supporting girls’ education has proven to bear positive implications for other measures of development (Shabaya & Konadu-Agyemang, 2004; United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2004). Educated women possess the skills and capabilities to raise their earning potential, which is vital for the wellbeing of the many female-headed households in developing countries. In countries where poverty levels are high, improving girls’ education has positive impact on economic growth (Dollar & Gatti, 1999). Educating girls and women has a positive impact on levels of agricultural and industrial productivity. Therefore, it is not surprising that countries that record higher levels of girls’ enrollment in school also record higher levels of economic productivity, lower fertility, lower infant and maternal mortality, and longer life expectancy than countries that miss out on high enrollment levels for girls (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2004). A United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) analysis of household data for 55 countries in 2004 disclosed that children of educated women had an increased chance of going to school, and the more schooling the women had obtained the more likely it was that their children will benefit from education, thus distributing the multiplying benefits for both themselves and society (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2004).
An additional benefit accruing from the promotion of the education of girls and women is to be seen in the changes occasioned in household behavior and practice (Ridley & Bista, 2004). For instance, enhanced sustenance of children has been stablished to be strongly associated with increased levels of education and earnings of the mother than of the father (Ridley & Bista, 2004). This is a crucial observation for women and girls who possess fewer resources at the household level compared to men and boys due to their diminished influence over decision-making in the heterosexual household. By consciously increasing women’s share of cash income in the household therefore, an increase in their share of household resource allocation to health, education and general household consumption are assured. It must however, be acknowledged that social and economic inequities in underdeveloped settings cannot just be solved by education alone; but that education can play an important part in this. Building in girls the capacity to recognize inequity and strive toward social justice is critical, but this kind of personal agency needs to be acknowledged within the context of the broader social and economic structure in underdeveloped settings.
Study Area and Design
The study area is Garu-Tempane District in the Upper East Region of Ghana. Prior to 2021, the District had a total population of 130,003 representing 1.2% of the region’s population at the time of the study. This has now increased to a combined figure of 158,767 following the division of the district into two (Garu District—71,774; Tempane District—86,993), representing 12.2% of the region’s total population (GSS, 2021, p. 64–65). Females account for 52.3% of the District’s mainly rural (95%) population. In respect of the population aged 11 years and above, 39.6% are literate whereas 60.4% are non-literate (GSS, 2013). The share of females at the basic school level is higher at 67.6% but decreases sharply to 6.0% as they ascend the educational ladder to the secondary level (GSS, 2014). The share of literate males is 50.1 %. With respect to the population aged 3 years and above, 42.6% are currently attending school, 7.4% have attended school in the past and 50.0% have never attended school. The share of the population with basic education is 15.8%. Females (aged 20–24) marry early and so the expectation is that school retention for girls will be lower compared to boys. The population of married females with no education is 88.7%. Cultural practices which relegate girls to practical interest roles such as being in the kitchen, and perceptions of women as only good for marriage and therefore not worthy of investments because such investments will only yield benefits for their husbands and not the home of their parents deprive girls the right to formal education (Alhassan, 2013; GSS, 2014). The Garu-Tempane District thus provides a suitable context for examining the effectiveness of girl child education interventions. In this regard, an evaluative study, employing a quasi-experimental design through a combination of reflexive and constructed controls, and anchored on a concurrent mixed methods design are applied in this paper.
Materials and Methods
The study employed a mixed methods design—specifically, the concurrent mixed methods design—in which both qualitative and quantitative data were collected. The qualitative data provided deep insight and meaning into the quantitative data. Female students in Junior High Schools (JHS 1–3), Head teachers, CAMFED’s Program Coordinators, Teacher-mentors, Parents, District Education Office focal persons from the Garu-Tempane District formed the target population fothis investigation. A multistage sampling procedure enabled the identification and selection of respondents at the school level. The first stage of the sampling procedure involved stratifying the schools into beneficiary and non-beneficiary schools. Beneficiary schools refer to schools whose pupils were supported by the CAMFED’s intervention program while non-beneficiary schools are schools that did not have pupils under the CAMFED’s support. Simple random sampling was then applied in the second stage to select two beneficiary (out of 11 beneficiary schools) and two non-beneficiary (out of 34 non-beneficiary schools) schools. The 11 beneficiary schools had a beneficiary girl population of 314 in the District while the overall girl child population (JHS 1–3) in the District was2,802 (Garu-Tempane District Education Directorate, 2017). By applying Miller and Brewer’s (2003) formula for sample size determination namely,
where n = sample size; N = sample frame and e = error or significance level, the sample size for girls was computed as follows:
Given that N = 2802% and e = 5% = 0.05. Then,
Through proportionate sampling, we distributed the sample size among the four selected schools. The details of the distribution are presented in Table 1. Using the list of girls in each of the schools included in the study, systematic sampling enabled the selection of every fourth girl child in each school. Head teachers and teacher-mentors of the sampled basic schools were purposively selected due to their special knowledge of the CAMFED program. Head teachers in basic schools perform both academic and administrative roles and therefore possess the knowledge and have access to information on pupils’ retention and progression rates. Teacher-mentors also produce reports for CAMFED on their activity outcomes coupled with their role as program committee members at the school level. Additionally, CAMFED Program Officials, District Education/Assembly focal persons who are considered to have in-depth knowledge on CAMFED’s program activities and its effects were purposively selected.
Sample Size Distribution.
Source. Authors’ computation.
Forty parents, comprising 20 girl child beneficiary parents and 20 girl child non-beneficiary parents were also selected for the study. Systematic sampling was applied such that every ninth girl child in each school was used to select the corresponding parent for interview. Parents form part of the stakeholders in CAMFED support programs and hence their views are considered critical to understanding the impact of the interventions. In all, 175 beneficiary girls, 175 non-beneficiary girls, two head teachers, two teacher-mentors, 40 parents, two CAMFED Program Officials, one District Education Officer and an Assembly Member formed the total sample size of 398 for the investigation. Female students (both beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries and their parents) were administered semi-structured questionnaires while the rest of the respondents were interviewed as key participants. Cross-tabulations and Chi-square tests were used to analyze the quantitative data while thematic analysis was applied to the qualitative data.
Results and Discussion
Demographic Characteristics
The demographic information on beneficiary and non-beneficiary students is presented in Table 2 below. The data shows that students come from large family sizes (about 71% had at least four siblings), majority of the parents are unemployed (both beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries) and live on subsistence farming. A sizeable proportion of parents (61%) of beneficiary girl children were married while a significant (75%) proportion of parents of non-beneficiary children were separated parents. About 74% of parents of non-beneficiary girl children were divorced. These revelations raise questions about the selection criteria for beneficiaries of CAMFED’s support packages. This is hinged on the believe that female students coming from strained family backgrounds (separated or divorced) may be penurious compared to those coming from married family backgrounds. CAMFED employs beneficiary selection criteria that privileges brilliance (measured by scoring high marks in school) over need, and this may likely have sieved off students who are needy but may not be performing well because of the effect of a separated/divorced family background. A review of the selection criteria that prioritizes “need” could cure this disproportionality in access.
Demographic Characteristics.
Source. Field survey 2019.
The educational level of parents and guardians was found to be generally low. Half (50%) of the parents (beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries) had no formal education. Dolan et al. (2014) found that parents’ level of education had an influence on the education of the girl child. Our interviews with parents showed that in spite of their low level of education, they are striving to educate their children. A parent averred: “I have not been to school, however, I can see the benefits of education. These days if you are not educated you will find it difficult to cope in all areas of life. As a result, most parents including me, are making all the necessary efforts to educate our children including the girl child” (Interview with parent respondent III, April 12, 2019).
The foregoing is indicative that the significance of education for children of both sexes are multiple, and this is not lost on parents as many are taking steps to ensure their children get educated.
Girl Child Enrollment, Retention and Progression
Examining the trend in girls’ enrollment, retention and progression in basic schools in the District is a core objective of this study. A careful scrutiny of these access indicators is critical in determining the effect of the support interventions offered by CAMFED. Table 3 presents enrollment statistics of the four sampled schools from 2013 to 2018. Results from the table reveal increases in enrollment of the girl child at the JHS level for the selected beneficiary schools since the introduction of the CAMFED support scheme in 2016. The interest here is on female gross enrollment which refers to the total number of students (females) registered in, and attending a particular level of the education system regardless of age. Prior to the support scheme, girl child enrollment into JHS 1 for the selected schools showed a chequered trend, rising from 197 in 2013 to 213 (8.1%) in 2014 and then sharply declining to 111 (−47%) in 2015. However, since the scheme’s commencement, enrollment figures for JHS 1 have shot up rapidly, rising to 331 (198.2%) in 2016 from the preceding year’s figure of 111. This further rose to 432 (30.5%) in 2017 and then to 502 (16.2%) in 2018. In fact, whereas prior to the intervention, boys outnumbered females in enrollment at the JHS level, the picture changed in 2017 with the females outnumbering their male counterparts in enrollment as can be seen from the enrollment data for JHS 1 in Table 3.
Enrollment for the Period 2013 to 2018.
Source. Four sampled schools, April 2019.
An analysis of students’ retention rate shows that not only are the females staying in school but that there is a concomitant increase as they move from one grade to the next higher grade. Using 2016 enrollment as base year figures (CAMFED school intervention program commenced in 2016), we determine the retention rate to be 153.8%. We compute the retention rate from Table 3 above as follows: the number of students enrolled in JHS3 in 2018 expressed as a percentage of JHS1 enrollment in 2016. The retention rate signals that as females progress, their numbers increase. This abnormal increase is explained by an interview participant as follows: “As a result of CAMFED’s intervention, many parents and families caused their wards to be transferred to CAMFED supported schools thus swelling up their numbers” (Interview with Head Teacher, 2019). Progression rates were also found to be above 100%. For instance, the progression rate from JHS1 to JHS2 in 2017 is 117.5%, and that for JHS2 to JHS3 in 2018 is 130.8%. The rising progression rates are supported by the views of two head teachers, namely; that parents who have relations in cities and towns outside the district, and had sent their children there for better education started to withdraw them from the city so they could come back home and benefit from CAMFED’s girl child support package.
Stakeholders generally attributed the increase in enrollment to CAMFED’s intervention scheme in the District, a view consistent with that of Kwapong (2009) and Kanyoro (2007) who found a positive relationship between girl child education support and enrollment of the girl child. An interview participant observed as follows: “The fact that the girl child is provided support with shoes, uniforms, school and exam fees, books, and stationery have encouraged parents to ensure that their girl children do not dropout out of school. This has helped to increase the enrollment of the girl child in school compared to the situation before the introduction of the intervention in the District” (Interview with Head Teacher, April 17, 2019). Another interview participant, commenting on the effect of the social support of the female mentor on girl child enrollment and progression noted: “CAMFED helps to keep girls in school by providing them with the social support of a trained female mentor in every partner school. The female mentor is available for the students to share their intimate problems with her for counseling and support. The female mentor also serves as an inspiration to the girl child” (Interview with Teacher-mentor I, April 18, 2019). The CAMFED approach which involves working with all stakeholders who matter in girl child education has ensured the creation of the requisite environment at school, the home and the community for girl child education. The teacher-mentor explains further: “CAMFED works with teachers, traditional leaders, parents and health and education officials with the aim of increasing retention and progression in schools. This approach has exposed all the actors involved to what is required of all at the various levels—school, home and community—to enhance girl chid education” (Interview with Teacher-mentor II, April 18, 2019).
A beneficiary girl child had this say on the effect of the support on her education: “We the beneficiaries are the envy in our schools and communities. Many of our colleagues are striving to be like us. As a result, we work hard to ensure that we are continuously on the program. Through the education and counseling provided by the program, we have also come to realize the benefits of education for our future. As a result, we now take education more seriously” (Interview with beneficiary girl child I, April 15, 2019).
Another girl child commented on the effect of the program on their parents’ attitudes toward education which has helped to achieve the high enrollment and progression: “Our parents are now eager that we don’t fall out of the program. They no longer ask us to stay at home and help with chores, rather they ensure that we go to school every day. Besides, their focus is gradually shifting away from giving us out for marriage” (Interview with beneficiary girl child V, April 15, 2019). Reinforcing the motivation to go to school, an Assembly Man noted: “They have no excuse not to go to school and to do well to move to the next class. They are provided with sandals, uniforms, books among others. They consider themselves privileged to get this support and will do well to make our schools and parents and communities proud” (Interview with Assembly Member, May 7, 2019). A parent recounted the benefits of school enrollment of the girl child in his community in the following narrative: “The incidence of social vices and concomitant teenage pregnancy have reduced significantly in my community, thanks to the support that has served as a motivation for the girl child to go to school as well as encouraging parents to send their female children to school” (Interview with beneficiary girl child Parent I, April 25, 2019). This preceding finding aligns with what Jukes et al. (2008) identified to be reduced social vices and risks for HIV susceptibility and unsafe sex if girl children are kept in school. CAMFED’s support in many intervention areas has reduced social vices (Tumbo & Mutelo, 2010) while bringing about enormous changes to the lives of girls and their families, communities and regions (Mak et al., 2010).
Influence of CAMFED’s Intervention on Sociocultural and Institutional Factors Affecting Girl Child Education
This section examines the influence of CAMFED’s intervention on the institutional and sociocultural factors shaping girl child education in the Garu-Tempane District from the perspectives of all the actors involved in girl child education. Table 4 presents the perspectives of both beneficiary and non-beneficiary girl children on the influence of CAMPFED’s interventions on customs and traditions in relation to the formal education of the girl child. It is observed that there are significant positive changes in attitude (from two respondents who, prior to the intervention, held the view that both girls and boys be given equal opportunity to formal education to 79 respondents now agreeing to same after the intervention) after the support kicked in. Major changes are equally observed in the views of respondents who initially believed in limiting the girl child to the kitchen and marriage responsibilities. A beneficiary girl child revealed: “Before the coming of CAMFED, my parents got me convinced I was only useful for the kitchen and marriage, but after CAMFED intervened, their views have changed and so are mine, and now they always want me to be in school” (Interview with beneficiary girl child X, April 17, 2019). Another girl said that, “My parents are very happy with the support. They now always want me to be in school like my male siblings” (Interview with beneficiary girl child XV, April 17, 2019).
Influence of Customs and Traditions on Formal Education of the Girl Child.
Source. Field survey 2019.
However, with respect to financing girl child education at the JHS level, no changes are observed in the views of beneficiary girls before and after the intervention. In like manner, the view that vocational training is the preserve of girls still lingers on very strongly even among beneficiary girls in the study area with 20 girl child respondents holding on to this view before and after the intervention. However, the influence of CAMFED’s intervention on perceptions such as “girls perform more household chores than boys” and “boys are seen as superior to girls” were insignificant. This brings in to question, the efficacy of CAMFED’s intervention in addressing the strategic gender needs/transformative agency of women revolving around their subordination and restriction (Boyd, 2002; Moser & Moser, 2005; Walter, 2011), shaped by sociocultural and institutional structures.
An opinion leader commented on the influence of CAMFED’s intervention on sociocultural factors affecting girl child education as follows: “I will say the intervention has made some progress even though a lot still needs to be done. This is because, it takes time to achieve changes in mind-sets of people. I am convinced that the seed that has been sown will yield bountiful fruits in the future” (Interview with Assembly Member, May 7, 2019).
The influence of CAMFED’s support initiatives on teachers’ approach to gender-based teaching and learning presented in Table 5 above shows that respondents who indicate that they were given equal opportunity to participate in classroom activities such as asking and answering questions rose from 78 to 156 after the introduction of the program. Institutional structures/school related factors which exhibit biases against girls’ education actually affect the education of the girl child (Acquaye, 2021; Akinyi & Musani, 2015; Ocho, 2005). In the instant case, the decline in exhibition of bias by teachers toward females in class is impacting positively on their learning experiences.
Influence on Teachers’ Approach to Gender Based Teaching and Learning.
Source. Field survey 2019.
Conclusion and Recommendations
We set out to investigate the influence of CAMFED’s empowerment approach on girl child enrollment, retention and progression in a deprived district—a district deficient in the basic requirements to enable teaching and learning proceed uninterrupted—in Ghana. We also examined sociocultural and institutional impediments to girl child education in the district. CAMFED supports girls who routinely dropout of school due mainly to poverty and deprivation by absorbing all the direct educational costs for girls, including uniforms, sandals, school and examination fees, books and stationery. This is augmented by the provision of trained female mentors as social support for all partner schools in the intervention program.
Our results show that the intervention targets female children from predominantly deprived families, majority of whom are engaged in subsistence farming, and are largely illiterate. But, we also note that children from separated/divorced family backgrounds are not prioritized in the intervention scheme. Nevertheless, we observed a rapid increase in gross enrollment of the girl child at the JHS level for the selected beneficiary schools beginning in 2016, and then a steady rise thereafter. An analysis of students’ retention rates indicates that females are not only staying in school but that there is a concomitant increase in their numbers as they move from one grade to the next higher grade. Our content analysis reveals this concomitant increase alongside retention is due mainly to transfer of students from other schools to CAMFED intervention schools at the request of students’ parents. This is to enable such transferred students benefit from CAMFED’s support. Progression rates show similar trends of improvements. For instance, the progression rate from JHS1 to JHS2 in 2017 is 117.5%, and that for JHS2 to JHS3 in 2018 is 130.8%. Our results thus support the efficacy of incentive packages in improving girl child enrollment, retention and progression at school (Kanyoro, 2007; Kwapong, 2009; Mak et al., 2010; Jukes et al., 2008; Tumbo & Mutelo, 2010). But we also note that there may be social costs such as failure to reintegrate, lack of family life, and social recognition on the part of the girl child, if these interventions are not embedded in the values, traditions and practices of Ghanaian communities.
With respect to the influence of CAMPFED’s intervention on customs and traditions in relation to the formal education of the girl child, we observed positive changes in attitudes of teachers in respect of equal treatment for both boys and girls, after the support kicked in. We also observed major changes in the views of parents and girl child respondents who initially believed in limiting the girl child to the kitchen and marriage responsibilities. Given that institutional structures and cultural practices are relatively stable and enduring, a rapid change is not expected in the short term. Sustained education, campaigns and advocacy may be required to eventually bring about the desired change. With respect to financing education of the girl child, and restricting girls to vocational training, we observed ambivalence in attitudes of respondents. This calls for intensified education and engagement of communities and families by schools and districts with the support of CAMFED.
Given that the lack of female teachers as role models Lake et al. (2015) functions as an institutional context factor limiting girl child education, the use of female role models in CAMFED’s intervention programs has greatly influenced teachers’ adoption of gender-based approaches to teaching and learning. This has been bolstered by CAMFED’s participatory approach to its program implementation which nests all relevant actors at the community (chiefs, religious leaders, assembly members) and institutional (teachers, school administrators and policy makers) levels in its actor engagement configuration. As noted by Pawson (2003), there is now consensus on the role of context in the outcomes of programs. That is, the outcomes of programs are not only dependent on the program theory or theory of change but largely on its context, which is the central argument of realist evaluation (Monkman, 2011).
We conclude by noting that girl child education interventions should address the sociocultural bottlenecks inhibiting the education of the girl child if they must produce sustainable gains. This could be achieved through active engagement with all relevant actors at the operational level to identify and capture the contextual factors shaping behavior and attitudes in the design and implementation of program interventions. CAMFED’S beneficiary selection criteria should be reviewed to prioritize access for girl children coming from separated/divorced homes. Whereas the findings of this study reveal the effectiveness of CAMFED’s intervention in creating an environment supportive of the enhanced enrollment and progression of the girl child at the basic level, its effect on final outcomes such as improved health and academic performance have not been explored. Thus, further research could focus on these areas to ascertain CAMFED’s program impacts on quality and physical indicators of education in intervention districts.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful to the District Directorate of Education, Ghana Education Service, Garu-Tempane District, for so generously giving off their time, information and hospitality. Special appreciation also goes to the CAMFED Field Office in the Garu-Tempane District for their cooperation and encouragement during the entire data collection period. We could not have accomplished this arduous task without the cooperation of heads of basic schools in the study district. To all head teachers, and female teacher-mentors, we owe you a debt of gratitude. To the Assembly Members and parents/guardians who ably represented their electoral areas and families respectively, in sharing their thoughts and time with the research team, we are appreciative for your efforts. And finally, to our enthusiastic girl-child participants whose insightful perspectives shaped this study in many significant ways, we thank you all and wish you great success in your educational journey.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethics Statement
The research protocols which involved human participants were reviewed and approved by the ethics committee, University for Development Studies, Tamale. The participants either provided their written or oral informed consent to participate in this study. No ethics approval number is applicable in this study.
