Becoming a Self-reliant Elder: Fading Intergenerational Reciprocity and Pursuing Active Aging among Middle-class Seniors in Urban China

The Reluctance of Caring for Grandchildren

As depicted in many previous studies, it has almost become a new norm for Chinese elders to take up the responsibility of grandchild care (Zhang, 2020; Chen & Liu, 2012; Cong & Silverstein, 2012; Xiao, 2014). This was clearly reflected in our interviews. When asked what people usually do after retirement, our respondents immediately raised the idea of attending to the needs of adult children’s families. Many of them pointedly commented, “What else can you do [when you retire] at such an early age?” Interestingly, regardless of whether they were grandparents or not, our respondents usually described grandchild care duty as a “trouble” or “burden.” Some of them also confessed that they were reluctant to act as a caregiver for the benefit of the whole family. Oftentimes, they emphasized their pursuit of aging independently, which meant reducing participation in caregiving for their children’s families.

Mrs. Ping, a retired engineer who used to work in a foreign company, has been living separately from her husband and now shares an apartment with her 27-year-old son. She depicted a frosty image of her relationship with her family. Her son was usually occupied with video games in his room and rarely spoke with Mrs. Ping. Indeed, she usually plays badminton alone with her fellow choir members. Once, she managed to persuade her son to join her. Although Mrs. Ping was apparently overjoyed with her son’s participation, her son seemed impatient and barely spoke with Mrs. Ping’s friends. Later, when we asked about Mrs. Ping’s retirement life, her son could not think of anything except housework.

Mrs. Ping has longed for her son to get married and have a child. However, her attitude toward grandchildren changed after she heard about some friends’ post-retirement life. According to Mrs. Ping, once those friends became grandparents, their roles shifted from “selves” to “grandparents,” and their daily life has been contained within the domestic sphere, which echoed many researchers’ observations (Zhang, 2020; Xiao, 2014). Mrs. Ping used to expect to become a caregiver as that was what people her age were supposed to do. After witnessing her colleagues’ experiences, however, Mrs. Ping started to rethink her expectations. She would not be able to bear life without abundant social activities such as attending the chorus. She is also dreadful about being devalued as a sole caregiver, even though she understands that people of her age mostly spend time providing grandchild care.

Concerns about role transition and self-worth erosion did not occur to just Mrs. Ping. Chorus members in their early sixties frequently mentioned their demand for independence and opportunities to live as “me,” not as “someone’s grandparent.”

It doesn’t matter how nice the house you buy for your parents is. What parents care about is living independently and freely. (Mr. Kuang)

The younger generation shouldn’t rely heavily on their parents. We are getting old and need independent space to relax. So I asked my son not to live with me. And I won’t take care of his child in the future.

(Mrs. Bing)

As reflected in these accounts, although widely recognized, the elders we interviewed no longer consider grandchild care as an inevitable component of their aging life. Admittedly, this view sometimes puts these elders into an awkward position. Female workers usually retire at the age of 55, which makes them ideal candidates for grandchild care. Ms. Fang, who used to be a professional, often quarrels with her daughter about who should take care of her grandchild and how. Ms. Fang believes that her parenting duties should have ended when her daughter grew up, and decisions about how to spend her retirement life should be up to her own desires. In her view, grandchild care should not become an inevitable component, but extra assistance to relieve her daughter’s child-caring burden. However, Ms. Fang’s view is challenged by some of her neighbors, who believe that it is a moral obligation for older people to take care of grandchildren. Still, Ms. Fang never hesitates to defend her viewpoint, and sometimes their exchanges become confrontational.

Actively Seeking Reemployment

In line with their reluctance to take on the role of grandchild care, many of our respondents actively seek reemployment after retirement. Over the course of our fieldwork, “feeling lonely” (觉得孤单) and “having nothing to do” (没事做) are two of the most frequent terms used to describe their feelings about post-retirement life. Some believe that continuing to work in old age will relieve their loneliness and isolation after retirement; some choose to work to make extra money to secure an independent life in their old age.

Mr. Wu is a leading expert of heart disease in China who was once rewarded a national allowance. Now 72 years old, he still provides medical service more than 24 hr a week. His friends sometimes tease him for his “desire to make money.” Mr. Wu smiled while providing every answer. He explained that his motivation is not the money, but recognition as a respected doctor. He also highlighted his patients’ trust, some of whom he had been treating for years. Some patients in despair had come to him because of his good reputation, hoping Mr. Wu could cure them. Inspired by the respect from patients and successful cases, he has maintained a very positive view of aging.

Mr. Wu is not a rare case. Affluent elders in Guangzhou, who have the financial means to support themselves in their later years without the need to work, often choose to accept rehiring primarily driven by the pursuit of personal happiness and self-fulfillment. As we mentioned earlier, elders with limited resources, particularly in rural areas, exclusively rely on providing childcare for their adult children’s family in exchange for financial support, known as intergenerational reciprocity (Cong & Silverstein, 2008; Dong et al., 2012; Wang et al., 2009). In comparison, our respondents chose to get reemployed to relieve adult children’s financial pressure and achieve self-accomplishment rather than caring for grandchildren. In Mr. Wu’s case, instead of taking care of his grandchildren, he regarded reemployment as an effective strategy to maintain his self-worth. In this process, the discourse of active aging also makes people eager to find ways to demonstrate the value of the aged.

However, the motivations for seeking reemployment after retirement vary among individuals with different socioeconomic backgrounds. For elders facing financial constraints, the modest pension and rising living costs in the city create a necessity to pursue additional income. According to the National Bureau of Statistics in 2021, the Consumer Price Index of Guangzhou city witnessed a 2.6% increase throughout 2020. Additionally, the saving gap among Chinese retirees expands by 7% annually (World Economic Forum, 2020), highlighting further economic stratification in post-retirement. Consequently, many urban residents are discovering that their pension savings are inadequate to meet the escalating cost of living, leading to financial constraints for the elderly and hindering their ability to age well economically. Subjected to pervasive ageism, retired blue-collar workers often face significant disadvantages when attempting to reenter the labor market. This ageism has resulted in the construction of negative aging stereotypes, which further marginalize this group of individuals. In this regard, affluent elders are the elders privileged from the usual challenges encountered by elderly job seekers. In the retirement regulations promulgated in 1983, senior experts in science, education, culture, and health were provided with an institutional guarantee to extend their retirement age (The State Council, 1983). After retirement, their age became an advantage, which is positively linked with work experience and social capital and generates a positive return. The situation has been called “the older the better” (越老越吃香), which is particularly common among doctors, teachers, and other occupations. Upon reaching retirement age, elders of this category often continue to work, which means they are successfully able to maintain self-worth in their old age.

As previously mentioned, this study was specifically designed to examine the perception of successful aging among urban middle-class elders. Therefore, our respondents were purposefully selected from this specific category. Indeed, most informants admitted that they were lucky enough to finance themselves independently, but they were also aware of the dilemma faced by friends who could not finance themselves and were striving to retain their jobs. Although we did not directly interview individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, our interlocutors shared relevant cases with which they were familiar. Mr. Lui mentioned that his classmate in Hong Kong drove a taxi at the age of 72 because he needed the income to support the whole family. Mr. Zhang, who used to be a factory worker, expressed his understanding of the fear of retirement for blue-collar workers. With insufficient savings and pensions to support their families, these people find it hard to age well. Mr. Zhang shared the story of his former colleague, who lamented why he was still alive without the money to live. Mr. Zhang then claimed that such people live in uncertainty and pain, so they had to get to work.

As reflected in Mr. Lui’s and Mr. Zhang’s accounts, financial condition imposes a significant impact on the aging experience and results in a great disparity among urban elderly people’s aging experiences with different occupations. Reemployment can be a path for middle-class workers to achieve self-accomplishment in positive aging, or it can be a strategy for low-income groups to struggle with negative events associated with aging. Yet both tendencies have suggested similarity in terms of their perception toward moral obligation—namely, intergenerational support has weakened and prioritizes self-accomplishment over grandchild care.

Expanding Non-relative Network

The important role of social participation in enhancing older adults’ well-being has been discussed in many previous studies on active aging (Cheng et al., 2009; Ellwardt et al., 2017; Heo et al., 2014; Larson et al., 1986). Social activities, especially those with active pursuits (e.g., hobbies, volunteering, sports and fitness, education), have been suggested to have a positive impact on seniors’ psychological well-being (Victorino & Gauthier, 2005). When speaking of their post-retirement life, our informants frequently mentioned the importance of leisure activities. Notably, instead of hanging out with family members, they paid a lot of attention to building their non-kin network.

Although frequently speaking of loneliness, our informants do not turn to family for help. In fact, our interview results suggest that the emotional bonds between old and young generations are not very robust. Even if living in the same city, family gatherings do not frequently happen. Although the relationship with their spouse has become increasingly important for Chinese people (Yan, 2003), the emotional connection between elderly spouses does not appear to be particularly strong. Instead of spending time with their spouses, elders in Guangzhou tend to befriend people they newly meet at social activities.

In contrast to the lack of support from family members and immediate kin, our respondents repeatedly mentioned the importance of their non-kin networks, especially friends of the same age, in boosting their emotional status. Many of our respondents mentioned how important it was to have close friends to navigate from their work to non-work status, especially the initial transition in the early stages of retirement. After retirement, the power and prestige brought by work gradually decline, and the empty-nest life intensifies the negative emotion.

A noteworthy case is Mr. Lui, a 69-year-old retired deputy director of a bureau in Guangzhou with high social status. According to Mr. Lui, he continuously participated in activities held in his former workplace, which allowed him “to extend the prestige after retirement.” But Mr. Lui was hit by waves of powerlessness after he saw young staff achieving career prospects without his advice. It took Mr. Lui quite a while to accept the reality that his prestige would inevitably decline after retirement. Moreover, he lives alone, and family members rarely come to visit, even though they live in the same city. To deal with the loneliness, Mr. Lui turned to his friends in the chorus and took on an active role in the chorus rehearsal.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, China implemented a drastic Zero-COVID strategy that involved social isolation measures such as home quarantine and restricted movement of people, causing psychological strain on isolated people (Z. Peng et al., 2023). To reduce the anxiety they feel when isolated at home, some informants turn to online activities. For instance, Mrs. Ping took the initiative to create a WeChat group, a popular smartphone app in China, where she and her friends discussed strategies for maximizing discounts on various grocery shopping applications. Within a single day, thousands of messages were exchanged in the group chat. Video calls also became a crucial means for maintaining social connections, and Mrs. Ping revealed that she spent most of her time during the lockdown engaging in these calls from home. When we attempted to interview Mrs. Ping in April 2023, we had to reschedule three times due to her busy schedule, filled with visiting friends, dining out, traveling, and participating in interest groups. Throughout the pandemic, Mrs. Ping experienced the loss of friends and relatives but was unable to attend their funerals. Since the end of the lockdown policy in December 2022, she has made it a priority to visit those who have lost loved ones, providing in-person comfort and support. These losses have deepened Mrs. Ping’s appreciation for her social network, inspiring her to become more actively involved in social activities. She now fears falling ill and missing out on these valuable experiences, which drives her to make the most of her time with friends. These experiences highlight how the pandemic has underscored the need for emotional support from non-kin networks due to the unpredictable nature of individual health.

Our observations indicate that active leisure occupies a significant portion of informants’ daily lives, so the interactions with the non-kin network are promoted. Such findings clearly resonate with the empirical studies carried out in other parts of urban China. Cheng and colleagues compared whether family networks or non-kin networks are more supportive when embedded with the dynamics between collectivism and individualism in China (Cheng et al., 2009). Their results indicate that there are few differences in promoting subjective well-being between friend-focused networks and family networks. Moreover, distant kin is even less supportive because of fewer contacts. Leisure activities with friends, especially active leisure participation, contribute more to elders’ well-being than family support (Heo et al., 2014). Older adults develop social networks mainly in recreational groups, such as joining a chorus, doing exercise, and playing mahjong with friends. In addition, they consciously adjust the elderly role they display. They try to resist age stereotypes by being energetic, like speaking in high spirits or laughing. Such behaviors, as explained by Mrs. Ping and her friends, could create a “noisy” atmosphere, and show an energetic, healthy, and cheerful image against those negative labels associated with the elderly people.

Impact of Individualism

Older adults’ active pursuit of self-worth cannot be separated from their ongoing individualization in contemporary Chinese society. After 40 of social and economic reforms, individual Chinese increasingly act as independent subjects and begin to pursue personal interests. Compared with the traditional culture that underscored public ownership and collective responsibility, the purpose of “living your own life” has become a powerful value. Take the domestic sphere as an example. Family in contemporary Chinese society is no longer a homogeneous unit where self-worth and well-being are associated with collective family goals, but a haven where individuals find legitimacy in pursuing their own interests (Yan, 2003). Striving for individual interests has gained more cultural legitimacy and become morally accepted, which has provoked serious challenges to the legitimacy of intergenerational reciprocity. As previously mentioned, filial piety is still fulfilled by younger generations through intergenerational reciprocity but is increasingly combined with the pursuit of self-interest, such as exchanges among social resources, caregiving, and remittance. Not only do young generations want to alleviate the restraint from filial piety, but older people are also starting to pursue their own happiness instead of being devoted to family harmony, as before.

Within this landscape, being acutely aware of the cultural expectation to provide grandchild care, elderly people have begun to feel dissatisfied with a lifestyle characterized by the confinement to the domestic sphere and have queried the rationality of their responsibility for grandchild rearing. They are also prone to prioritizing their own well-being and hope to live a more productive life to achieve self-worth apart from parenting duties. As reflected in our respondents’ accounts, affluent elders in Guangzhou have begun to prioritize personal happiness over the benefit of subsequent generations. In the domestic sphere, few of the elders we interviewed expressed enthusiasm for providing the grandchild care they are expected to practice. Even if they long for affection from subsequent generations, what comes to mind is the weariness, busyness, and conflicts surrounding caregiving practices.

What is more telling is that our elderly respondents frequently emphasized living independently to achieve happiness in old age. The pandemic lockdown resulted in an increase in the amount of time family members spent together, but it also gave rise to new conflicts. In the case of Mrs. Ping, her house was once considered a personal space because her son would leave for work in the morning and return late at night, leaving behind an empty and tranquil environment for her. She could enjoy undisturbed sleep until 8 a.m. However, remote work during the pandemic brought numerous online meetings and calls, generating noise at home that disturbed Mrs. Ping and made her feel as if her personal space was being invaded. Consequently, Ping chose to either temporarily move to her husband’s house or find other places to spend time when her son was attending online meetings. According to a recent study, living without children did not significantly impact the psychological well-being of urban elders, as living independently became a new concern in assessing their quality of life (Wu, 2022). Similarly, rather than viewing family gatherings as a source of happiness, Mrs. Ping believed that having a personal space where she wouldn’t be disturbed was the ideal concept of “home.”

Besides, independence is also revealed from reemployment. Securing a new job after retirement appears to be crucial for older adults to prove their self-worth and gain respect and self-esteem beyond the familial domain. The case of Mr. Wu also suggests that the interpretation of good aging can be understood in ways other than what traditional familism expects, such as by focusing on professional goals. As for social participation, the absence of emotional support within the familial domain is not enough to support elders in the process of adapting to the empty-nesting period and role-shifting. As a result, the non-kin network formed in the entertainment group has become compensation for family involvement.

Structural Factors

Older adults’ pursuit of independence is significantly influenced by the structural strains within economic, social, and cultural transformations. The advent of market economy reforms has fostered individualistic values within the family unit (E. F. Fang et al., 2020). Meanwhile, the implementation of the one-child policy has led to the prevalence of the “4-2-1” family structure in urban areas, wherein four grandparents are available to collectively care for a single grandchild (K. Zhang, 2021, p. 19). Consequently, a phenomenon known as “neo-familism” (Yan, 2018) has emerged, representing a new normative practice that prioritizes the dedication of one’s time and resources for the well-being of grandchildren. This practice necessitates a renegotiation with the cultural tradition of unconditional obedience to familial responsibilities (Hsu & Madsen, 2019).

Elders are put into such situations filled with uncertainties in terms of intergenerational reciprocity and social well-being. As the focus of the family shifts from ancestors to grandchildren (Goh, 2011), there are growing disparities in attitudes and behaviors toward familial obligations across generations. This structural change erodes the authority and esteem of the elderly, who no longer plays a pivotal role in offering guidance to younger generations. No longer under the protection of old traditions, elderly people are frequently labeled as a “burden” who occupy a weak position in terms of health and finances (Angus & Reeve, 2006). It is hard for unconditional obedience from younger to older generations and intergenerational reciprocity driven by filial piety.

Meanwhile, the act of supporting the elderly is restrained by urban living conditions. With the rising cost of living in urban areas, adult children striving in cities have become increasingly anxious about how to support their families in raising children, paying off housing debt, and supporting their aging parents (Hsu & Madsen, 2019). In terms of emotional support, situated in a competitive workplace, adult children often found themselves lacking the necessary time and energy to care for their parents. Instead, their priorities revolve around pursuing career ambitions and earning enough money to support their elderly parents, resulting in a significant decrease in intergenerational interaction. This reduced level of care from adult children also fails to meet the psychological needs of parents, such as seeking comfort and relaxation (Cheng & Chan, 2006). The family’s emotional absence triggers the elderly to expand their non-kin network and stress social participation.

Moreover, the increase in empty nesters, combined with the loneliness associated with early retirement, drives elderly people to adapt to the more limited connection with immediate family members and instead engage in leisure activities, such as fitness, education, and other entertainment (Heo et al., 2014). As reflected in their reluctant perception of caring for their grandchildren and their unwillingness to rely on their adult children’s support, affluent elders now expect to be self-sufficient both emotionally and financially as they get old. When asked to define good aging, nearly all respondents expressed an unwillingness to rely on intergenerational reciprocity and a desire to pursue financial independence out of a fear of being regarded as a burden. Mrs. Ping explained the significance of saving money because she worried that her children would not have sufficient time or money to take care of her.

The perfect relationship is to have enough pension to support myself and to pay for the nursing home without bothering my children. Children are busy making a living, especially those with poor financial conditions. They are under great pressure to pay their mortgage, raise their children, and provide support for their ailing parents. So when getting old, you can’t count on them to support you. This will only increase their burden. And you’d better not bother your children when you’re old. You have to save some money [when you are young]. I don’t want to become a burden. (Mrs. Ping)

As this reflection indicates, the elderly understand that adult children are under great pressure in their career development and childrearing—a situation they themselves never experienced at an early age. Yet sufficient financial savings and a solid non-kin support network jointly guarantee a possibility of good aging. The case of Mrs. Ping reveals a pattern of maintaining an amiable family relationship without fulfilling the mutual obligation of filial piety, from which independence and individual happiness can be attained. Pension saving and non-kin networks become the substitution for financial and emotional support. Nevertheless, even with the exploration of alternative arrangements, there persists an underlying expectation for adult children to offer emotional care for their aging parents. This expectation stems from the continuation of the Confucian doctrine of filial piety, and fulfilling it is linked to the happiness and pride of both the elderly parents (Wang et al., 2009) and their children (L. He & van Heugten, 2020). Recent ethnographic research conducted in various Chinese cities on the anxiety of fulfilling filial piety among young adults has revealed that some individuals “felt bad if their parents were unhappy” (Hsu & Madsen, 2019, p. 43). The term “unhappy” implies that their parents were dissatisfied with their children’s perceived failure to fulfill the obligatory duty of filial piety. Consequently, many young adults find themselves in a challenging predicament, torn between pursuing their career ambitions and fulfilling their parental caregiving responsibilities.

To achieve self-reliance, older adults are mainly concerned with two factors. The first factor is financial independence, which directly affects elderly people’s status in the family. Elders’ economic vulnerability often leads to a reliance on adult children and correspondingly a sense of powerlessness in their old age. But financial self-reliance can provide a sense of security and maintain the family status for the elderly. It can also relieve adult children’s pressure from offering support. The second factor is multiple social support networks, especially non-kin networks, such as amateur groups. In the case of Mr. Lui, the former administrative staff found it difficult to adapt to retirement, and he began to actively participate in choir gatherings, which provided him with comfort and helped him maintain an energetic, healthy, and cheerful image. In this process, middle-class elders form an effective substitute network for emotional support. Yet social networks cannot completely replace emotional support from the family, where filial piety is still expected to be practiced. Emotional support, mainly comfort and respect, has gained priority in the expectation of filial piety in addition to tangible support. Therefore, amicable intergenerational relationships still play a salient role in aging well.

More importantly, our ethnographic accounts suggest that a new elderhood has begun to emerge in this process. When elderly individuals find it hard to meet the expectation of intergenerational reciprocity, they are forced to construct a strategy for good aging—namely, “self-reliant elders.” They have increasingly stayed away from the expectation of caring for their grandchildren and instead proved their self-worth in various ways while forming their own social networks.

It presents the possibility to age well without counting on intergenerational reciprocity. Pension, social networks, and elderly care facilities are allocated for the elderly welfare, acting as possible alternatives of compensation for the absence of family support and helping address the erosion of filial piety and its obligations in an individualized society. Admittedly, families continue to play a significant role in the provision of elderly care, given the limited health resources and insufficient elderly facilities for long-term care (Li & Otani, 2018). Individuals are driven by individualism in the pursuit of self-worth while being embedded in institutional restraints. In this sense, urban elders usually occupy more resources and enjoy more financial independence, which makes it possible to explore unique aging experiences. Departing from the intergenerational reciprocity, respondents in this study show their uncertainty toward this exchange. Such reciprocity has increasingly become less essential for the aging experience of the urban middle class. The self-reliant elder (省心老人) is constructed by urban elders’ active exploration of the aging experience using the advantaged resources they possess, from which they attempt to undermine the moral obligation of grandchild care.

Admittedly, although independence is stressed, they long for the emotional support of their family and hope to retain contact. Where individuals stand between the nation and the market, the family becomes the only source of protection and belongingness (Yan, 2018). Thus, intergenerational intimacy is highly cherished, even if elderly people claim they are self-reliant in psychological comfort by exploring a non-kin network. Elderly people who claim to be independent have encountered dilemmas in elderhood practice and intergenerational relationships. In this sense, the intergenerational support in cities is driven less by moral obligation and is instead prone to rely on emotional bonds.

Theoretical Implications

In addition to offering a detailed account of the changing understanding of good aging among China’s urban middle-class elders—a demographic group that has yet to be studied in existing scholarly work—this study further engages in contemporary discussions about the complex meaning of good aging in culturally and historically specific contexts.

First, this study reveals a new type of elderhood that just started to emerge in China. Previous literature has shown that, rooted in filial piety, the ideal image of elderhood in Chinese society places high value on grandparents taking care of grandchildren to engage in intergenerational reciprocity and obtain psychological and economic well-being (Chang et al., 2020; Cong & Silverstein, 2008; Hoang & Kirby, 2020; Ikels, 2004; Low & Goh, 2015; Whyte, 1997). In contrast, the “self-reliant elders” underlines an emerging trend of departing from this cultural normative practice. On the one hand, middle-class elderly people increasingly show reluctance to rely on exchanging adult children’s support through providing childcare. Self-interest and self-reliance become the new core in the explanation of good aging. This new pursuit can be realized through fruitful social resources in urban cities, such as pensions, re-employed chances, and elderly-based leisure activities, which serve as possible alternatives to family support. On the other hand, elderly people still value maintaining amicable intergenerational relationships, cherishing the chances of family gatherings and online communication to cultivate family intimacy. In this sense, the impact of filial piety regarding valuing family harmony continues. The outbreak of COVID-19 and the implementation of home isolation policies have had a profound impact on the pursuit of self-interest and family harmony. These circumstances have led to an increased demand for independent living as a result of family conflicts, as well as a strong desire to maintain social connections and family intimacy due to the fear of illness and the potential inability to engage in enjoyable activities.

Second, at a broader level, an ethnographic examination of China’s “self-reliant elders” provides a particularly rich site for the discussion about good aging and intergeneration reciprocity in culturally and historically specific contexts. The aging population has been increasing significantly worldwide, underscoring the need for global attention on how to age well (O’Reilly & Caro, 1995; Rowe & Kahn, 1987; WHO, 2020). Recent discussion has increasingly shifted toward exploring the relational dimension of good aging within sociocultural contexts beyond Western countries (Angus & Reeve, 2006; Conkova & Lindenberg, 2020; Hagestad & Settersten, 2017; Lamb, 2019; Stowe & Cooney, 2015). The ethnographic accounts of this study suggest that older adults’ understanding of good aging has seen a complicated relation to intergenerational reciprocity amidst China’s sociocultural and economic transformations. It is safe to suggest that the understanding of good aging among urban elders, which was previously underpinned by intergenerational reciprocity as a cultural-moral practice of filial piety, is now shifting towards a heightened emphasis on pursuing self-interest and cultivating family intimacy.

Empirical Implications

The findings provide practical implications for policymakers in addressing the emerging trend of self-reliant elderhood. First, policymakers should acknowledge the reluctance of grandparents to assume childcare responsibilities and instead focus on supporting young parents. This can be achieved through the implementation of family-friendly policies, such as extending maternity leave, providing childcare subsidies, and expanding public childcare facilities like nurseries and after-school care services. These measures would reduce the dependency on grandparental care for young parents while allowing grandparents to have more leisure time to pursue their personal interests.

Second, considering the aspirations of elderly individuals for re-employment, it is imperative to implement schemes and regulations that raise the retirement age, expand opportunities for re-employment, incorporate anti-ageism measures into legal systems, and safeguard the rights of older employees in the labor market. By establishing an environment that values the employment aspirations of older adults, policymakers can alleviate fiscal burdens on social security at a macro level while fulfilling the individual’s desire for self-esteem and purpose through sustained employment.

Third, our research findings underscore the significance of active social participation among elderly individuals, emphasizing the importance of enhancing recreational opportunities for this demographic. Collaborative efforts between the public and private sectors can be undertaken to develop projects in the field of elderly education. This could involve establishing universities specifically tailored for older adults, offering a range of courses, as well as organizing workshops and creating learning groups within the community. Such initiatives would not only provide valuable information but also serve as platforms for elderly individuals to expand their social networks and explore new interests.

By implementing these practical measures, policymakers can effectively support the trend of self-reliant elderhood in China. As the country grapples with the significant challenges posed by an aging population, it is essential to understand and embrace the evolving needs of elderly support during this period of social transformation. This includes prioritizing independence and the pursuit of self-interest among older adults. By acknowledging and addressing these needs in policymaking, there is the potential to enhance the psychological well-being and overall quality of life for elderly individuals, while also fostering harmonious intergenerational relations. Over time, these efforts can establish a solid political and social foundation for a positive aging experience and create an environment conducive to older adults’ well-being.

Limitation

There are several limitations that should be acknowledged in this study. Firstly, the analysis is based on a small sample size. The research focuses on urban affluent elders’ understanding of grandparental childrearing, a demographic group that has received limited attention in existing scholarly discussions. Previous studies have primarily focused on elderly individuals in socio-economically vulnerable families or general nationwide samples. By utilizing qualitative methods, including fieldwork and in-depth interviews, we aimed to provide context-specific insights and fill this gap in the literature. To gain a deeper understanding of this emerging trend, it is important to conduct follow-up studies with larger sample sizes that encompass similar socioeconomic backgrounds in China’s other major cities. This would allow for a more comprehensive examination of the experiences and perspectives of urban affluent elders in different contexts, contributing to a more nuanced understanding of self-reliant elderhood. By expanding the scope of research to include a broader range of participants, we can enhance the generalizability of findings and capture a more representative picture of the trend across various urban settings in China.

Secondly, the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdown posed a challenge to our research. After completing the first-round fieldwork in 2020, we were unable to conduct in-person interviews or observe the informants’ everyday lives due to the lockdown. Nevertheless, we maintained communication with the informants through social media to stay updated on their experiences. Once the lockdown restrictions eased, the second-round fieldwork was conducted in 2023, allowing us to capture the challenges posed by the pandemic in maintaining the self-reliance of the elderly. As the impacts of the pandemic continue, further observation is warranted in the future.

Thirdly, it is important to note that we did not examine elderly individuals from other demographic backgrounds, such as those living in rural areas, skipped-generation families, or those experiencing widowhood. Our study specifically focused on elderly individuals with good health, cognitive abilities, financial stability, and marital conditions. Their emphasis on self-reliance is influenced by a combination of traditional cultural norms, ongoing social changes, and individual-level attributes. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the prevalence of this “self-reliant” shift in good aging, future studies should include diverse demographic groups.