“A Privilege and a Weapon”: Saudi Undergraduate Students’ Beliefs About Bilingualism

Language Learners’ Beliefs

Language beliefs constitute an important construct in language-learning research. Wenden (1999) identified three types of linguistic knowledge:

Thus, constituting part of the general language learner’s knowledge of language learning, learners’ beliefs embody a crucial motivating factor that can play a vital role in L2 learning (among other important individual difference factors). There are three lines of research or approaches to exploring learners’ beliefs: normative, metacognitive, and contextual (Barcelos, 2003; Ellis, 2008). Ellis (2008) added a fourth approach, namely, metaphor analysis. Each of these approaches takes a unique view of the nature of learners’ beliefs and their relationship to language proficiency development and consequently employs a different research methodology to explore them.

Researchers adopting a normative approach tend to use Likert-scale questionnaires to elicit language learners’ beliefs. For example, Horwitz (1985) developed a well-known survey: the Beliefs About Language Learning Inventory (BALLI). Within the metacognitive framework, researchers (e.g., Wenden, 2001) have gathered data through semi-structured interviews to examine learners’ beliefs, which are viewed as learners’ theories or knowledge of language learning. Accordingly, investigating beliefs within the metacognitive framework enhances learners’ awareness of the language learning process as well as the factors involved. The contextual approach entails diverse means of data collection such as diaries, interviews, narratives, focus groups, and observations (e.g., Kalaja, 2019; Kalaja et al., 2018). Studies adopting this approach tend to be qualitative in nature and consider the importance of context and learners’ lived experiences in exploring language beliefs. The fourth approach uses metaphor analysis to indirectly elicit learners’ beliefs by analyzing the metaphorical statements that learners form about language learning (Ellis, 2008).

Studies of language learners’ beliefs have identified and grouped beliefs in different ways. For example, Cotterall (1995) used a questionnaire about beliefs to gather data. Participants were asked to state whether they agreed with certain statements. Six dimensions of belief were identified based on the participants’ responses: the role of the teacher, the role of feedback, and the learner’s independence, confidence in his/her ability to study, experiences with language learning, and approach to studying. Benson and Lor (1999) collected data from a series of interviews and identified 14 discrete learning beliefs, which they then classified into three major groups: motivation, work, and methods. Similarly, Mori (1999) investigated language learners’ beliefs about their learning in general and specifically regarding language learning. In this study, three broad themes related to language learning were identified: the perception of difficulty, the effectiveness of strategies for language learning, and reliance on one’s L1. Horwitz (1999) examined the BALLI responses of several language learners. The participants were of different nationalities, including American, Turkish, and Korean. Horwitz identified several differences in belief between and among the various learning groups as well as within the same groups. More recently, Garrity et al. (2018) surveyed the beliefs of prospective students who aimed to become teachers and found that the majority of the respondents had favorable beliefs about dual-language development and bilingualism.

Studies analyzing beliefs about bi- and multilingualism cover a wide range of areas, including bilingualism and code-switching behavior (e.g., Aljasir, 2020; Dewaele & Wei, 2014), bilingualism and identity (e.g., Bailey et al., 2023; Benzehaf, 2023; Calafato, 2022a), and the benefits of bilingualism (e.g., Bensalem & Thompson, 2022; Butvilofsky & Gumina, 2020; Haukås et al., 2022). Code-switching (CS) refers to “the use of two language varieties in the same conversation” (Myers-Scotton, 2006, p. 161). Research on language use behavior among bi-/multilingual speakers indicates that code-switching is common despite varying attitudes toward this phenomenon (Dewaele & Wei, 2014). Aljasir (2020) explored the nature of CS among Saudi bilinguals and identified a number of factors that influence CS and its frequency, including emotional state of the speaker, type of interlocutor, speaker’s knowledge of English, interactional settings, and individual/demographic variables (e.g., gender, educational attainment, and employment status). Calafato (2022a) investigated the multilingual identity of 10 language teachers in United Arab Emirates, how they approach multilingualism and their teaching practices in their classrooms. Most teachers (90%) acknowledged the value of multilingual pedagogy and implemented it to varying degrees with their students. Multilingual pedagogical practices (e.g., translanguaging and cross-linguistic comparisons of grammar) have been found to enhance students’ awareness of language diversity and develop their multilingual competence (Calafato, 2022a; de Figueiredo, 2011). In this connection, research has documented the benefits of being bilingual in relation to learning languages (Hirosh & Degani, 2018). Positive beliefs about the benefits of multilingualism may promote individuals’ motivation for language learning.

However, only a limited number of empirical studies have explored students’ beliefs about multilingual benefits. Wei et al. (2019), for example, investigated Chinese university students’ beliefs about multilingualism and reported very positive beliefs about potential benefits of multilingualism among the participants. The overall mean score was 4.52 based on 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Items concerning the importance of multilingualism (M = 4.84) and its potential benefits in finding a good job (M = 4.71), learning more knowledge (M = 4.66), and getting a job promotion (M = 4.5) received the highest mean scores. The high mean scores of these items reflect the participants’ positive beliefs regarding the benefits of multilingualism.

Likewise, Haukås et al.’s (2022) survey of 593 secondary school students in Norway examined students’ beliefs concerning the benefits of multilingualism. Students’ beliefs regarding the benefits of multilingualism were measured by eight 5-point Likert-scale items. The highest mean scores were reported for belief items related to potential multilingual benefits in seeing things in different ways (M = 3.57), facilitating the learning of a new language (M = 3.72), and allowing for better understanding of the languages a person knows (M = 3.47). The mean score for the composite variable of multilingualism benefits was 3.11, significantly lower than that reported in Wei et al.’s (2019) study. This underscores the importance of considering context and individual learner variables when analyzing beliefs about multilingualism. As noted by Haukås et al. (2022), university students, who were the focus of Wei et al.’s (2019) research, often choose to study languages voluntarily, which may result in significantly different beliefs about the benefits of multilingualism compared to students in compulsory education settings. More recently, in their study on the impact of multilingualism on undergraduate students’ academic achievement, Calafato and Simmonds (2023) observed that their more multilingual participants tended to prefer concrete (or real-world) experiences as a language learning strategy. The researchers also found that more proficient multilingual learners appeared to be more effective strategy users that those multilingual individuals who were less proficient.

Some generalizations can be made regarding research findings on language beliefs. First, as already noted, there is no consensus on the definition of “language beliefs.” This term refers to the perceptions, attitudes, and mental knowledge of language learning (Pettit, 2011). In the current study, I employed this term to encompass these different aspects and their relatedness to students’ linguistic lives as well as bilingualism. Second, studies on language learners’ beliefs (e.g., Benson & Lor, 1999) assert that the identification of beliefs can help teachers make more appropriate decisions about their teaching methods; that is, they could plan effective language instruction, adapt suitable pedagogical approaches, and create learning opportunities that better suit their students’ beliefs and needs. However, variations in learners’ beliefs (even within the same group of learners) make it difficult to generalize such findings because there is no single method that suits all language learners’ needs or all learning and teaching contexts. Nevertheless, investigating learners’ beliefs can raise awareness among students and foster their autonomy to adopt more effective learning strategies to maximize their input and increase their levels of bilingual proficiency. Finally, learners’ beliefs vary according to a wide range of variables and individual differences (e.g., age, stage of learning, cultural differences). Such diversity reflects “the complexity of the structure of beliefs about language learning” (Mori, 1999, p. 381).

This article contributes to broader research on bilingualism in different contexts that reveal how bilingual youths interpret, make meanings about their linguistic repertoire, and construct their language beliefs concerning the benefits of bilingualism. The following section details the methodological framework, participants, and research methods.

Participants

In line with previous research findings on language learners’ beliefs and their pivotal role in influencing patterns of language choice and language learning, the researcher decided to explore the lived experiences and beliefs of bilingual students at a Saudi university. A group of students majoring in English at a public university in Saudi Arabia were sent an email invitation to participate in an interview regarding their language related experiences and beliefs about bilingualism. Fifteen students (response rate 30%) agreed to be interviewed. These students were enrolled in a 4-year English-language Bachelor’s program. They were aged 20–22 (mean age: 21.35 years) and had received all of their schooling in Saudi Arabia. The students were all male, spoke Arabic as their L1, and were in their second year of university. Students choosing this specialization typically pursue teaching careers in general school education. Other possible job opportunities include Arabic-English translation/interpretation as well as relevant opportunities in the private sector. The language of instruction in their department was English, but they had to take Arabic and Islamic studies as core university courses in their first year. Prior to entering the university, all students had completed 12 years of general education, during which Arabic was the language of instruction, while English was taught starting in the fourth grade. The students were invited to participate in the second semester of academic year 2022. They were informed that their participation was voluntary and that it would not affect any aspects of their studies.

Data Collection

I attempted to explore learners’ language learning experiences on which their language beliefs and practices are based. Oral interviews and focus group discussions are broadly used as elicitation procedures to create field texts. As pointed out by Benson and Lor (1999, p. 460), “the typical research strategy when exploring learners’ beliefs is to talk to students about language learning in interviews or focus groups and to analyze what they say.” In this study, the data comprised 18 to 30 min of 15 audio-recorded, face-to-face interviews. The interviews were semi-structured in format, and participants were asked to respond to focused questions about their beliefs and experiences regarding language learning and bilingualism. I encouraged them to use a language with which they felt comfortable. Additionally, code-switching between English and Arabic occurred freely in almost all the interviews. As pointed out by Calafato (2022b, p. 23), the use of multiple languages when engaging with multilingual participants “could lead to a more exact and faithful understanding of the participants and their language use.” The interview topics covered the following areas:

I asked the participants to reflect on their experiences and beliefs when answering the questions. Additionally, a focus group discussion was held at the university for approximately 40 min with six participants to shed light on issues that emerged from the interview data.

Data Analysis

Qualitative data analysis involves a process of data coding which refers to “the operation by which data are broken down, conceptualized, and put back together in new ways” (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 57). Data coding represents a kind of content analysis that uses multiple rounds of data coding in order to generate a set of codes, categories and patterns that illuminate the participants’ lived experiences and beliefs about their bilingualism. Thus, following data coding procedures of qualitative research studies (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018), I carefully and repeatedly read and examined the interview and focus group transcripts to generate a set of initial codes. During the next round of coding (i.e., pattern coding), these codes were checked and collated into a number of categories and themes that are most relevant to the focus of the study. These themes will be used as the basis for the analysis and discussion in this paper. Here, I focus primarily on the qualitative descriptions of how students reflected on their language-related experiences of being bilingual to construct their beliefs about bilingualism. I used the analytic inductive method because it allows for the identification of frequently occurring themes based on the data (Davis, 1995). To establish the validity of the analysis, I used illustrative quotations from the interviews as “representative examples of general assertions” (Davis, 1995, p. 447). Pseudonyms are used for the participants to guarantee anonymity.

“A Privilege and a Weapon”

A common belief shared by all the students is that being bilingual is a privilege. The students stressed the importance of being bilingual in Arabic and English and said they felt privileged to be able to speak these two languages, which have positively impacted their lives. For example, Ali stated that being bilingual is “a privilege and a weapon that I can use at any time. It really helps me with a lot of things and different aspects of my life. So, it’s a great thing in my life; praise be to Allah.” In addition to referring to bilingualism as a privilege, Ali described it as a weapon to position himself as an agent empowered by his bilingual language repertoire, which he could use to access greater resources and communicate effectively with a broader community of people.

The power of bilingualism was a recurrent theme that the students mentioned when referring to the benefits of being bilingual, as it provides them with the opportunity to access a variety of resources and knowledge, enhances their communicative abilities and social contact, and promotes their understanding of other cultures. For example, Badr said, “Being bilingual gives you power. Yes, power: That’s the word I would choose.” Hani explained that bilingualism provides him with a feeling of being liberated and socially connected due to the role of English as a global lingua franca:

I feel so liberated because I am never afraid of being misunderstood in a way you know. If I am speaking Arabic to someone who does not seem to understand what I say, I can switch to English. These two languages, particularly English, are widely used. Because anyone who does not speak your language, whatever it is, you can switch to English because it is more likely that they can understand and speak a bit of English. At least, they can understand you, or at least you can hold a basic conversation.

I asked the students which words they would choose to describe their feelings about being bilingual. Proud was the most frequently used adjective. Other words included blessed, liberated, empowered, grateful, and confident. This finding on the power of bilingualism reflects the research findings on the perceptions of bilingual learners who tend to view their bilingualism as “an asset that provides them with various forms of capital” (Butvilofsky & Gumina, 2020).

“Lots and Lots of Benefits”

Students’ comments on the benefits they have experienced from being bilingual mirror some of the findings in bilingualism research (see Wei et al., 2019). When asked about their thoughts on the benefits of bilingualism, the students articulated several benefits, including communication with a broader community of people, cognitive and social advantages, enhanced intercultural knowledge and awareness, making new friends, facilitating the learning of new languages, and making travel easier. Regarding this, Saleh said: “It really makes life easier in different ways. If I need to speak, I have two options: If I need it, I can code-switch, make new friends, and really help [myself] in different aspects of my life.” This can also be seen in the following quote from the interview with Bassem:

This approach offers numerous advantages. I am sure you cannot [count them all]. When you learn a language, you always find the use of that language. For example, you can speak to more people, which is the most obvious benefit. You can understand them, for example, if they try to trick you while traveling.

Many students stressed that bilingualism facilitates additional language learning and promotes metalinguistic awareness. For example, Mohammed, who started learning Russian as a third language, pointed out that being bilingual “feels good and helps you to learn even other languages in the future.” Similarly, Hassan made the following observation about his increased level of metalinguistic awareness as a bilingual speaker, which enables him to compare the structures of his two languages: “You are more cultured when you are bilingual and more aware of the structure of the language [with a capital L]. I mean you become more able to compare [the two] languages and when you are able to compare [them], then you are learning grammar.”

Bilingualism among these students seems to have boosted their motivation and willingness to learn new languages. This emerged more clearly when the students described their future self-image as multilingual. This finding aligns with prior studies on learners’ beliefs regarding the benefits of bilingualism (see Bailey et al., 2023; Haukås et al., 2022; Wei et al., 2019). Bailey et al. (2023), for example, found “increased ease of learning new languages” and “better understanding of existing languages” to be the highest-scored items related to the benefits of multilingualism. In the present study, learning new languages was a future goal for five students (33.4%). The students saw themselves as being multilingual in the future. The languages mentioned by the students included Russian, Spanish, French, and Italian. Hani, for example, shared his future language plan: “I want to learn another language, Russian in particular because Russian is a beautiful language. I’ve heard it spoken. It is not that useful [of a] language to be honest, but it is beautiful when spoken.”

Bassem, who plans to learn Spanish as a third language, appeared more strategic in his language planning as he expressed concerns about finding a way for Spanish to fit into his current functional linguistic repertoire. He suggested the domain of his future job as a possible usage context for Spanish so that it could compete with his use of Arabic and English:

I plan to learn Spanish; however, the problem with languages and learning new languages is that domains are needed to keep them going. My current problem is that I do not have a Spanish domain. [Hopefully] I [will] find a way to fit there. Perhaps I can work as a translator.

Yosef made the following observations about how the bilingual brain works and how being bilingual enhances his cognitive skills:

This approach has several advantages. In management, the way your brain works is different from that of someone who is monolingual. Because each language has its own domains, much management takes place in the brain, which can improve thinking ability.

At the family level, some students reported interpreting for their families. For example, Umar prided himself in his role as the family language interpreter:

[I am proud] because since I have learned English, I have become the one whom my family and friends can rely on if they need someone to help with translation. For example, last week, there was a power outage in my area, and the technicians sent by the electricity company were all non-Arabic speakers, so I helped my father communicate with the technicians and understand the actual problem.

The role of bilingual children and youths as interpreters and translators (or language brokers) has been well-documented in the literature (see Baker & Wright, 2021; Myers-Scotton, 2006). This role has been reported to bring about gains in self-esteem as it can attract parental praise and consequently improve one’s status within the family (Baker & Wright, 2021).

“English Is an Online Language”

To explore the patterns of bilingual language use, I asked the students to comment on their language use in different domains and the functions they attribute to each language. While Arabic was reported as being spoken in the home and community and used as a religious language, English seemed to dominate the entertainment and online domains. Other domains of English have also been reported to be used, including at universities and among non-Arabic-speaking workers at restaurants, shops, and hospitals. Talal, for example, pointed out that “Arabic is my daily language of communication. English, I would say at university, which is the main domain where I primarily use the language. Most hospital [staff] do not speak Arabic, so it is good to interact with them and help my family members.”

Hamad indicated that while he uses Arabic to interact with family members and the local community, English is his preferred language for electronic media, a view shared by almost all of the participants: “For Arabic, it is [for using with my] family, [to practice my religion], and [for communicating] with the local community. Users of English include university students, and most entertainment—such as Netflix movies, YouTube videos, and games—is in English. When I try to learn something through the Internet, I always search in English.” Anwar agreed and explained why English is mostly an online language:

…English is primarily an online language. I do a decent amount of online stuff. I barely surf the internet in Arabic. I talk to people online in English. This is the main function [of using English], like playing games and learning new things. English is the dominant online language. When looking for something on the Internet, you find better and more up-to-date tutorials in English than in Arabic. I suppose that English has taken over Arabic when using the Internet and social media.

Clearly, English emerged as the students’ dominant language online. This finding supports the students’ previous comments regarding the perceived benefits of bilingualism, as it provides wider access to information (Wei et al., 2019). For them, bilingualism offers a path to greater possibilities in their lives (Butvilofsky & Gumina, 2020). As discussed above, one of these possibilities is related to increased access to information due to the popularity of the English language for web content.

“I Do Code-Switch”

During the course of the current study, nine students reported CS for diverse reasons. They also commented on the reactions of their interlocutors towards their code-switching. For example, Mohammed pointed out that he code-switches when he does not know a word in one of his languages:

I sometimes code-switch. It’s like when I speak Arabic and there is a certain word that I do not know, I code-switch to English if I know that word in English, and vice versa. I think it is acceptable to code-switch when you know two languages, and code-switching is helpful.

Some of the students found that their sometimes unintentional CS was seen as quite shameful around monolingual speakers who might regard it as showing off, as expressed in the following quote from Ali’s interview:

I try not to code-switch a lot, [but I do sometimes]. Personally, I do not think it is a bad thing because I cannot control it. It kind of happens…but sometimes it is embarrassing when you are around people who do not speak the language, as they think that you are trying to show off, as you could say. However, I do not see this as a problem, especially for bilinguals who speak English.

Badr reported a similar CS experience:

I do [code-switch], and sometimes when I switch to English, I feel a bit embarrassed because I’m scared of people perceiving it as me “flexing” my English skills when I just couldn’t find the Arabic word in my lexicon, and I automatically replace it with an English word.

Therefore, some students reported trying to avoid CS while communicating with monolingual speakers. They noted that they most commonly code-switch when interacting with bilingual colleagues, especially at the university. As explained by Yosef: “Only with friends who speak English and know that I speak it, but not with those who don’t, as I think it’s disrespectful to do so. I do not code-switch subconsciously.” One of the participants, Hamad, indicated that he code-switches to express his identity as an educated person: “I code-switch sometimes. I do it to reflect on my knowledge so that I appear more knowledgeable, but I can tell that others do not like it. I do not know why.” Hani noticed that his CS increased as he became more sociable and extroverted:

I was not someone who code-switched regularly, but I think I started to code-switch when I became more extroverted when I started to say things without thinking about them extensively. Without actually thinking about them…I was a bit introverted; I used to think about every single word I wanted to say. I would have a full sentence in my head before I had [planned] to say it and in which language I would say it. I think before I used to think extensively, but nowadays I think just enough. You know, I do not overthink what I want to say, but code-switching happens a lot.

This finding on the influence of an observed change in personality on CS behavior is supported by the results of Dewaele and Wei (2014), whose results imply that extroverts code-switch more often than introverts. Finally, Talal was the only student who seemed to have a very negative belief about code-switching and thus prefers to keep his two languages separate. He indicated that he does not code-switch because it is “rude.” For him, only one language should be used during a conversation: “I don’t code switch because that’s rude. When you are speaking in English, use English; when you are speaking in Arabic, use Arabic.” Clearly, findings on students’ CS behavior as well as the reasons behind their CS resonated with previous findings (e.g., Aljasir, 2020). For example, students’ CS appeared to be influenced by such factors as type of interlocutor, interactional settings, and their English knowledge.

“Arabic Is More Beautiful; English Is More Useful”

I asked the participants to comment on the beauty and usefulness of the two languages. Fourteen of them thought Arabic to be more beautiful, whereas English was seen as more useful. The students appeared aware of the diglossic situation of Arabic, as demonstrated by the coexistence of the standard (Fusha) and colloquial (Ammiyyah) varieties. They stressed the aesthetic aspects of Standard Arabic, which represents the high variety used in formal domains such as religion and poetry. For example, Hani said:

I would say Arabic is more beautiful, and English is more useful. Arabic, especially Fusha, is more beautiful because it’s seen more in the field of religion, poetry, and literature. English is more useful because it is used more often in international communication.

Speakers of diglossic languages tend to hold more positive views of the high variety than the low one (Ferguson, 1959). It is not surprising that Arabic speakers tend to hold more positive attitudes toward the standard variety of Arabic than their non-standard spoken varieties due to the prestigious position of the standard in Arabic classic diglossic contexts (for an overview of diglossia in Arabic, see Alsahafi, 2016). Another student, Talal, related the beauty of Arabic to his ethnoreligious identity, while he attributed the usefulness of English to its wider use in numerous domains:

Arabic is beautiful because of the religious aspects of the language and how it relates to my identity. In terms of usefulness, English wins. It is simply a fact that English dominates the scene in education, science, technology, and even the entertainment sector.

Only one participant, Hamad, stated that although he likes Arabic, he finds English more beautiful and useful: “I like Arabic, but I prefer English because I think English is easier while Arabic is more complicated, especially formal Arabic, such as reading and writing.”

Being Bilingual “Helps Me See the World in a New Way”

As has been widely reported (see Benzehaf, 2023), there is a link between the development of bilingualism and an individual’s self-perception and identity construction. In this regard, the languages of bilingual speakers represent major linguistic resources available for indexing their respective identities. Distinct aspects of their identities can be emphasized at different times using different language codes. The link between Arabic and students’ ethnoreligious identities has already been discussed. Analysis of the data showed that all students explicitly self-identified as bilingual based on their perceived linguistic repertoire and their daily bilingual practices. Self-identification seems to have had an empowering effect that influenced their beliefs about bi-/multilingualism. For example, as previously stated, students’ positive beliefs about the benefits of being bilingual seem to have driven them to learn about new languages and other cultures. Badr, for example, said, “Being bilingual helped me to [become] a fast learner of other languages and made me really interested in the study of languages and learning about other cultures.”

Many students shared that being bilingual has broadened their understanding of the world as it has given them insight into other cultures and offered new ways of thinking. Ali said:

I think it [bilingualism] gave me a wider view of the world and how to think and what to think about different aspects of life that I would never have thought about if I did not learn English. This has helped me appreciate and understand other cultures. You know, I get to watch more videos, news, and movies, and by being bilingual, I get more experiences of the world and [I understand] what is happening to me.

Yosef, among other students, stated that as a bilingual person, he is exposed to two cultures, which has influenced his way of thinking and understanding: “I can think in English or in Arabic according to the kinds of ideas that come into my mind. I can also understand the two cultures.” Similarly, Mohammed said that bilingualism made him more knowledgeable about “stuff that goes on in other countries…it has added or developed some aspects of my identity, like I can now have access to English media and better understand the world.” Taking a more general view, Bilal said that bilingualism helped him to acquire “a new way of seeing the world.” These results are consistent with survey studies reviewed above (e.g., Haukås et al., 2022; Wei et al., 2019), which found that most positive student beliefs were related to the positive role of multilingualism in learning new languages and seeing things in different ways.

However, these young bilinguals did not seem to self-define themselves as bicultural, possibly because they live in Saudi Arabia where English is spoken as a foreign language. In his interview, Umar explicitly raised some of the important issues related to his identity as bilingual rather than bicultural, a view shared by other participants:

English has no significant effect on my identity. I mean, I do not want to get into it; you see so many people get into more of the English, or the English culture more than the language, and they dive too deep to the point of no return. But to me, it is nothing but a language and a skill that I use in my everyday life…because I learned it here in Saudi Arabia. Maybe if I [had] learned it abroad, like in the US or the UK, it would have influenced me differently, but I guess I will never know.

Because the Internet is dominated by English-language content, Hani talked about the effect of online exposure to English media that he had experienced, particularly during his teenage years:

Most of the world speaks English, especially on the internet. Those who speak English outnumber those who speak Arabic. I really find myself influenced more by English media. I used to think—especially during my teenage years—I used to think that Westernized societies are amazing societies, and you should learn from them a lot. Nowadays, I realize that that was wrong.

In sum, the students’ comments show their awareness of their verbal repertoire, which led them to self-identify as bilinguals. Each of their languages—Arabic (both standard/literary and non-standard/colloquial) and English—seems to reflect different aspects of their identities such as region, ethnicity, religion, knowledge, and education level. Empowered by their apparently expanding linguistic repertoires, these students seem to engage in a continuous process of identity formation in their local and global contexts.